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PRINCETON.  N.  J. 


■  Part  of  tlie  ® 

AODISON  ALEXANDER  LIBRARY,  ^ 

whidi  was  presented  by  || 

.     Mkisks.  H.  L.  and  a.  SiirART.  W 


«  S/i(ff\  iecion. 

I 


Hi  to  I:,  h!o. 


1858 


tAy,  cActdU^>^  <UI^<LJ^<  a 


v/e/^r.  /6.  //r} , 


^  *       >  .  ;     r 


^   ) 


COMMENTARY 


ORIGINAL  TEXT 


OF    THE 


ACTS   OF   THE   APOSTLES 


B  Y 


HORATIO  B.HACKETT,  D.  D. 

PROFESSOR    OF    BIBLICAL    LITERATURE    IN    NEWTON 
THEOLOGICAL     INSTITUTION. 


A  NEW  EDITION, 

REVISED    AND    GREATLY    ENLARGED. 


B  O  S  T  O  ISr : 

GOULD      AND      LINCOLN 

59     WASHINGTON      STREET. 

NEW   YORK:    SHELDON,  BLAKE  MAN   &    CO. 

CINCINNATI :    GEORGE   S.  BLANCUARD. 

1858. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1858,  by 

GOULD    AND    LINCOLN, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


Secreotypoa  and  Printed  by 
W.   K     liHAPER,   ANDOVEU,   MASS. 


THE    AUTHOR 

T  O 

AUGUSTUS  THOLUCK.  D.  D.. 

WHOSE    WRITINGS    IN    ILLUSTRATION    OF    THE    SACRED   WORD,    AND    AVIIOSE 

PERSONAL    INSTRUCTIONS,  HAVE    CAUSED    HIS    INFLUENCE    TO    BE 

FELT    AND     HIS     NAME     TO     BE     HONORED     IN    FOREIGN 

COUNTRIES  AS  WELL  AS   HIS   OWN. 


PREFACE 


FIRST     EDITION. 


It  has  been  the  writer's  endeavor  to  present  to  the  reader 
in  this  volume  the  results  of  the  present  state  of  biblical 
study,  as  applied  to  the  illustration  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apos- 
tles. Although  our  language  contains  already  some  valuable 
works  devoted  to  the  same  general  object,  it  is  hoped  that 
the  dependence  of  the  work  here  offered  to  the  public  on  the 
original  text,  and  the  advantage  taken  of  the  latest  investi- 
gations in  this  department  of  criticism,  will  render  it  not 
superfluous. 

Of  the  importance  of  an  acquaintance  with  the  contents 
of  the  Acts,  it  must  be  unnecessary  to  speak.  A  single  re- 
flection will  render  this  sufficiently  obvious.  No  person  can 
be  prepared  to  read  the  Epistles  of  the  New  Testament  with 
the  greatest  advantage  until  he  has  made  himself  familiar 


VI  PHEPACE    TO    FIRST    EDIIION. 

with  the  external  history  of  the  Apostle  Paul,  and  with  his 
character  and  spirit,  as  Luke  has  portrayed  them  in  his  nar- 
rative. Those  portions  of  the  Acts,  constituting  the  greater 
part  of  the  whole,  which  relate  to  the  great  Apostle,  must  be 
thoroughly  mastered  before  any  proper  foundation  is  laid  for 
the  exegetical  study  of  the  Epistles.  It  is  the  object  of  these 
Notes  to  assist  the  reader  in  the  acquisition  of  this  knowl- 
edge and  discipline ;  to  enable  him  to  form  his  own  inde- 
pendent view  of  the  meaning  of  the  sacred  writer  in  this 
particular  portion  of  the  New  Testament,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  furnish  himself  to  some  extent  with  those  principles 
and  materials  of  criticism  which  are  common  to  all  parts  of 
the  Bible.  If  the  plan  of  the  work  and  the  mode  in  which 
it  is  executed  are  such  as  to  impart  a  just  idea  of  the  process 
of  biblical  interpretation,  and  to  promote  a  habit  of  careful 
study  and  of  self-reliance  on  the  part  of  those  who  may  use 
the  book,  it  will  be  a  result  much  more  important  than  that 
all  the  opinions  advanced  in  it  should  be  approved ;  it  is  a 
result  beyond  any  other  which  the  writer  has  been  anxious  to 
accomplish.  The  grammatical  references  and  explanations 
will  enable  the  student  to  judge  of  the  consistency  of  the  in- 
terpretations given  with  the  laws  of  the  Greek  language.  The 
authorities  cited  will  show  the  state  of  critical  opinion  on  all 
passages  that  are  supposc^d  to  be  uncertain  or  obscure.  The 
geographical,  archaeological,  and  other  information  collected 
from  many  dift'erent  sources,  will  unfold  the  relations  of  the 


PREFACE    TO    FIRST    EDITION.  vil 

book  to  the  contemporary  history  of  the  age  in  which  it  was 
written,  and  serve  to  present  to  the  mind  a  more  vivid  con- 
ception of  the  reality  of  the  scenes  and  the  events  wliich  the 
narrative  describes. 

No  single  commentary  can  be  expected  to  answer  all  the 
pm'poses  for  which  a  commentary  is  needed.  The  writer  has 
aimed  at  a  predominant  object ;  and  that  has  been,  to  deter- 
mine by  the  rules  of  a  just  philology  the  meaning  of  the 
sacred  writer,  and  not  to  develop  the  practical  applications, 
or,  to  any  great  extent,  the  doctrinal  implications  of  this 
meaning.  With  such  a  design,  no  one  will  object  to  the  use 
which  has  been  made  of  the  labors  of  foreign  scholars  ;  it 
would  have  been  a  matter  of  just  complaint  not  to  have  used 
them,  although  with  a  different  aim  it  would  be  equally  in- 
excusable not  to  have  brought  into  view  more  frequently  the 
connections  which  exist  between  the  Acts  and  the  practical 
religious  literature  contained  in  our  own  language. 

******** 

I  am  indebted  to  various  friends  for  advice  and  cooperation 
in  the  performance  of  this  labor.  Among  these  it  becomes 
me  to  mention  in  particular  the  Rev.  B.  B.  Edwards,  D.  D., 
Professor  at  Andover.  It  is  doubtful  whether  I  should  have 
undertaken  the  work,  or  persevered  in  it,  had  it  not  been  for 
his  generous  sympathy  and  encouragement. 

The  author  can  recall  no  happier  hours  than  those  which 


VIII  PREFACE    TO    FIRST    EDITION. 

he  has  spent  in  giving  instruction  on  this  book  of  the  New 
Testament  to  succet  Ave  classes  of  theological  students.  May 
the  fruits  of  this  mutual  study  be  useful  to  them  in  the  active 
labors  of  the  sacred  work  to  which  they  are  devoted.  They 
are  now  sent  forth  into  a  wider  sphere ;  —  and,  here  also,  may 
God  be  pleased  to  own  them  as  a  means  of  contributing  to 
a  more  diligent  study  and  a  more  perfect  knowledge  of  his 
Holy  Word. 

Newton  Theological  Institution, 
October  31,  1851. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  REYISED  EDITION. 


The  present  edition  as  compared  with  the  former  has  been 
in  parts  rewritten,  and,  also,  enlarged  by  the  addition  of  about 
a  hundred  pages.  In  the  interval  since  the  work  was  first 
published,  the  writer  has  continued  to  study  the  Acts  both  in 
a  private  way  and  occasionally  as  the  teacher  of  theological 
classes.  As  the  result  of  this  further  labor,  the  view  on  some 
passages  has  been  modified ;  expressions  that  were  found  to 
be  obscure  have  been  made  plainer ;  new  points  in  the  text 
have  been  elucidated ;  former  explanations  of  a  debatable 
character,  according  to  the  apparent  evidence  in  the  case, 
have  been  placed  in  a  stronger  light,  or  advanced  with  less 
confidence ;  and,  in  general,  pains  have  been  taken  in  this 
revised  form  to  render  the  notes  not  less  critical  than  before, 
and  yet  freer  and  more  varied  in  their  contents.  The  last  six 
years,  too,  have  been  signally  fruitful  in  the  appearance  of 
valuable  works  relating  to  the  Acts,  either  directly  exegetical 
or  subsidiary  to  that  end.  The  reader  will  find  ample  proof 
in  the  following  pages  of  the  extent  of  my  indebtedness  to 
these  contributions  to  biblical  literature,  and  at  the  same 
time,  will  appreciate  the  difficulty  of  using  the  abundant  ma- 
terial with  independence  and  judgment. 
2 


X  PREFACE    TO    SECOND    EDITION. 

It  has  been  of  some  service  to  me  that  since  the  publica- 
tion of  the  first  edition,  I  have  been  enabled  to  visit  the 
countries  in  which  the  Saviour  and  the  apostles  lived,  and  the 
cross  gained  its  earliest  victories.  The  journey  has  made  it 
ten  fold  more  a  labor  of  love  to  trace  again  the  footsteps  of 
Paul  and  his  associates,  and  should  add  something  to  the  in- 
terpreter's power  to  unfold  the  history  of  their  sufferings  and 
their  triumphs. 

Not  to  render  the  Commentary  too  heterogeneous,  it  has 
seemed  best  to  discard  the  idea  of  a  supplement  for  the  dis- 
cussion of  certain  miscellaneous  topics,  as  was  proposed  at 
first.  As  a  substitute  for  such  an  appendage,  the  points 
which  it  was  designed  to  embrace  have  been  enlarged  upon 
more  fully  in  the  present  notes,  and  references  have  been 
given  to  appropriate  works  in  which  the  student  who  desires 
will  find  more  complete  information.  I  will  only  add  that  the 
Greek  text  has  been  reviewed  more  carefully  in  this  edition, 
and,  unless  I  have  erred  through  some  inadvertence,  all  the 
variations  which  affect  the  sense  materially  have  been  brought 
to  the  reader's  notice.  At  the  suggestion  of  various  friends, 
the  Greek  words  in  the  notes  have  been  translated  in  all  cases 
where  the  remarks  might  otherwise  be  obscure  to  the  English 
reader,  and  thus  the  explanations  will  be  readily  understood 
by  all  into  whose  hands  the  work  may  fall. 

May  the  Divine  blessing  rest  upon  this  renewed  endeavor 
to  illustrate  this  portion  of  the  Holy  Scriptures. 

Newton  Centre,  March  1,  1858. 


INTRODUCTION. 


§  1.     The  Writer  of  the  Acts. 

The  evidence  that  the  book  of  Acts  was  written  by  Luke,  to 
whom  the  Christian  world  are  accustomed  to  ascribe  it,  is  of  a 
three-fold  character.  It  will  be  sufficient  for  the  object  here  in 
view  merely  to  indicate  the  line  of  argument  wliich  estabhshes 
the  correctness  of  that  opinion.  A  more  complete  and  systematic 
view  of  the  evidence  must  be  sought  in  works  which  treat  pro- 
fessedly of  the  formation  and  transmission  of  the  Canon  of  the 
Scriptures. 

In  the  first  place,  we  have  the  explicit  testimony  of  the  early 
Christian  writers,  that  Luke  wrote  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles. 
Ireneeus,  who  became  bishop  of  Lyons  in  A.  D.  178,  and  who 
was  born  so  early  that  he  was  intimate  with  those  w^ho  had  seen 
the  apostles,  says  expressly  that  Luke  was  the  author  of  the 
Acts  ;  he  quotes  from  him  various  single  passages,  and,  in  one 
place,  gives  a  distinct  summary  of  the  last  twelve  chapters  of  the 
book  (Adv.  Hasres.  3.  14.  1).  He  treats  this  authorship  of  the 
work  as  a  matter  which  he  had  no  occasion  to  defend,  because 
no  one  of  his  contemporaries  had  called  it  in  question.  From 
the  generation  which  separated  Irenseus  from  the  age  of  Luke, 
we  have  only  a  few  scanty  remains ;  but  these,  although  they 
contain  expressions^  which,  according  to  the  admission  of  nearly 
all  critics,  pre-suppose  an  acquaintance  with  the  Acts,  are  silent 
respecting  the  writer.  To  have  mentioned  him  by  name  would 
have  been  at  variance  with  the  informal  mode  of  citing  the 
Christian  Scriptures,  which  distinguishes   the  ^vritings  of  that 

1  See  the  passages,  in  Kirchhofer's  Sammlung  zur  Geschichte  des  N.  T. 
Canons,  p.  161  sq.,  in  Lardner's  Credibility,  and  similar  works. 


12  INTEODUCTION. 

early  period.  The  next  witness  is  Clemens  of  Alexandria,  who 
flourished  about  A.  D.  190.  Tliis  father  not  only  speaks  of  Luke 
as  having  composed  the  Acts,  in  his  Stromata  (Lib.  5),  but  is 
knowii  to  have  written  a  commentary  on  it,  which  has  not  been 
preserved.  Tertullian,  who  lived  about  A.  D.  200,  offers  the 
same  testimony.  He  has  not  only  quoted  the  Acts  repeatedly, 
but  named  Luke  as  the  author,  in  such  a  way  as  makes  it  evi- 
dent that  he  merely  followed  in  this  the  universal  opinion  of  his 
age  (De  Jejun.  c.  10;  De  Pra^script.  Haeret.  c.  22;  De  Bapt.  c. 
10,  etc.).  Eusebius  wrote  about  A.  D.  325.  He  has  recorded 
both  his  own  belief  and  that  of  his  time,  in  the  following  impor- 
tant statement :  "  Luke,  a  native  of  Antioch,  by  profession  a 
physician,  was  mostly  Paul's  companion,  though  he  associated 
not  a  little  %vith  the  other  apostles.  He  has  left  us  examples  of 
the  art  of  healing  souls,  which  he  acquired  from  the  apostles,  in 
two  divinely  inspired  books  ;  first,  in  the  Gospel  wliich  he  testi- 
fies to  have  written  according  to  what  eye-Avitnesses  and  minis- 
ters of  the  word  delivered  to  him  from  the  beginning,  all  which, 
also,  he  says  that  he  investigated  from  the  first ;  ^  and,  secondly, 
in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  which  he  composed,  not  from  report, 
as  in  the  other  case,  but  according  to  his  own  personal  observa- 
tion."    (Hist.  Eccl.  3.  4.) 

It  would  be  superfluous  to  pursue  this  testimony  further.  It 
may  be  proper  to  add,  that  no  trace  of  any  opposition  to  it,  or  dis- 
sent from  it,  has  come  down  to  us  from  the  first  ages  of  the 
church.  Some  of  the  early  heretical  sects,  it  is  true,  as  the  Mar- 
cionites,  Manicheans,  Severians,  rejected  the  religious  authority 
of  the  Acts  ;  but  as  they  did  this  because  it  contradicted  their 
peculiar  views,  and  as  they  admitted  without  question  the  source 
from  which  their  opponents  claimed  to  receive  it,  their  rejection 
of  the  book,  under  such  circumstances,  becomes  a  conclusive  tes- 
timony to  its  genuineness. 

In  the  second  place,  the  relation  in  which  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles  stands  to  the  Gospel  which  is  ascribed  to  Luke,  proves 
that  the  author  of  the  two  productions  must  be  the  same  individ- 
ual. The  ^vTitcr  introduces  his  work  as  a  continuation  or  second 
part  of  a  previous  history,  and  dedicates  it  to  a  certain  Theophi- 
lus,  wlio  can  be  no  other  than  the  person  for  whose  special  in- 
formation the  Gospel  was  written.  As  to  the  identity  of  the 
writer  of  the  Acts  witli  the  writer  of  the   Gospel  attributed  to 

1  As  the  relative  may  be  neuter  or  ma.sculine,  many  take  the  sense  of  the 
Greek  to  be,  all  whom  he  arcom/Hinied  ;  hut  tlic  manifest  allusion  to  Luke  I,  2.  3 
renders  the  otiier  the  more  obvious  translation. 


WRITER    OP    THE    ACTS.  13 

Luke,  no  well-founded  question  has  been,  or  can  be,  raised. 
Consequently,  the  entire  mass  of  testimony  which  proves  that 
Luke  the  Evangelist  wrote  the  Gospel  which  bears  his  name, 
proves  with  equal  force  that  he  wrote  also  the  Acts  of  the  Apos- 
tles. Thus  the  Acts  may  be  traced  up  to  Luke,  through  two 
independent  series  of  witnesses.  And  it  may  be  confidently 
asserted,  that,  unless  the  combined  historical  evidence  from  this 
twofold  source  be  admitted  as  conclusive  in  support  of  Luke's 
claim  to  the  authorship  of  the  Acts,  there  is  then  no  ancient  book 
in  the  world,  the  author  of  which  can  ever  be  ascertained  by  us. 
In  the  third  place,  the  literary  peculiarities  which  distinguish 
the  Gospel  of  Luke  mark  also  the  composition  of  the  Acts,  and 
show  that  it  must  have  come  from  the  same  hand.  The  argu- 
ment here  is  founded  on  a  diiferent  relation  of  the  Gospel  to  the 
Acts  from  that  to  which  we  have  just  adverted.  Luke  being 
acknowledged  as  the  author  of  the  Gospel,  we  know  from  that 
source  what  the  characteristics  of  his  style  are ;  and  it  is  main- 
tained that  these  re-appear  in  the  Acts  to  such  ar>  extent,  that 
we  can  account  for  the  agreement  only  by  referring  the  two  pro- 
ductions to  the  same  \vriter.  The  reality  of  the  resemblance 
here  asserted  is  conceded  by  critics  of  every  name.  It  will  be 
necessary  to  restrict  the  illustration  of  it  to  a  few  examples.-^  In 
Luke's  Gospelj  verbs  compounded  with  prepositions  are  more 
numerous  than  in  the  other  Evangelists ;  they  are  found  in  the 
same  proportion  in  the  Acts.  Matthew  has  a-vv  three  times, 
Mark  five  times,  John  three  times,  or,  according  to  another  read- 
ing, but  twice  ;  while  Luke  employs  it  in  his  Gospel  twenty-four 
times,  and  in  the  Acts  fifty-one  times.  Luke  has  used  aTras  in 
his  two  books  thirty-five  times ;  whereas  it  occurs  in  all  the 
others  but  nine  times,  iropevea-^ai  is  found  in  the  Gospel  forty- 
nine  times,  and  in  the  Acts  thirty-eight  times,  but  is  rarely  found 
in  other  parts  of  the  New  Testament.  The  construction  of 
ciTreiv  and  XaAetv  with  7rpo5,  instead  of  the  dative  of  the  person 
addressed,  is  confined  almost  exclusively  to  Luke.  No  other 
writer,  except  John  in  a  few  instances,  ever  says  (.hruv  Trpo's,  and 
XaXetv  Trpo's  occurs  out  of  Luke's  writings  only  in  1  Cor.  14,  6 ; 
Heb.  5,  5  and  11,  18.     As  in  Luke's   Gospel,  so  in  the  Acts  we 

1  They  are  dra\ATi  out,  more  or  less  fully,  in  Gersdorf 's  Beitraege,  p.  160  sq. ; 
Credner's  Einleitung  in  das  neue  Testament,  p.  130  sq. ;  Ehrard's  Kritik  dcr 
evangelischen  Geschichte,  p.  671,  ed.  1850;  Gucricke's  Gesammtgeschichte  des 
N.  T.,  p.  166  sq. ;  Lekebusch's  Composition  und  Entstehung  der  Apostelge- 
schichte,  p.  37  sq. ;  and  Dt\  Davidson's  Introductiou  to  the  New  Testament, 
Vol.  I.  p.  190,  and  Vol.  II.  p.  8, 


14  INTRODUCTION. 

have  a  characteristic  use  of  Be  Kat  to  express  emphasis  or  grada- 
tion, a  similar  use  of  koL  avro's  or  airol,  the  insertion  of  the  neuter 
article  before  interrogative  sentences,  the  omission  of  Se  after  fiev 
ovv,  the  uniform  preference  of  'Icpovo-aX-^/*  to  'Ifpocrokvfia,  and  ^tijl 
others.  Credner,  in  his  Introduction  to  the  New  Testament,  has 
enumerated  not  fewer  than  sixty -five  distinct  idioms  which  he 
considers  as  peculiar  to  Luke's  diction  as  compared  with  that  of 
the  other  New  Testament  writers  ;  and  nearly  all  these  he  points 
out  as  occurring  at  the  same  time  both  in  the  Gospel  and  the 
Acts.  It  is  impossible,  then,  to  doubt,  unless  we  deny  that  any 
confidence  can  be  placed  in  this  species  of  criticism,  that,  if 
Luke  wrote  the  Gospel  which  we  accredit  to  him,  he  must  have 
written  also  the  Acts. 


^  2.     Biographical  Sketch  of  Luke. 

According  to  Eusebius,  as  already  quoted,  and  Jerome,  who 
may  be  supposed  to  represent  the  opinion  of  their  times,  Luke 
^vas  a  native  of  Antioch.  As  he  appears  in  the  Acts  to  have  ^ 
spent  so  much  time  at  Philippi,  some  modem  writers  have  con- 
jectured that  he  may  have  been  a  native  or  inhabitant  of  that 
city.  The  historical  testimony  deserv^cs  more  regard  than  an 
inference  of  that  nature.  That  he  was  a  Gentile  by  birth  appears 
to  be  certain  from  Col.  4,  11.  14,  where  Paul  distinguishes  hira 
from  those  whom  he  denominates  ol  6vt€<;  cV  Trcptro/A^?.  His  for- 
eign extraction  is  confirmed  also  by  the  character  of  his  style, 
which  approaches  nearer  to  the  standard  of  classical  Greek  than 
that  of  any  other  -writer  of  the  New  Testament,  \vith  the  excep- 
tion of  Ihe  apostle  Paul.  This  feature  of  his  language  renders  it 
probal)lc  that  he  was  of  Greek  origin.  Some  have  inferred  this 
also  from  his  Greek  name  ;  but  it  was  not  uncommon  for  Jews, 
as  well  as  Romans  and  other  foreigners,  to  assume  such  names 
at  this  period.  Whether  he  was  a  proselyte  to  Judaism  before 
his  conversion  to  Christianity,  or  not,  is  a  question  on  which 
critics  differ.  The  supposition  that  he  adopted  first  the  Jewish 
religion,  and  had  done  so  perhaps  in  early  life,  accounts  best  for 
his  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  opinions  and  customs  of  the 
Jews,  his  knowledge  of  the  Scptuagint,  and  the  degree  of  Hebra- 
tstic  tendency  wliich  shows  itself  in  his  style.  It  appears  from 
Col.  4,  14,  that  Luke  was  a  physician ;  and  the  general  voice  of 
antiquity,  in  accordance  with  that  passage,  represents  him  as 
having  belonged  to  the  medical  profession.  The  effect  of  liis  fol- 
lowing such  an  employment  can  be  traced,  as  many  critics  think. 


BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH  OF  LUKE.  15 

in  various  passages  of  Luke's  writings ;  comp.  the  Note  on  28,  8. 
The  fact  that  he  was  trained  to  such  a  pursuit,  that  he  was  a 
man,  therefore,  of  culture  and  observing  habits  of  mind,  is  an  im- 
portant circumstance.  It  has  been  justly  remarked/  that,  as 
many  of  the  miracles  which  the  first  promulgators  of  the  gospel 
wrought  in  confirmation  of  its  truth  were  cases  of  the  healing  of 
maladies,  Luke,  by  virtue  of  his  medical  skill  and  experience, 
was  rendered  pecuharly  competent  to  judge  of  the  reality  of  such 
miracles.i 

Of  the  manner  in  which  the  writer  of  the  Acts  was  brought  to 
a  knowledge  of  the  gospel,  we  have  no  information.  The  sug- 
gestion of  some  of  the  later  fathers,  that  he  was  one  of  the 
seventy  disciples,  is  not  only  without  ground,  but  opposed  to  his 
own  statement  in  the  introduction  of  his  Gospel,  where  he  dis- 
tinguishes himself  from  those  who  had  been  personal  attendants 
on  the  ministry  of  Christ.  It  is  evident  that,  after  his  conversion, 
he  devoted  himself  to  public  Christian  labors,  for  the  most  part 
in  connection  with  the  apostle  Paul,  whom  he  accompanied  from 
place  to  place,  and  aided  in  his  efforts  for  the  extension  of  the 
gospel.  The  first  explicit  allusion  which  he  makes  to  himself 
occurs  in  16,  10  sq.,  where  he  gives  an  account  of  the  apostle's 
departure  from  Troas  to  Macedonia.  In  that  passage  Luke  em- 
ploys the  first  person  plural,  and  thus  shows  that  he  was  one  of 
the  companions  of  Paul  on  that  occasion.  He  goes  with  the 
apostle  from  Troas  to  Philippi,  and  speaks  of , -himself  again  in 
20,  6,  as  one  of  the  several  individuals  who  sailed  with  Paul 
from  the  same  city  on  his  last  journey  to  Jerusalem.  Whether 
Luke  had  been  separated  from  Paul  during  the  interval,  or  re- 
mained with  him,  cannot  be  certainly  known.  It  is  eminently 
characteristic  of  the  sacred  writers,  that  they  keep  themselves 
out  of  view  in  their  narratives.  Hence  some  have  argued  that 
we  are  not  to  infer  that  Luke  was  necessarily  absent  when  he 
employs  the  third  person,  but  rather  that  it  was  a  sort  of  inadver- 
tence, as  it  were,  against  his  design,  that  he  has  now  and  then 
disclosed  his  personal  connection  with  the  history.  The  other 
opinion  is  the  surer  one.  "We  cannot  be  certain  that  Luke  was 
in  the  companyTJf  Paul,  except  at  the  times  when  his  language 
shows  that  he  was  personally  concerned  in  what  he  relates.  It 
is  clear,  even  according  to  this  view,  that  Luke,  in  addition  to  his 
accompanying  Paul  on  his  first  journey  from  Troas  to  Pliihppi, 

1  I  have  made  no  allusion  in  the  text  to  2  Cor.  8,  18  ;  for  it  is  barely  possil)le 
that  the  author  of  our  narrative  can  be  meant  tliere  as  "  the  brother  whose  praise 
is  in  all  the  churches."  See  De  AVette's  note  ou  that  passage  in  his  Excgetisches 
Handbuch  zum  N.  Testament. 


16  INTRODUCTION. 

remained  with  him,  without  any  known  interruption,  fi-om  the 
period  of  his  leaving  PhiUppi  the  second  time  to  the  end  of  his 
career.  He  goes  with  the  apostle  to  Jerusalem,  where  the  latter 
was  apprehended  and  given  up  to  the  custody  of  the  Romans 
(20,  6  sq. ;  21,  1  sq.)  ;  he  speaks  of  himself  as  still  with  liim  at 
the  close  of  his  imprisonment  at  Ccesarea  (27,  1)  ;  proceeds  with 
him  on  his  voyage  to  Rome  (27,  1  sq.)  ;  and,  as  we  see  from 
the  Epistles  which  Paul  A\Tote  while  in  that  city,  continued  to 
be  associated  with  him  down  to  the  latest  period  of  his  life  of 
which  any  record  remains.  The  apostle  mentions  Luke  as 
residing  with  him  at  Rome  in  Col.  4,  14  ;  Phil.  v.  24 ;  and  in 
2  Tim.  4,  11.  Of  his  subsequent  history,  nothing  authentic  has 
been  preserved.  The  traditions  which  relate  to  this  period  are 
uncertain  and  contradictory.  According  to  Gregory  Nazianzen,' 
whom  several  later  writers  follow,  he  suffered  martyrdom ;  ac- 
cording to  others,  and  those  whose  testimony  has  greater  weight, 
he   died   a  natural  death. 

§  3.     Authenticity  of  the  Acts. 

The  foregoing  sketch  shows  us  how  ample  were  Luke's  means 
of  information  in  regard  to  the  subjects  of  which  liis  history 
treats.  Of  most  of  the  events  which  he  has  recorded,  he  was  an 
eye-witness.  The  materials  which  compose  the  body  of  the 
work  lay  within  the  compass  of  his  own  personal  knowledge. 
The  particulars  which  he  communicates  respecting  Paul's  Hfe 
and  labors  before  his  own  acquaintance  with  him,  he  coiUd  have 
learned,  at  a  subsequent  period,  in  his  intercourse  with  that 
apostle.  His  extensive  journeyings  could  hardly  fail  to  have 
brought  him  into  connection  with  most  of  the  other  persons  who 
appear  as  actors  in  the  history.  Some  of  his  information  he 
derived,  no  doubt,  from  written  sources.  The  official  documents 
which  he  has  inserted  (15,  23  sq. ;  23,  26  sq.)  were  public,  and 
pould  have  been  copied.  We  assume  nothing  at  variance  with 
the  habits  of  antiquity  in  supposing  that  the  more  extended  dis- 
courses and  speeches,  which  Luke  himself  did  not  hear,  may 
have  been  noted  down  by  others  at  the  time  of  their  delivery,  or 
soon  afterwards,  while  the  impression  made  by  them  was  still 
vivid.  If  the  writer  of  the  Acts  had  any  occasionjftr.-the  use  of 
such  reports,  his  travels  from  one  country  to  another  must  have 
given  him  access  to  the  persons  who  could  furnish  them.' 

'  Some  critics,  as  Schlcicrmacber,  Bleck,  De  Wette,  have  thrown  oat  the  idea 
that  Luke  may  hare  derived  those  parts  of  the  Acts  in  whichTEe  narrator  em- 


AUTHENTICITY    OF    THE    ACTS.  17 

We  are  to  recollect,  further,  that  the  declaration  which  Luke 
makes  at  the  commencement  of  his  Gospel  applies  equally  to  the 
Acts.  It  was  his  habit,  as  we  learn  there,  to  avail  himself  of 
every  possible  source  of  inquiry,  in  order  to  ascertain  the  certainty 
of  what  he  wrote.  With  such  opportunities  at  his  command,  and 
with  such  a  character  for  diligence  in  the  use  of  them,  the  writer 
of  the  Acts,  considered  simply  in  the  hght  of  an  ordinary  histo- 
rian comes  before  us  with  every  title  to  confidence  which  can  be 
asserted  in  behalf  of  the  best  accredited  human  testimony. 

But  this  is  not  all.  We  have  not  only  every  reason  to  regard 
the  history  of  Luke  as  authentic,  because  he  wrote  it  with  such 
facilities  for  knowing  the  truth,  but  because  we  find  it  sustaining 
its  credit  under  the  severest  scrutiny  to  which  it  is  possible  that 
an  ancient  work  should  be  subjected. 

First.  This  history  has  been  confronted  with  the  Epistles  of 
the  New  Testament ;  and  it  has  been  shown  as  the  result,  that 
the  incidental  correspondences  between  them  and  the  Acts  are 
numerous  and  of  the  most  striking  kind.  They  are  such  as  pre- 
clude the  supposition  of  their  being  the  result  either  of  accident 
or  design.  It  is  impossible  to  account  for  them,  unless  we  admit 
that  the  transactions  which  Luke  records  really  took  place  in  the 
manner  that  he  has  related.  It  ^s  the  object  of  Paley's  Hora 
Paulinse  to  develop  this  argument ;  and  the  demonstration  of  the 
truth  of  the  Acts,  and  of  the  New  Testament  in  general,  which 
he  has  furnished  in  that  work,  no  objector  has  ever  attempted  to 
refute. 

Secondly.  The  speeches  in  the  Acts  which  purport  to  have 
been  delivered  by  Peter,  Paul,  and  James,  have  been  compai-ed 
with  the  known  productions  of  these  men  ;  and  it  is  found  that 
they  exhibit  an  agreement  with  them,  in  point  of  thought  and 
expression,  ^hich  the  supposition  of  their  common  origin  would 
lead  us  to  expect.  The  speeches  attributed  to  Peter  contain 
peculiar  phrases  and  ideas,  which  impart  a  characteristic  similar- 
ity to  them  as  compared  with  the  other  speeches,  and  which 
appear  again  in  his  Epistles,  but  in  no  other  portion  of  the  New 
Testament.  In  like  manner,  the  speeches  of  Paul  evince  an 
affinity  both  to  each  other  and  to  his  Epistles,  in  the  recurrence 
of  favorite  words,  modes  of  construction,  and  turns  of  thoij^ht, 
such  as  belong  to  no  other  -writer!      We  have  but  one  address 

ploys  the  first  person  plural  from  a  history  of  Paul's  missionary  labors  written  by 
Timothy ;  sec  the  note  on  20,  6.  Among  the  writers  who  have  shown  the  unten- 
ableness  of  that  hypothesis,  are  Ebrard,  Kritik,  u.  s.  w.,  p.  732  sq. ;  Lekebusch, 
Composition,  u.  s.  w.,  p.  131  sq. ;  and  >^Davidson,  Introduction,  Vol.  II.  p.  9  sq. 
3 


18  INTRODUCTION. 

from  James,  but  even  here  we  discover  striking  points  of  connec- 
tion with  the  Epistle  which  bears  his  name.  Occasion  will  be 
taken,  in  the  course  of  the  Commentary,  to  illustrate  this  pecu- 
har  feature  of  the  history. 

Thirdly.  "We  have  a  decisive  test  of  the  trustworthiness  of 
Luke  in  the  consistency  of  his  statements  and  allusions  with  the 
information  which  contemporary  writers  have  given  us  respect- 
ing the  age  in  which  he  lived  and  wrote.  The  history  which  we 
read  in  the  Acts  connects  itself  at  numerous  points  Avith  the 
social  customs  of  different  and  distant  nations ;  with  the  fluctu- 
ating civil  affairs  of  the  Jews,  Greeks,  and  Romans ;  and  with 
geographical  or  political  divisions  and  arrangements,  which  were 
constantly  undergoing  some  change  or  modification.  Through 
all  these  circumstances,  which  underlie  Luke's  narrative  from 
commencement  to  end,  he  pursues  his  way  without  a  single 
instance  of  contradiction  or  collision.  Examples  of  the  most 
unstudied  harmony  with  the  complicated  relations  of  the  times 
present  themselves  at  every  step.  No  writer  who  was  conscious 
of  fabricating  his  story  would  have  hazarded  such  a  number  of 
minute  allusions,  since  they  increase  so  immensely  the  risk  of 
detection ;  and  still  less,  if  he  had  ventured  upon  it,  could  he 
have  introduced  them  so  skilfully  as  to  baffle  every  attempt  to 
discover  a  single  well-founded  instance  of  ignorance  or  oversight. 
It  adds  to  the  force  of  the  argument  to  remark,  that  in  the  pages 
of  Luke  every  such  allusion  falls  from  him  entirely  without  effort 
or  parade.  It  never  strikes  the  reader  as  far-fetched  or  contrived. 
Every  incident,  every  observation,  flows  naturally  out  of  the  pro- 
gress of  the  narrative.  It  is  no  exaggeration  to  say,  that  the  j 
well-informed  reader,  who  will  study  carefully  the  book  of  the 
Acts,  and  compare  the  incidental  notices  to  be  found  on  almost 
every  page  with  the  geography  and  the  political  history  of  the , 
limes,  and  with  the  customs  of  the  different  countries  in  which  i 
the  scene  of  the  transactions  is  laid,  Avill  receive  an  impression  of 
the  writer's  fidelity  and  accuracy,  equal  to  that  of  the  most  forci- 
ble treatises  on  the  truth  of  Christianity. 

The  objections  which  sce[)tical  writers  have  urged  against  the 
authenticity  of  the  Acts  relate  chiefly  to  the  supernatiiral  charac- 
ter of  its  narrations.  It  does  not  belong  to  the  province  of  Bibli- 
pal  criticism  to  reply  to  such  objections.  They  have  adduced 
also  a  few  instances  of  alleged  offence  against  history,  or  chron- 
ology, or  archaeology  ;  but  these  result  from  an  unnecessary  inter- 
pretation. We  may  understand  the  passages  whicli  arc  said  to 
contain  the  inconsistency  in  a  different  manner,  and  thus  remove 
entirely  the  occasion  for  it. 


OBJECT    AND    PLAN    OF    THE    BOOK.  19 


§  4.     Object  and   Plan  of  the  Book. 

The  common  title  of  the  Acts  —  Trpafeis  twv  d7roo-ToA.wv  —  is 
ancient,  but  is  supposed  generally  to  have  been  prefixed,  not  by 
the  author,  but  by  some  later  hand.  It  is  read  differently  in  dif- 
ferent manuscripts.  It  is  too  comprehensive  to  describe  accu- 
rately the  contents  of  the  book.  The  writer's  object,  if  we  are  to 
judge  of  it  from  what  he  has  performed,  must  have  been  to  fur- 
nish a  summary  history  of  the  origin,  gradual  increase,  and  ex- 
tension of  the  Christian  church,  through  the  instrumentality 
chiefly  of  the  apostles  Peter  and  Paul.  In  fact,  we  have  not  a 
complete  liistory,  but  a  compendium  merely  of  the  labors  of  these 
two  apostles,  who  were  most  active  in  their  efforts  to  advance 
the  gospel,  while  the  other  apostles  are  only  referred  to  or  named 
incidentally  in  connection  with  some  particular  occurrence.  It 
is  not  to  be  supposed  that  Luke  has  recorded  all  the  facts  which 
were  known  to  him  respecting  the  early  spread  of  Christianity. 
On  what  principle  he  proceeded  in  making  his  selection  from  the 
mass  of  materials  before  him,  we  cannot  decide  with  certainty. 
He  may  have  been  influenced  in  part  by  the  personal  relation 
which  he  sustained  to  the  individuals  introduced,  and  the  events 
described  by  him.  It  is  still  more  probable,  that  the  wants  of 
the  particular  class  of  readers  whom  he  had  in  view  may  have 
shaped,  more  or  less  consciously,  the  course  of  his  narrative  ;  and 
these  readers,  in  the  absence  of  any  surer  indication,  we  may 
consider  as  represented  by  Theophilus,  who  was,  in  all  proba- 
bility, a  convert  from  heathenism.     (See  note  on  1,  1.) 

In  writing  for  such  readers,  we  should  expect  that  Luke  would 
lean  towards^  those  aspects  of  the  history  which  illustrated  the 
design  of  God  in  reference  to  the  heathen  ;  their  right  to  partici- 
pate in  the  blessings  of  the  gospel  without  submitting  to  the 
forms  of  Judaism  ;  the  conflict  of  opinion  which  preceded  the  full 
recognition  of  this  right,  and  the  success  more  particularly  of 
those  apostolic  labors  which  were  performed  in  behalf  of  heathen 
countries.  It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  contents  of  the  Acts 
exhibit  a  predilection  for  this  class  of  topics ;  and  to  that  extent 
the  book  may  be  said  to  have  been  written  in  order  to  illustrate 
the  unrestricted  nature  of  the  blessings  of  the  gospel.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  should  be  observed  that  this  jiredilection  is  merely 
such  as  would  spring  naturally  from  the  writer's  almost  uncon- 
scious sympathy  with  his  Gentile  readers,  and  is  by  no  means  so 
marked  as  to  authorize  us,  according  to  the  view  of  some  writers, 


20  INTRODUCTION. 

1o  impute  to  him  any  thing  Hke  a  formal  purpose  to  trace  the 
relation  of  Judaism  to  Christianity. 

In  accordance  with  this  trait  of  the  Acts  here  alluded  to,  we 
have  a  very  particular  account  of  the  manner  in  which  Peter  was 
freed  from  his  Jewish  scruples.  The  reception  of  the  fost  hea- 
then converts  into  the  church  is  related  at  great  length.  The 
proceedings  of  the  council  at  Jerusalem,  with  reference  to  the 
question  whether  circumcision  should  be  permanent,  occupy  one 
of  the  leading  chapters  of  the  book.  And  the  individual  of  the 
apostles  who  preached  chiefly  to  the  Gentiles,  and'  introduced 
the  gospel  most  extensively  into  heathen  countries,  is'  the  one 
whom  the  writer  has  made  the  central  ^ject  of  his  history,  and 
whose  course  of  labor  he  has  described  in  the  fullest  manner. 

Luke  has  pursued  no  formal  plan  in  the  arrangement  of  the 
Acts.  The  subject  of  his  histoiy,  however,  divides  itself  natu- 
rally into  two  principal  parts.  The  first  part  treats  of  the  apos- 
tolic labors  of  Peter,  and  hence  particularly  of  the  spread  of 
Christianity  among  the  Jews,  occupying  the  first  twelve  chap- 
ters ;  the  second,  of  the  labors  of  Paul,  and  hence  the  promulga- 
tion of  the  gospel  in  Syria,  Asia  Minor,  Greece,  and  Rome,  occu- 
pying the  remaining  chapters.  But  the  book  contains  other 
topics  which  are  related  to  these  only  in  a  general  Avay.  The 
folloAidng  division  marks  out  to  view  the  different  sections  more 
distinctly.  1.  Outpouring  of  the  Spirit  on  the  day  of  Pentecost, 
and  the  antecedent  circumstances.  2.  Events  relating  to  the 
progress  of  the  gospel  in  Judea  and  Samaria.  3.  The  transition 
of  the  gospel  to  the  heathen,  in  the  conversion  of  Cornelius  and 
others.  4.  The  call  of  the  apostle  Paul,  and  his  first  missionary 
tour.  5.  The  apostolic  council  at  Jerusalem.  6.  The  second 
missionary  tour  of  Paul.  7.  His  third  missionary  tour,  and  his 
apprehension  at  Jerusalem.  8.  EQs  imprisonment  at  Ca;sarea, 
and  voyage  to  Rome. 

§  5.     Time  and  Place  of  Writing  the  Acts. 

The  time  when  the  Acts  was  written  could  not  have  been  far 
distant  from  that  of  the  termination  of  Paul's  imprisonment  at 
Puime,  mentioned  at  the  close  of  the  history.  The  manner  in 
which  Luke  speaks  of  that  imprisonment  implies  clearly,  that,  at 
the  time  when  he  wrote,  the  apostle's  condition  had  cliangcd  ; 
that  he  was  no  longer  a  iirisoncr,  eitlrer  because  he  had  been  lib- 
erated, or  because  he  had  been  put  to  death. 

It  does  not  affect  the  present  question  whether  wo  suppose 


TIME    AND    PLACE    OF    WRITING    THE    ACTS.  21 

that  he  was  imprisoned  twice,  or  only  once  (see  note  on  28,  31). 
If  we  suppose  that  he  was  set  at  hberty,  we  have  then  a  most 
natural  explanation  of  the  abrupt  close  of  the  book,  in  the  fact 
that  Luke  published  it  just  at  the  time  of  the  apostle's  release; 
or  so  soon  after  that  event,  that  the  interval  furnished  nothing 
new  which  he  deemed  it  important  to  add  to  the  histoiy.  On  the 
other  hand,  if  we  suppose  that  Paul's  captivity  terminated  in  his 
martyrdom,  it  is  not  easy  to  account  for  the  writer's  silence  re- 
specting his  death,  except  on  the  ground  that  it  was  so  recent  and 
so  well  known  in  the  circle  of  his  readers,  that  they  did  not  need 
the  information.  Thijs,  in  both  cases,  the  time  of  writing  the 
Acts  would  coincide  very  nearly  with  the  end  of  the  Roman  cap- 
tivity of  which  Luke  has  spoken. 

The  question  arises  now,  Do  we  know  the  time  when  that 
captivity  ended,  whether  it  may  have  been  by  acquittal  or  death, 
Here  we  must  depend  upon  the  surest  chronological  data  which 
exist,  though  it  is  not  pretended  that  they  are  certain.  Accord- 
ing to  a  computation  which  has  received  the  assent  of  most 
critics,  Paid  was  brought  as  a  prisoner  to  Rome  in  the  year  A.  D. 
61  or  62.  In  the  year  64  followed  the  conflagration  in  that  city, 
which  was  kindled  by  the  agency  of  Nero,  but  which,  for  the 
sake  of  averting  the  odium  of  the  act  from  himself,  he  charged 
on  the  Christians.  This  led  to  the  first  Christian  persecution,  so 
called,  which  is  mentioned  by  Tacitus  (Annal.  15.  44),  Suetonius 
(Ner.  16),  and  possibly  Juvenal  (Serm.  1.  146  sq.).  If  now  Paul 
was  set  at  liberty  after  his  confinement  of  two  years,  it  must  have 
been  just  before  the  commencement  of  Nero's  persecution,  that 
is,  in  the  year  A.  D.  63,  or  near  the  beginning  of  64.  But  if, 
according  to  the  other  supposition,  the  two  years  were  not  com- 
pleted until  the  persecution  commenced,  he  must,  in  all  probabil- 
ity, as  the  leader  of  the  Christian  sect,  have  soon  shared  the 
common  fate,  and  so  have  been  put  to  death  about  the  year  64. 
Hence  we  may  consider  this  date,  or  the  close  of  A.  D.  63,  as  not 
improbably  the  time  when  Luke  wrote,  or  at  least  published,  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles. 

But  if  Luke  wrote  the  book  thus  near  the  expiration  of  the  two 
years  that  Paul  was  a  prisoner  at  Rome,  it  is  most  natural  to  con- 
clude that  he  Avrote  it  in  that  city.  This  was  also  the  opinion  of 
many  of  the  early  Christian  fathers.  The  probability  of  this  con- 
clusion is  greatly  strengthened  by  the  fact,  that  Luke  makes  no 
mention  of  Paul's  liberation,  or  martyrdom,  as  the  case  may  have 
been.  At  Rome,  every  reader  of  the  apostle's  history  knew  of 
course  what  the  result  of  his  captivity  there  was ;  and  if  Luke 


22  INTRODUCTION. 

/^        wrote  it  at  that  place,  the  absence  of  any  alkision  to  his  fate 
*       would  not  seem  to  be  so  very  surprising.     On  the  contrary,  if 
Luke  wrote  it  at  a  distance  from  the  scene  of  the  apostle's  cap- 
tivity, the  omission  would  be  much  more  extraordinary^ 


i  6.     Chronology  of  the  Acts. 

The  subject  of  the  chronology  of  the  Acts  is  attended  still 
with  uncertainties,  which  no  efforts  of  critical  labor  have  been 
able  wholly  to  remove.  "  After  all  the  combinations,"  says 
Schott,!  "  which  the  ingenuity  of  scholars  has  enabled  them  to 
devise,  and  all  the  fulness  of  historical  learning  which  they  have 
applied  to  the  subject,  it  has  been  impossible  to  arrive  arhresults 
which  are  satisfactory  in  all  respects."  The  source  of  the  diffi- 
culty is,  that  the  notations  of  time  are  for  the  most  part  entirely 
omitted  ;  or,  if  they  occur  here  and  there,  are  contained  in  gen- 
eral and  indefinite  expressions.  We  must  content  ourselves, 
therefore,  "with  endeavoring  to  fix  the  dates  of  a  few  leading 
events,  which  may  be  ascertained  with  most  certainty ;  and  must 
then  distribute  the  other  contents  of  the  book  with  reference  to 
these,  on  the  basis  of  such  incidental  intimations  as  may  be 
found   to  exist,  or  of  such  probable  calculations  as  we  may  be 

able  to  form. 
V 

1.      The  Year  of  Paul's  Conversion. 

The  date  of  this  event  is  very  uncertain  ;  but  an  attempt  has 
been  made  to  approximate  to  it  by  means  of  the  following  combi- 
nation. In  Gal.  1,  15-18,  it  is  stated  that  Paul  went  up  to  Jeru- 
salem from  Damascus  three  years  fromthe  time  of  his  conver- 
sion ;  and  we  learn  from  2  Cor.  11,  32,  that  Damascus,  when 
Paul  made  his  escape  from  it  on  that  occasion,  was  in  the  hands 
of  Aretas,  king  of  Arabia.  As  this  city  belonged  to  the  Romans, 
it  is  remarkable  that  it  should  have  been,  just  at  that  time, 
wrested  from  them  ;  and  the  circumstances  under  which  such  an 
event  took  place  must  have  been  pecidiar.  It  is  conjectured  that 
a  juncture  like  tliis  may  have  led  to  that  occurrence.  Joscphus 
relates  lliat  an  army  of  Herod  Antipas  had  been  defeated  about 
this  time  by  Aretas,  king  of  Arabia.  Upon  this,  the  Emperor 
Til)erius,  who  was  a  friend  and  ally  of  Herod,  directed  VitcUius, 
Roman  Governor  of  Syria,  to  collect  an  adequate  force,  and  to 


1   Erurtoruiifi:   eiiii;,aT    tliroiiologisclicu    Punktc   in   der  Lcljcusgesthiclitc  dcs 
Apostol  Piiul,  ^  1. 


CHRONOLOGY    OF    THE    ACTS.  23 

take  Aretas  prisoner,  or  slay  him  in  the  attempt.  Before  Vitel- 
hus  could  execute  this  order,  news  came  that  the  emperor  was 
dead,  and  as  a  consequence  of  this,  the  military  preparations  on 
foot  were  suspended.  This  sudden  respite  afforded  Aretas  an 
opportunity  to  march  upon  Damascus,  and  reduce  it  to  his  pos- 
session. The  city,  however,  supposing  him  to  have  become 
master  of  it,  could  not  have  remained  long  in  his  power.  We 
find  that  the  difficulties  with  Arabia  were  all  adjusted  in  the  first 
years  of  the  reign  of  CaUgula,  the  successor  of  Tiberius,  i.  e. 
within  A.  D.  37-39  ;  and  the  policy  of  the  Romans  would  lead 
them,  of  course,  to  insist  on  the  restoration  of  so  important  a 
place  as  Damascus.  If  now  we  place  the  escape  of  Paul  in  the 
last  of  these  years  (so  as  to  afford  time  for  the  incidental  delays), 
and  deduct  the  three  years  during  which  he  had  been  absent 
from  Jerusalem,  we  obtain  A.  D.  36  as  the  probable  epoch  of  the 
apostle's  conversion.  It  is  in  favor  of  this  conclusion,  says  Nean- 
der,  that  it  gives  us  an  intei-val  neither  too  long  nor  too  short  for 
the  events  which  took  place  in  the  church  between  the  ascen- 
sion of  Christ  and  the  conversion  of  Paul.  Among  others  who 
fix  upon  the  same  year,  or  vary  from  it  but  one  or  two  years,  may 
be  mentioned  Eichhorn,  Hug,  Hemsen,  Schott,  Guericke,  Meyer, 
De  Wette,  Anger,^  Ebrard,  Alford,  Howson.^  This  date  deter- 
mines that  of  Stephen's  martyrdom,  which  took  place,  appa- 
rently, not  long  before  Paul's  conversion,  and  also  that  of  Paul's 
fii-st  journey  to  Jerusalem,  and  his  subsequent  departure  to 
Tarsus. 

2.      The  Death  of  Herod  Agrtppa. 

This  occurred  at  Csesarea  in  the  year  A.  D.  44.  The  state- 
ments of  Josephus  are  decisive  on  this  point.  He  says  that 
Agrippa,  who,  under  Caligula,  had  reigned  over  only  a  part  of 
Palestine,  received  the  entire  sovereignty  of  his  grandfather, 
Herod  the  Great,  on  the  accession  of  Claudius,  viz.  in  the  year 
A.  D.  41  (Antt.  19.  5.  1);  and  further,  that  at  the  time  of  his 
death  he  had  completed  the  third  year  after  this  extension  of  his 
power  (Antt.  19.  8.  2).  This  date  fixes  the  position  of  several 
other  important  events ;  such  as  the  execution  of  James  the 
elder,  the  arrest  and  deliverance  of  Peter,  the  return  of  Paul  to 

1  De  temporum  in  Actis  Apostolorum  ratione,  p.  121  sq. 

2  Wicseler  ( Chronolofjie  des  Apostolischen  Zeitalters,  pp.  175-213)  assigns 
Paul's  conversion  to  A.  D.  40.  It  was  gratifying  to  me"  to  find  tlmt,  witli  this 
exception,  all  his  other  dates  agree  with  those  which  I  had  been  letl  to  adopt 
before  consultintr  his  able  treatise. 


24  INTRODUCTION. 

Antioch  from  his  second  visit  to  Jerusalem,  and  his  departure  on 
his  first  missionary  excursion. 

3.      TJie  TJdrd  Journey  of  Paul  to  Jerusalem. 

In  Gal.  2,  1,  the  apostle  speaks  of  going  up  to  Jerusalem  after 
fourteep.  years,  which  are  to  he  computed,  in  all  probability,  from 
the  time  of  his  conversion.  It  has  been  made  a  question, 
whether  this  journey  is  to  be  understood  as  the  second  or  third 
of  the  several  journeys  which  Paul  is  mentioned  in  the  Acts  as 
having  made  to  Jerusalem.  The  general  opinion  is,  that  it 
should  be  understood  of  the  tliird ;  first,  because  the  object  of 
that  journey,  as  stated  in  15,  1  sq.,  coincides  exactly  with  that 
which  occasioned  the  one  mentioned  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Gala- 
tians ;  and,  secondly,  because  the  circumstances  which  are  de- 
scribed as  having  taken  place  in  connection  with  the  journey  in 
15,  1  sq.,  agree  so  entirely  with  those  related  in  the  E})istle.^ 
Supposing,  then,  the  identity  of  the  two  journeys  to  be  estab- 
lished, we  add  the  fourteen  years  already  mentioned  to  the  date 
of  Paul's  conversion,  viz.  3G,  and  we  have  A.  D.^  50  as  the  year 
when  he  went  up  to  Jerusalem  the  third  time  after  he  had  be- 
come a  Christian.2  With  this  year  coincides  that  of  holding  the 
Council  at  Jerusalem.  Paul  departed  on  his  second  missionary 
tour  soon  after  his  return  to  Antioch  from  this  third  visit  to  Jeru- 
salem ;  and  hence  we  are  enabled  to  assign  that  second  tour  to 
the  year  A.  D.  51. 

4.      The  Procuratorship  of  Felix. 

The  time  of  this  officer's  recall,  on  being  superseded  by  Fes- 
tus  (see  24,  27),  is  assigned  by  most  critics  to  the  year  A.  D.  60 
or  61.  The  names  of  both  these  men  are  well  known  in  secular 
histor}'- ;  but  it  so  happens  that  we  meet  with  only  indirect  state- 
ments relating  to  the  point  which  concerns  us  here.     It  is  gen- 

^  Tlic  reasons  for  this  conclusion  arc  welTitated  by  Hemsen,  in  his  D«tA.pos- 
tel  Paulus,  u.  s.  w.,  p.  52  sq.,  translated  by  the  writer  in  the  Christian  Review,  1841, 
p.  66  sq.  Dr.  Davidson  lia.s  discussed  the  question  with  the  .same  result  in  liis 
IntroductionT^ol.  II.  pj).  112-122.  SeeyalsoyConybcare  and  llowson,  Life  and 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  Vol.  I.  p.  539  sq.,  (2d  ed.)  and  Jowett  on  Galatians, 
p.  252. 

•  '^  It  is  proper  to  apprise  the  reader  that  some  reckon  the  fourteen  years  in 
Gal.  2,  1,  from  tlie  apostle's  first  return  to  Jerusalem  (Gal.  1,  18)  ;  and  in  that 
case  his  third  journey  to  that  city  would  be  dated  three  years  later.  But  few 
comparatively  adopt  this  view.  The  apostle's  conversion  is  the  js^verning  epoch, 
to  which  the  mind  of  the  reader  naturally  turns  back  from  Gal.  2,"l7^s  well  as 
from  Gal.  1,  18. 


CHRONOLOGY    OF    THE    ACTS.  25 

erally  agreed  that  these  statements  justify  the  foUowing  opmion. 
It  is  certain  that  Felix  could  not  have  been  recalled  later  than 
the  year  62.  Josephus  states  (Antt.  20.  8.  9)  that  Felix,  soon 
after  his  return  to  Rome,  was  accused  before  the  emperor,  by  a 
deputation  from  the  Jews  in  Palestine,  of  maladministration 
while  in  office,  and  that  he  would  have  been  condemned  had  it 
not  been  for  the  influence  of  his  brother  Pallas,  who  stood  high 
at  that  time  in  the  favor  of  Nero.  This  Pallas  now,  according  to 
Tacitus  (Ann.  14,  65),  was  poisoned  by  Nero  in  the  year  62. 
The  only  circumstance  wliich  impairs  the  certainty  of  this  con- 
clusion is  that  Tacitus  states  (Ann.  13.  14)  that  Pallas  had  lost 
the  favor  of  Nero  some  time  before  this,  and  had  been  entirely 
removed  from  public  business.  Hence  some  have  placed  the 
appointment  of  Festus  as  successor  of  Felix  several  years  earlier 
than  A.  D.  61.  But  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  disgrace  of 
which  Tacitus  speaks  may  have  been  only  temporary,  and  that 
Pallas  may  afterwards  have  recovered  his  influence  with  the  em- 
peror. Since  it  is  certain,  according  to  Tacitus  himself,  that  the 
death  of  this  favorite  did  not  occur  till  A.  D.  62,  it  can  be  more  easily 
supposed  that  Nero  was  again  reconciled  to  him  than  that  tliis 
revengeful  tyrant  should  have  suffered  him  to  live  several  years 
after  he  had  become  odious  to  liim^  De  Wette,  Anger,  Meyer, 
Wieseler,  and  others,  admit  tliis  supposition,  under  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case,  to  be  entirely  natural. 

It  is  less  easy  to  fix  the  limit  on  the  other  side.  The  general 
belief  is  that  Festus  could  not  have  succeeded  Felix  earlier  than 
A.  D.  60  or  61.  Josephus  relates  (Antt.  20.  8. 11)  that  Festus,  after 
having  entered  on  his  office,  permitted  a  deputation  of  the  Jews 
to  repair  to  Rome,  in  order  to  obtain  the  decision  of  Nero  in  a 
controversy  between  himself  and  them ;  and  that  Poppasa,  the 
wife  of  Nero,  interceded  for  them,  and  enabled  them  to  gain 

1  Some,  as  Neander,  "Wieseler,  object  to  the  stricter  sense  of  ywi]  in  the  pas- 
sage of  Josephus,  but  it  is  defended  by  Schrader,  Meyer,  and  others,  as  the  more 
obvious  sense,  whether  we  consider  the  historical  facts  or  the  usage  of  the  woi"d. 
Neander  (Pfianzung,  u.  s.  w.  Vol.  I.  p.  493)  expresses  himself  with  much  hesitation 
respecting  this  date  of  the  succession  of  Felix  and  Festus.  It  is  important,  for 
tiie  purpose  of  laying  up  in  the  mind  a  connected  view  of  the  history,  to  settle 
upon  the  precise  years  as  nearly  as  possible  ;  and  we  ought  not  to  deprive  our- 
selves of  this  advantage,  merely  because  some  of  the  conclusions,  or  the  grounds 
of  them,  cannot  be  placed  entirely  beyond  doubt.  It  is  admitted  that  of  the  dates 
proposed  in  the  above  scheme  of  chronology,  the  second  (that  of  Herod's  death) 
and  the  last  in  a  lower  degree  (that  of  Paul's  amval  at  Home)  are  the  only  ones 
that  can  be  brought  to  a  state  of  comparative  certainty.  In  regard  to  the  others, 
I  have  not  meant  to  claim  for  tliera  anything  more  than  the  character  of  an 
approximation  to  the  truth. 

4 


^^ 


26  INTRODUCTION.  ^    / 

their  object.  But  this  woman  did  not  become  the  wife'  of  Nero 
until  the  year  62  (Tac.  Ann.  14.  49 ;  Suet.  Ner.  35) ;  and  hence, 
as  Festus  must  have  been  in  Judea  some  time  before  this  diffi- 
culty with  the  Jews  arose,  and  as,  after  that,  some  time  must 
have  elapsed  before  the  case  could  be  decided  at  Rome,  Festus 
may  have  received  his  appointment  in  the  year  60  or  61.  The 
best  recent  authorities,  as  Winer,  De  Wette,  Anger,  Meyer, 
Wieseler,  adopt  one  or  the  other  of  these  years. 

We  reach  very  nearly  the  same  result  from  what  Josephus 
says  of  his  journey  to  Rome  in  behalf  of  the  Je^vish  priests  whom 
Felix  had  sent  thither  for  trial  before  liis  removal  from  office. 
He  informs  us  in  his  Life  {^  3),  that  he  made  this  journey  in 
the  twenty-sixth  year  of  his  age,  and  as  he  was  bom  in  the  first 
year  of  the  reign  of  Caligula,  i.  e.  A.  D.  37  (Life,  ^  1),  he  visited 
Rome  on  this  occasion  about  63.  His  narrative,  without  being 
definite,  implies  that  Fehx,  at  this  time,  had  not  only  been  re- 
called, but  must  have  left  Palestine  two  or  tliree  years  earher 
than  this.     Festus  was  the  immediate  successor  of  Felix. 

It  is  the  more  important  to  settle  as  nearly  as  possible  some 
epoch  in  this  portion  of  the  apostle's  histoiy,  since  there  would 
be  othenvise  so  much  uncertainty  as  to  the  mode  of  arranging 
the  events  in  the  long  inteival  between  this  and  Paul's  third 
journey  to  Jerusalem.  Upon  this  date  depends  the  year  of  the 
apostle's  arrest  in  that  city  on  liis  fifth  and  last  visit  thither, 
before  he  was  sent  to  Rome.  His  captivity  at  Caesarea,  which 
followed  that  arrest,  continued  two  years,  and  must  have  com- 
menced in  the  s})ring  of  A.  D.  58  or  59. 

5.      The  Arrival  of  Paul  in  Rome. 

The  extreme  limit  beyond  which  we  cannot  place  this  event 
may  be  regarded  as  certain.  It  could  not  have  been  later  than 
the  year  62 ;  for  after  64,  when  tlie  Christians  at  Rome  began  to 
be  persecuted  by  the  Roman  government,  their  situation  was 
such  that  the  apostle  could  not  have  remained  there  and  preached 
the  gospel  for  two  years  without  molestation,  as  stated  by  Luke 
at  the  end  of  the  Acts.  It  is  impossible  to  obtain  a  more  definite 
result  than  this  from  secular  history.^  i3ut  the  date  in  question 
follows  as  a  deduction  from  the  one  considered  in  the  last  para- 
^aph.  It  is  evident  from  the  Acts,  that  Paul  proceeded  to  Rome 
almost  immediately  after  the  entrance  of  Festus  on  his  office ; 
and  if  tliis  took  place  in  A.  D.  60  or  61,  he  must  have  arrived  in 

1  Whetlicr  this  result  is  confirmed  by  ry  crTparoirfScipxri  in  28,  16,  depends  on 
tlic  cx])laniition  of  tlic  article  ;  sec  the  note  on  that  passage. 


CONTENTS    IN    CHRONOLOGICAL    ORDER.  27 

Rome  early  in  the  spring  of  61  or  62.  Hence,  if  he  arrived  even 
in  A.  D.  62,  he  could  have  remained  two  years  in  captivity,  and 
then  have  regained  his  freedom  (if  we  adopt  that  opinion),  since 
Nero's  persecution  of  the  Christians  did  not  commence  till  the 
summer  of  A.  D.  64. 


§  7.     The   Contents  in  Chronological  Order. 

A.  D. 

33.  Ascension  of  Christ.  Appointment  of  Matthias  as  an  apos- 
tle. Outpouring  of  the  Spirit  at  Pentecost.  The  gift  of 
tongues  conferred.  Discoiirse  of  Peter.  Three  thousand 
are  converted.  —  Pilate,  under  whom  the  Saviour  was 
crucified,  is  still  procurator  of  Judea.  Tiberius  continues 
emperor  till  A.  D.  37. 

33-35.  Peter  and  John  heal  the  lame  man.  They  are  arraigned 
before  the  Sanhedrim,  and  forbidden  to  preach.  Death  of 
Ananias  and  Sapphira.  The  apostles  are  scourged.  Dea- 
cons appointed.  Apprehension  and  martyrdom  of  Stephen. 
Saul  makes  havoc  of  the  church. 

36.  Persecution  scatters  the  believers  at  Jerusalem.  Philip 
preaches  the  gospel  in  Samaria.  Hypocrisy  of  Simon  the 
Magian.  Baptism  of  the  Eunuch.  The  word  is  made 
known  in  Phoenicia,  Cyprus,  and  at  Antioch  in  Syria. 
Christ  appears  to  Saul  on  the  way  to  Damascus.  Con- 
version of  Paul. 

37-39.  Paul  spends  these  three  years  at  Damascus  and  in  Arabia. 
During  the  same  time  other  laborers  spread  the  gospel  in 
Judea,  Galilee,  and  along  the  coast  of  the  Mediterranean. 
—  Caligula  becomes  emperor  in  A.  D.  37. 

39.  Paul  escapes  from  Damascus,  and  goes  to  Jerusalem  for  the 
first  time  since  his  conversion.  Barnabas  introduces  him 
to  the  disciples.  He  remains  there  fifteen  days,  but  is 
persecuted  and  departs  thence  to  Tarsus. 

40-43.  During  this  period  Paul  preaches  in  Syria  and  Cilicia. 
Churches  are  gathered  there.  Barnabas  is  sent  to  search 
for  him,  and  conducts  him  to  Antioch.  In  the  mean  time 
Peter  visits  Joppa,  Lydda,  and  Csesarea.  Dorcas  is  re- 
stored to  life.  Cornelius  is  baptized.  Peter  defends  him- 
self for  visiting  the  heathen.  —  Claudius  becomes  emperor 
in  the  beginning  of  A.  D.  41.  On  his  accession  he  makes 
Herod  Agrippa  I.  king  over  all  Palestine. 


28  IXTRODUCTIOX. 

44.  Paul  labors    "  a  whole   year "    wdth   Barnabas   at   Aiitioch. 

Agabus  predicts  a  famine  in  Judea.  James  the  elder  is 
beheaded  at  Jerusalem.  Peter  is  cast  into  prison  ;  his  lib- 
eration and  flight.  —  Herod  Agrippa  dies  at  Ca?sarea  in  the 
summer  of  this  year.  Judea  is  governed  again  by  pro- 
curators. 

45.  Paul  goes  to  Jerusalem  the  second  time,  on  the  jilms-errand, 

accompanied  by  Barnabas.  He  returns  to  Antioch,  and 
under  the  direction  of  the  Spirit,  is  set  apart  by  the  church 
to  the  missionary  work.  In  the  same  year,  probably,  he 
goes  forth  with  Barnabas  and  Mark  on  his  first  mission  to 
the  heathen. 

46.  47.  He  was  absent  on  this  tour  about  two  years.     He  pro- 

ceeds by  the  way  of  Seleucia  to  Salamis  and  Paphos  in 
Cyprus ;  at  the  latter  place  Sergius  Paulus  believes,  and 
Elymas  is  struck  blind.  Crossing  the  sea,  he  glands  at 
Perga,  where  John  Mark  abruptly  left  him.  )£e  preaches 
in  the  synagogue  at  Antioch.  LatJors-wifh  success  at 
Iconium.  At  Lystra  he  is  about  to  be  worshipped  as  a 
god,  and  afterward^.is  stoned.  Escapes  to  Derbe.  Re- 
traces his  way  to  Perga ;  sails  from  Attaleia  and  comes 
again  to  Antioch  in  Syria. 
48,  49.  Here  he  abode,  it  is  said,  "  a  long  time."  We  may 
assign  these  two  years  to  that  residence.  He  extended 
his  labors,  no  doubt,  to  the  neighboring  regions. 

50.  Apostolic  council  at  Jerusalem.  Paul  makes  his  third  jour- 
ney to  that  city,  in  company  with  Barnabas  and  others,  as 
delegates  from  the  church  at  Antioch.  Returns  to  Antioch 
with  the  decrees.    Paul  and  Barnabas  separate. 

51-54.  The  apostle's  second  missionary  tour.  Silas,  Timothy, 
and  Luke  are  associated  with  him.  Paul  revisits  the 
churches  in  Syria  and  Cilicia.  Plants  the  churches  in 
Galatia.  At  Troas  he  embarks  for  Europe,  and,  among 
other  places,  visits  Phibppi,  Thcssalonica,  Berca,  Athens, 
Corinth.  In  tbis  last  city  he  remained  at  least  a  year  and 
.  a  half  Labored  with  Aquila  at  tent-making.  Le^  the 
synagogue  and  preached  to  Greeks.  He  is  arraigned  ])efore 
Gallio,  In  this  city  Paul  wrote  the  First  and  Second 
Epistles  to  the  Thessalonians.^     In  the  spring,  jirobably, 

^  The  reasons  fi«r  assif^niiij^  the  ditRTont  Epistles  to  the  times  and  ])luces  men- 
tioned are  stated  in  tli^  body  of  tlic  Commentary. 


CONTENTS  IN  CHRONOLOGICAL  ORDER.        29 

of  A.  D.  54,  he  leaves  Corinth,  embarks  at  Cenchrea, 
touches  at  Ephesus,  lands  at  Csesarea,  and  from  there 
goes  for  the  fourth  time  to  Jerusalem,  and  thence  to  Anti- 
och.  We  may  allot  three  years,  or  tlu-ee  and  a  half,  to 
this  journey.  —  Felix  became  procurator  of  Judea  in  A.  D. 
52.  In  A.  D.  53,  Claudius  bestowed  on  Herod  Agrippa 
II.,  the  former  tetrarchy  of  Pliilip  and  Lysanias,  with  the 
title  of  king.  In  A.  D.  54,  Nero  succeeded  Claudius  as 
emperor. 

54-57.  In  the  autumn  of  A.  D.  54,  according  to  some,  or  early  in 
A.  D.  55,  according  to  others,  Paul  entered  on  his  third 
missionaiy  tour.  He  goes  through  Galatia  and  Phrygia  to 
Ephesus,  where  he  spends  the  greater  part  of  the  next 
three  years.  Just  before  his  arrival,  Apollos  left  Ephesus 
for  Corinth.  Certain  disciples  of  John  are  baptized. 
Nearly  all  Asia  hears  the  Gospel.  The  Exorcists  defeated. 
An  uproar  at  Ephesus.  The  Asiarchs  befriend  Paul. 
During  this  sojourn  here,  Paul  wrote  the  Epistle  to  the 
Galatians,  and  the  First  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians. 
Within  the  same  time  he  made,  probably,  a  short  journey 
to  Corinth,  either  directly  across  the  ^gean,  or  through 
Macedonia.  While  on  this  excursion,  some  suppose  that 
he  wrote  the  First  Epistle  to  Timothy,  and  after  his  return 
to  Ephesus,  that  to  Titus. 

58,  59.  In  the  spring  of  A.  D.  58,  or  perhaps  A.  D.  57  (if  this 
tour  began  in  54),  the  apostle  leaves  Ephesus,  and  pro- 
ceeds to  Macedonia,  where  he  writes  his  Second  Epistle 
to  the  Corinthians.  He  spent  the  summer  in  that  region, 
and  travelled  probably  as  far  west  as  Ulyricum.  In  the 
autumn  or  early  winter  of  this  year,  he  arrives  at  Corinth, 
and  remains  there  three  months.  The  Jews  plot  his 
destruction.  At  this  time  he  wrote  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans.  In  the  ensuing  spring,  he  returns  through 
Macedonia  to  Troas,  where  he  preached  and  "broke 
bread."  Miraculous  recovery  of  Eutychus.  At  Miletus 
he  addressed  the  Ephesian  elders.  Landing  at  Ptolemais, 
he  proceeded  to  Ceesarea,  and  thence  to  Jerusalem,  which 
is  his  fifth  and  last  visit  to  that  city.  This  journey  occu- 
pied about  four  years. 

58  or  59.  At  Jerusalem  Paul  assumes  a  vow,  to  conciliate  the 
Jewish  believers.  He  is  seized  by  the  Jews  in  the  tem- 
ple, but  is  rescued  by  Lysias  the  chiliarch.     Speech   to 


30  INTRODUCTION. 

the  mob  from  the  stairs  of  the  castle.  His  Roman  citizen- 
.  ship  saves  liim  from  the  torture.  He  stands  before  the 
Sanhedrim  and  narrowly  escapes  with  his  hfe.  Forty- 
Jews  conspire  against  him.  Lysias  sends  him  as  a  state- 
prisoner  to  Felix  at  Ca^sarea. 

59-61.  His  captivity  here  continues  two  years.  He  pleads  his 
cause  before  Felix,  who  detains  liim  in  the  hope  of  a 
bribe.  The  Jews  renew  their  charge  against  liim  before 
Festus.  Paul  is  compelled  to  appeal  to  Caesar.  He 
speaks  in  the  presence  of  king  Agrippa,  and  is  pronounced 
innocent.  —  Felix  was  superseded  by  Festus  in  A.  D.  60 
or  61. 

62-64.  In  the  autumn  of  A.  D.  60  or  61,  Paul  embarked  at 
Csesarea  for  Rome,  and  arrived  there  early  in  the  follow- 
ing spring.  He  remains  in  custody  two  years.  During 
this  period  he  wrote  the  Epistles  to  the  Ephesians,  Colos- 
sians,  Philippians,  Philemon,  and,  if  he  suffered  martyr- 
dom at  this  time,  the  Second  Epistle  to  Timothy,  just 
before  his  death.  The  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  was  \ 
written,  probably,  in  this  latter  part  of  the  apostle's  hfe. 
Most  of  those  who  maintain  that  Paul  was  imprisoned 
twice  at  Rome,  suppose  (the  correct  opinion,  as  it  seems 
to  me)  that  he  wrote  the  First  Epistle  to  Timothy,  and 
that  to  Titus,  in  the  inter\'al  between  his  first  and  second 
captivity,  and  his  Second  Epistle  to  Timothy  in  the  near 
prospect  of  his  execution,  after  liis  second  arrest. 


COMMENTARY, 


COMMENTARY. 


FOR  THE  READER. 


The  works  on  the  Greek  language  to  which  most  frequent  reference  has  been 
made,  are  the  following  :  — 

W.,  Winee's  Grammatik  des  neutestamentlichen  Sprachidioms,  sixth  edition, 
1855  (the  divisions  in  the  English  Translation,  fourth  edition,  sometimes  ditfer). 

S.,  Prof.  Stuart's  Grammar  of  the  New  Testament  Dialect,  second  edition. 

K.,  Kuehner's  Greek  Grammar,  translated  by  Edwards  and  Taylor. 

C,  Crosby's  Greek  Grammar. 

B.,  Buttmann's,  Robinson's  Translation. 

Mt.,  Matthi^'s,  third  edition  of  the  original,  or  Blomfield's  Translation. 

Green's  Gr.,  Grammar  of  the  N.  T.  Dialect  by  T.  S  Green  (London  1842). 

Benih.  Synt.,  Bernhardy's  Wissenschaftliche  Syntax. 

Hart.  Partkl.,  Hartung's  Lehre  von  den  Partikeln,  u.  s.  w. 

Kl.  Devr.,  Devarius  de  Gr.  Ling.  Particulis  edidit  Klotz. 

Lob.  Phryn.,  Phrynichi  Eclogae  Nominum  edidit  Lobeck. 

Tittm.  Synm.,  Tittmann  de  Synonymis  in  N.  Testamento. 

Pape  Lex.,  Ilandworterhuch  der  Griechischen  Sprache,  von  Dr.  W.  Papb 
(Braunsschweig  1842). 

R.  and  P.  Lex.,  Passow,  Eandworterhuch  der  Gr.  Sprache,  ncu  bearbeitct,  u.  s.  w., 
von  Dr.  Rost  und  Dr.  Palm  (Leipzig  1841-56). 

Some  other  names,  especially  those  of  commentators  or  critics,  mentioned 
often,  as  well  as  titles  of  books  quoted  often,  have  been  abbreviated.  A  list  of 
such  contractions  will  be  found  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 


COMMENTARY. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Verses  1-3.     Relation  of  the  Acts  to  the  Gospel  of  Luhe. 

V.  1.  fi€v,  solitarium,  i.  e.,  without  any  following  8e.  This  omis- 
sion, which  occurs  in  the  best  writers,  is  very  common  in  this 
book ;  see  v.  18 ;  3,  13  ;  19,  4  ;  26,  4,  etc.  K.  ^  322.  R.  4  ;  W.  ^ 
63. 1.  2.  e.  The  writer  frames  the  clause  in  which  he  refers  to 
his  first  history  {fxiv),  as  if  he  had  intended  to  add  here  (Se)  that 
he  would  now  relate  how  extensively  the  name  of  Jesus  had  been 
made  known,  and  by  what  means.  Being  led  by  the  allusion 
to  the  ascension  of  Christ  to  state  the  circumstances  of  that 
event,  he  drops  the  proposed  antithesis,  and  leaves  the  subject 
of  the  book  to  unfold  itself  from  the  course  of  the  narrative.  — 
TrpwTov  stands  for  the  stricter  Trporepov,  like  the  interchange  o^  first 
diXid  former  in  English;  comp.  John  1,  15,  30;  15,  18  ;  and  per- 
haps Luke  2,  2. — Xoyov,  history,  as  in  Herod.  (6.  19),  and  thence 
onward. — ©co^tXe.  He  appears  from  Luke  1,  3  to  have  been  a 
man  of  rank,  since  Kpana-Te,  when  prefixed  m  the  Acts  to  the  name 
of  a  person,  refers  not  to  character,  but  to  station ;  see  23,  26  ; 
24,  3;  26,  25.  From  the  fact  that  Luke  wrote  his  Gospel  con- 
fessedly for  Gentile  readers,  and  that  both  there  and  here  he  has 
uniformly  supplied  such  information  respecting  Jewish  customs 
and  places  as  they  would  need,  we  may  conclude  that  Theophilus 
belonged  to  that  class  of  readers,  and  that  he  was  not,  therefore, 
a  Jew,  or  a  resident  in  Palestine.  The  manner  in  which  the 
book  terminates  (see  Introduct.,  p.  21),  favors  the  supposition 
that  he  may  have  lived  at  Rome,  or  in  Italy,  Some  have  urged 
5  (33) 


34  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  I,  1 

it  as  an  argument  for  that  opinion,  that  Lnke  has  merely  enu- 
merated the  names  of  places  in  Italy  as  if  his  readers  were  fa- 
miliar with  them  ;  but  the  proof  is  not  conclusive.  He  takes  for 
granted  a  similar  knowledge  of  the  geography  of  Asia  Minor  and 
I  Greece.  He  inserts  no  explanatory  notices  in  this  part  of  the 
j  history,  unless  we  are  to  except  16,  12  ;  27,  12.  —  wv  rjp^aro,  k.  t. 
X.,  which  Jesus  both  did  and  taught  from  the  beginning,  viz.  of  his 
career. —  wv  stands  by  attraction  for  a.  rjp^aTo  carries  back  the 
mind  to  the  commencement  of  the  Saviour's  history,  and  is  equiv- 
alent in  sense  to  e^  apx^s-  Hence  this  verb  marks  the  limit  of  the 
narrative  in  one  direction,  as  d^pi  ^s  ^/^cpas  does  in  the  other. 
This  adverbial  sense  belongs  usually  to  the  participle  (Mt.  s^  558), 
but  may  be  admitted  also  in  the  verb.  ( Hmph.^  adopts  this  an- 
alysis in  his  2d  ed.)  It  gives  the  same  result,  though  less  directly, 
if  we  consider  the  expression  as  elliptical :  which  he  began  and 
proceeded  both  to  do,  etc. ;  comp.  v.  22 ;  Matt.  20,  8 ;  Luke  23,  5.  See 
W.  §  66.  1.  c.  Other  explanations  have  been  proposed.  Meyer 
finds  in  it  an  implied  contrast  between  the  labors  of  Christ  and 
those  of  the  apostles  ;  he  laid  the  foundation  —  they  were  to  build 
upon  it  and  finish  what  he  began.  This  seems  to  me  far-fetclied. 
(But  in  his  last  edition  Meyer  retracts  this  opinion,  and  says  justly 
that  'It^ctoC's  with  that  contrastij^e  force  would  naturally  precede 
the  verb.)  Olshausen  thinks  that  Luke  intended  to  suggest  by 
rip^aro,  that  Christ  only  commenced  his  work  on  earth  —  that  he 
still  continues,  and  will  complete  it  in  heaven.  Baumgarten^  (p. 
8  sq.)  contends  for  the  same  view,  and  deduces  from  it  what  he 
supposes  to  be  Luke's  special  design  in  writing  the  Acts,  viz.  to 
represent  the  Saviour  after  his  ascension  as  still  acting  through 
the  apostles,  and  thus  carrying  forward,  by  their  agency,  the 
merely  incipient  labors  of  his  life  on  earth.  Of  course  this  ac- 
tivity of  Christ,  who  is  ever  present  with  his  people  (Matt.  28, 
20),  could  not  fail  to  be  recognized  in  the  history  (as  in  3,  26  ;  4, 
30;  19,  13;  etc.);  but  it  is  impossible  that  the  writer,  with  that 
object  in  view,  should  have  left  it  to  be  so  obscurely  intimated. 
This  alleged  contrast  between  Luke's  Gospel  as  simply  a  begin- 
ning, and  the  Acts  as  a  continuation  of  Christ's  personal  work,  so 
far  from  being  put  forward  with  prominence,  as  we  should  expect, 
is  not  distinctly  drawn  out  in  a  single  passage.  The  truth  is,  as 
•Lekebusch  remarks  (Composition,  u.  s.  w.,  p.  203),  the  narrative 

1 A  Commentary  on  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  by  W,  G.  Humphrey,  B.  D., 
late  Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  etc.     (London   1854.) 

2  Die  Apostelgeschichtc  odor  dor  Entwiekclungsgang  dcr  Kirche  von  Jerusalem 
bis  Rom,vou  M.  Baumgarten  (1852). 


Chap.  I,  2.  3.  COMMENTARY.  35 

contains  no  hint  of  any  such  relation  of  the  two  histories  to  each 
other,  unless  this  be  found  in  -^pfaro ;  and  even  this  word,  as  we 
have  seen,  admits  much  more  naturally  of  a  different  explanation. 
A  caution  against  regarding  this  verb  as  superfluous  here,  or  m 
any  passage,  can  hardly  be  needed.     See  W.  ^  65.  7.  d. 

V.  2.     rj'i  ■^fx.efja';  =  TTJ';  r}fx.epa<;  y,  as  in  Matt.  24,  38  ;   Luke    1,  20. 

—  evreiXdfjievov,  I  understand,  with  Meyer  and  others,  as  referring 
to  Christ's  command  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  all  the  world,  as  re- 
corded in  Matt.  28,19;  and  which,  from  its  memorable  character, 
Luke  could  assume  as  well  known  to  his  readers.  De  Wette 
supposes  it  to  be  the  command  in  v.  4  ;  but  we  have  then  an  un- 
necessary repetition  of  the  same  thing,  and,  contrary  to  the  nat- 
ural order,  the  allusion  first,  and  the  fuller  notice  last.  Some 
have  proposed  to  extend  the  meaning  of  the  word  so  as  to  em- 
brace all  the  instructions  which  Christ  gave  to  the  apostles  in 
relation  to  their  future  work ;  but  the  term  is  too  specific  for  so 
general  an  idea,  and,  besides,  the  obvious  implication  is  that  the 
giving  of  the  command  was  something  almost  immediately  ante- 
cedent to  the  ascension.  —  Sta  Trvevfx.aTO's  ayiov,  through  the  Holy 
Spirit,  his  influence,  guidance.  This  noun,  as  so  used,  may  omit 
the  article  or  receive  it,  at  the  option  of  the  writer,  since  it  has 
the  force  of  a  proper  name.  W.  ^  19.  1.  See  also  Ellicott's  note 
on  Gal.  4,  5.  These  words  attach  themselves  naturally  to  the 
participle  which  they  accompany,  and  it  is  forced,  as  well  as  un- 
necessary, to  connect  them  with  the  verb  in  the  next  clause. 
This  passage,  in  accordance  with  other  passages,  represents  the 
Saviour  as  having  been  endued  abundantly  with  the  influences 
of  the  Spirit,  and  as  ha\'ing  acted  always  in  conformity  with  its 
dictates;  see  10,  38;  Luke  4,  1  ;  John,  3,  34,  etc.  That  subjec- 
tion was  one  of  the  laws  of  his  dependent  nature.  That  he  re- 
vealed the  command  through  the  Holy  Spirit  cannot  be  meant,  for 
the  history  shows  that  he  gave  this  direction  to  them  in  person. 

—  oSs  efeXefaro,  ivhom  he  had  chosen.  The  aorist  stands  often  for 
our  pluperfect  after  a  relative  or  relative  expression.     W.  f  40.  5. 

—  a.vfX-q<^^ri,ivas  taken  up,  sc.  eh  rhv  ovpavov;  comp.  Mark  16,  19; 
and  Luke  24,  51.  The  abbreviation  shows  how  accustomed  the 
early  disciples  were  to  recur  to  this  event. 

V.  3.    oh   Koi   Trapearrjo-ev.      kul  joins   Trapea-Trjcrev  to    ov?  e'feAe^'aro. 

The  persons  whom  Christ  had  selected  as  his  apostles  were  the 
same  to  ivhom  a/so  he  shoiced  himself,  etc.  Thus  they  not  only  re- 
ceived their  office  directly  from  Christ,  but  were  able  to  testify 
from  their  own  personal  knowledge  to  the  reality  of  his  resurrec- 
tion; comp.  2,  32,  and  3,  15.    See  note  on  v.  22.  —  /xera  to  Tra^elv 


36  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  1, 3.  4. 

avTov,  after  he  had  suffered,  viz.  the  death  of  the  cross  ;  see  Heb. 
13,  12  ;  and  1  Pet  3,  18.  The  term  occurs  thus  absohitely  hi  3, 
18  and  17,  3  ;  (comp.  also  26,  23),  and  is  a  striking  usage.  It 
arose  probably  out  of  the  iiiiprcssion  which  the  painful  nature  of 
Christ's  sufferings  had  made  on  the  first  disciples.  —  iv  ttoXXoIs 
TCKfirfpiOLs,  in  many  proofs ;  or  if,  as  De  Wette  suggests,  the  idea 
of  the  verb  mingles  with  that  of  the  noun,  in  many  convincing 
manifestations.  reKfji-^ptov  does  not  occur  elsewhere  in  the  New 
Testament,  and  is  a  very  expressive  term.  Plato  uses  it  to  de- 
note the  strongest  possible  logical  proof,  as  opposed  to  that  which 
is  weaker,  and  Aristotle  employs  it  to  signify  demonstrative  evi- 
dence. The  language  seems  to  show  that  the  first  Christians 
had  distinctly  revolved  the  question  whether  the  Saviour's  resur- 
rection was  real  or  not,  and  had  assured  themselves  of  its  reality 
by  evidence  which  did  not  admit  in  their  minds  of  the  shadow 
of  a  doubt.  Our  "  infallible  signs  "  (E.  V.  Gen.  V. :  infallible  to- 
kens,—  both  founded  on  Bezsi's  certissimis  signis),  does  not  ex- 
press the  sense  too  strongly.  Compare  the  idea  with  1  John  ], 
1.  — 8t'  Tjfjiepwv,  K.  T.  X.,  during  forty  days  apjjearing  to  them,  (as  in 
all  the  earlier  E.  Vv.),  i.  e.  from  time  to  time,  as  related  by  the 
Evangelists  ;  not  pass.,  seen  by  them  (E.  V.).  oTrravo/Aevo?,  (not 
elsewhere  in  N.  T.),  agrees  best  as  middle,  with  the  active 
sense  of  the  other  verbs,  and  with  1  Kings  8,  8  (Sept.);  see 
Tromms's  Concord,  s.  v.  Wahl  (Clav.  Apocr.  s.  opaw)  should 
not  have  put  down  the  use  in  Tob.  12,  9,  as  certainly  pas- 
sive. Some  have  argued  too  positively  from  tliis  word,  that 
Christ  rose  from  the  grave  with  a  glorified  body.  It  represents 
his  appearing  to  the  disciples  perhaps  as  occasional  and  sudden 
(comp,  ui<p^-q  in  7,  26)  ;  but  does  not  decide  whether  the  state  out 
of  which  he  appeared  was  a  spiritual  and  invisible  one,  or  merely 
some  place  of  retirement  after  a  temporary  absence.  The  Sav- 
iour had  accomplished  the  great  end  of  his  earthly  work,  when 
he  rose  from  the  dead,  and  after  that,  until  his  ascension,  appears 
to  have  jninglcd  only  at  times  with  his  followers.  Some  mys- 
tery rests,  no  doubt,  on  the  last  days  of  Ids  life  ;  but  the  idea 
that  he  possessed  a  spiritual  body  before  his  return  to  heaven, 
appears  to  me  irreconcilable  with  Luke  24,  39,  and  John  20,  27. 
Sec  the  article  on  our  Lord's  resun-ection  body,  in  Bibl.  Sac.  Vol.^ 
.  II.  p.  405  sq.  '  ■ 

Verses  4.  5.     The  Promise  of  the  Saviour  to  send  the  Spirit. 

V.  4.     (TuvoXi^d/icvos,  sc.  auTois,  being  assembled,  (E.  V.),  as  men- 
tioned in  Luke  21,  49;   not  sc.  airovs,  assembling  them   (Kuin. 


Chap.  I,  4.  6.  COMMENTAKY.  37 

Olsli.  and  earlier  E.  Vv.).  Nearly  all  the  later  critics  reject  the 
middle  sense  as  unproved.  —  irepLfxeyeiv  ttjv  cTrayyeAtav,  to  await  the 
promise,  its  fulfQnient,  realization,  com  p.  Gal.  3,  14  ;  not  cVayyeA- 
lav^To  €7rayyeAXo/A€vov,  i.  e.  the  promised  Holy  Spirit  (Rob.  N.  T. 
Lex.),  which  is  less  congruous  with  the  following  verb.  See  W. 
k  34.  3.  It  is  said  to  be  the  promise  of  the  Father,  because  it 
was  foretold  in  the  Old  Testament  that  he  would  bestow  it.  See 
2,  16  ;  Joel  3,  1.  2.  — r]v  yjKovo-are.  jxov,  wJdch  you  heard  from  me,  as 
recorded  in  Luke  24,  49  ;  see  also  John  15,  26  ;  16,  13.  For  the 
verb  with  the  accusative  and  genitive,  see  K.  k  273.  R.  18  ;  W.  k 
30.  7.  c.  The  style  of  discourse  changes  suddenly  from  the  in- 
direct to  the  direct,  as  in  17,  3  ;  23,  22,  and  often.  W.  ^  63.  II. 
2.;   S.  k  196.  2. 

Y.  5.  vSari,  ivith  water  as  the  element  by  which,  Iv  TrvevfxaTi 
dyiw,  in  the  Holy  Spirit,  as  the  element  in  which  the  baptism  is 
performed.  The  insertion  of  iv  may  be  slightly  localizing  with 
reference  to  a  copious  impartation  of  the  Spirit's  gifts  and  influ- 
ences. —  ov  /Aera,  k.  t.  X.,  not  after  these  many  days,  after  not  many, 
a  few.  This  mode  of  inverting  the  signification  of  an  adjective 
is  frequent  in  Luke's  style.  If  this  assurance  was  given  on  the 
day  of  the  ascension,  only  ten  days  were  now  to  pass  before  the 
promised  effusion  of  the  Spirit  (comp.  v.  3,  with  2,  1.)  But  if,  as 
maintained  below,  we  are  to  distinguish  the  meeting  in  v.  4  from 
that  in  v.  6,  we  cannot  decide  exactly  how  long  the  interval  was, 
not  knowing  on  which  of  the  forty  days  (v.  3)  the  earlier  inter- 
vieAv  took  place,  rai^'ras,  being  the  pronoun  which  points  out 
what  is  near  at  hand  (tKctvos  what  is  more  remote),  represents 
the  days  as  closely  connected  with  the  present.  It  is  not  super- 
fluous, therefore,  but  strengthens  the  idea  of  the  brevity  of  the 
interval. 

Verses  6-11.     His  Last  Intcrvieio  with  the  Disciples,  and  His 
Ascension. 

V.  6.  61  fxkv  oivv  o-uveX^ovre?,  TJiey  therefore  (the  avToZ<i  in  v.  4) 
having  come  together  on  a  sidisequent  occasion  (Calv.  Olsh.  E.  V. 
and  earlier  E.  Vv.  except  Wicl.  and  Rhem.)  ;  or  they  loho  came 
together  at  the  time  spoken  of  in  v.  4  (Vulg.  Mey.  DeWet.  Alf). 
I  incline  to  the  first  view,  because,  as  Olshausen  suggests,  Luke 
in  his  Gospel  (24,  49  as  compared  with  v.  50)  appears  to  assign 
the  direction  to  remain  at  Jerusalem  to  an  earlier  interview  than 
the  one  which  terminated  in  Christ's  ascension  (as  even  De  Wette 
admits  in  his  Synop.  Evang.  p.  298),  and  because  crwcX^oVrcs 
when  understood  of  the  same  assembling  becomes  so  nearly  tau- 


38  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  I,  6.  8. 

tological  after  crwaXi^o'/Aevos  in  v.  4.  ovv  depends  naturally  on  v. 
3.  The  kingdom  of  God  having  been  the  subject  of  so  much  dis- 
course between  Christ  and  the  apostles,  they  therefore,  in  this  last 
interview,  asked  him,  etc.  Hence  no  necessary  inference  can  be 
drawn  from  this  particle  (as  Alf  urges)  against  supposing  a  sepa- 
ration after  the  coming  together  in  v.  4.  —  el  h/  tw  xP*^^^'  '^-  '''•  ^• 
if  in  this  time  thou  dost  restore?  Their  inquiry  indicates  an  es- 
tablished faith  in  him  as  the  Messiah,  but  betrays  at  the  same 
time  an  expectation  that  his  kingdom  would  be  to  some  extent  a 
temporal  one ;  that  it  Avould  free  the  nation  from  theu'  depend- 
ence on  the  Romans,  and  restore  to  them  their  ancient  prosperity 
and  power.  This  worldly  view  may  have  been  the  preponderant 
one  in  the  question  which  they  ask,  though  we  are  to  suppose, 
of  course,  that,  after  having  been  so  long  associated  with  Clu-ist, 
they  had  far  more  intelligent  views  respecting  the  spiritual  nature 
of  the  Messiah's  mission  than  the  great  mass  of  the  Jews  enter- 
tained, d  introduces  a  direct  question,  which  is  contraiy  to  class- 
ical usage,  though  not  uncommon  in  the  New  Testament  and  the 
Septuagint.  K.  k  344.  5.  i. ;  W.  k  57.  2.  Originally  d  may  have 
involved  a  suppressed  thought  in  such  cases  :  saying  we  desire 
to  know  if,  etc.  See  Meyer  on  Matt.  12,  10.  dTroKa^to-Tavcts  is 
present  for  an  immediate  future.     W.  ^  40.  2  ;  K.  ^  255.  R.  4. 

V.  7.  xP^^^'"^  V  Katfjov?,  times  or  occasions.  See  Tittm.  de  Sy- 
non.  N.  T.  p.  39.  It  is  one  thing  to  know  the  general  period  of 
an  event ;  another,  to  know  the  precise  time  of  its  occurrence.  — 
ovs  ....  iiova-ia,  ivhich  the  Father  arranged,  or  fixed  in  his  oicn 
poicer,  i.  e.  in  the  sovereign  exercise  of  it;  comp.  Matt.  21,  23 
(DeWet.  Mey.  Hmph.).  The  implied  inference  is,  that  he  may 
be  expected  to  reserve  the  knowledge  of  such  decisions  to  him- 
self. All  the  E.  Vv.  (as  far  as  I  know)  render  hath  put  (defended 
also  by  Alf  ?i^=ihath  kept).  The  perfect  would  be  the  more 
obvious  form  with  that  meaning,  though  the  aorist,  /?z<i,  placed, 
may  imply  the  same.  The  question  of  the  disciples,  as  Bengel 
observes,  relates  merely  to  the  time  when  Christ  would  establish 
his  kingdom ;  and  his  answer,  as  here  given,  he  confines  to  the 
same  point.  Their  remaining  misconceptions  as  to  the  nature  of 
that  kingdom  were  soon  to  be  removed  more  eilectually  than  by 
any  formal  instruction. 

V.  8.  dXXa  marks  the  opposition  between  what  was  denied  to 
the  disciples  on  the  one  hand,  and  what  was  to  be  granted  to 
them  on  the  other.  —  hvvafx.Lv,  efficiency,  i.  e.  every  needful  quahfi- 
cation  to  render  them  efficient  in  their  apostolic  sphere  ;  see  Luke 
24,  49.     The  power  of  working  miracles  is  included,  but  does  not 


Chap.  I,  8-11.  COMMENTARY.  39 

exhaust  the  idea.  —  cttcX^oVtos  .  .  .  .  e^'  V«5.  This  clause  desig- 
nates the  time  when  they  should  receive  this  power,  as  well  as 
the  source  of  it.  The  construction  is  that  of  the  genitive  abso- 
lute. The  dependence  of  Trveu/xaros  on  8wa/xtv  (we  miss  the  arti- 
cle in  that  case)  is  less  easy,  but  is  preferred  by  some.  —  Read 
fiov  for  e/A06  after  io-eor^e.  —  la-)(a.Tov,  sc.  ixipovs.  Compare  the  lan- 
guage here  with  Matt.  28,  19;  Mark  16,  15.  It  is  inapossible 
that  the  disciples  should  not  have  understood  from  it  that  their 
sphere  of  labor  was  to  be  coextensive  with  the  world.  See  the 
remarks  on  2,  39.  The  foregoing  conversation  may  have  taken 
place  on  Olivet  (see  v,  12),  or  during  the  walk  thither. 

V.  9.  ravra  cittwv,  saying  these  things,  and  still  others  (Luke  24, 
51).  His  last  accents  were  those  of  love  and  benediction. — 
iirrip^r],  v}as  taken  up,  i.  e.  into  the  air,  not  yet  into  heaven,  on  ac- 
count of  the  next  verb  ;  hence  different,  also,  from  a.v£Xr](f>3rj  in  v. 
2,  which  represents  the  act  as  completed.  —  vTreXajSev,  received  up, 
(lit.  under,  with  the  cloud  as  it  were  beneath  him),  and  at  the 
same  time  by  a  pregnant  construction,  aicay,  hence  followed  by 
OTTO.  See  W.  ^  66.  2.  This  verb  describes  the  close  of  the 
scene,  as  far  as  it  was  visible  to  the  spectators. 

V.  10.  ws  dr€vt^ovrc5,  k.  t.  A.,  as  they  were  gazing  towards  heaven. 
This  compound  imperfect  is  stronger  than  the  simple,  both  as  to 
the  duration  of  the  act,  and  the  prominence  given  to  it.  The 
student  should  note  this  usage  ;  though  not  rare  in  the  classics,  it 
is  still  more  common  in  the  New  Testament.  See  Green's  Gr. 
p.  103.  K.  h  238.  R.  7.  Kuinoel  refers  ets  tov  oipavov  to  iropev- 
ofj-evov,  which  separates  the  words  from  their  natural  connection, 
and  leaves  areviCovTe';  without  any  indirect  object,  as  in  3,  4.  12  ; 
14,  9,  and  elsewhere.  —  kol  iSou,  then  behold,  ==.'r\ir^\;  comp.  Matt. 
9,  10  ;  Luke  2,  15  ;  24,  4.  This  Hebraistic  use  of  Kai  in  the  apodo- 
sis  of  a  sentence,  after  an  expression  or  idea  of  time,  is  frequent 
in  the  New  Testament.  See  Briid.  Gr.  Concord,  p.  456  ;  W.  § 
53.  3.  f  —  avSpe?,  me7i  in  form,  really  angels  ;  see  Mark  16,  5  ; 
Luke  24,  4.  —  Trapeto-TT/Keio-av,  were  standing  while  the  disciples 
gazed  ;   pluperf,  i=  imperf  in  this  verb. 

V.  11.  01  Kttt  etTTov,  ivho  also  said  as  well  as  appeared  to  them ; 
see  on  v.  3.  — tC  ia-T-qKare,  k.  t.  X.,  why  stand  ye,  etc.  The  precise 
import  of  this  address  of  the  angels  is  not  certain.  As  compared 
with  such  passages  as  Luke  24,  5.  25.  26,  and  others,  it  may  sug- 
gest that  the  apostles  should  have  been  prepared  in  some  meas- 
ure for  the  event  which  had  filled  them  with  such  astonisliment. 
They  had  been  distinctly  apprized  by  Christ  (see  John  6,  62  ;  20, 
17)  that  he  must  ascend  again  to  God  from  whom  he  came ;  and 


40  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  I,  11.  12. 

the  wonders  which  they  had  seen  in  their  intercourse  with  hira 
should  have  diminished  their  surprise  at  what  had  taken  place. 
The  inquiry,  as  so  understood,  leads  naturally  to  the  announce- 
ment which  follows.  It  should  abate  the  astonishment  of  the 
disciples  at  what  had  taken  place,  to  know  that  it  was  not  the 
only  event  of  the  kind  which  was  to  enter  into  the  histor}^  of  the 
Saviour ;  he  whom  they  had  seen  ascend  into  heaven  was  destined 
to  come  again  in  like  manner.  According  to  Calvin,  the  disciples 
linger  on  the  spot,  distressed  at  the  Saviour's  sudden  departure 
from  them,  and  still  gazing  tipward,  not  without  a  hope  that  pos- 
sibly he  might  reappear.  The  address  of  the  angels  reproves 
them  for  this  expectation,  and  at  the  same  time  consoles  them 
with  the  assurance  of  his  return  at  some  future  time.  Meyer's 
view  is  nearly  the  same.  —  ov  rpo-n-ov,  in  2vhat  manner,  i.  e.  visibly, 
and  in  the  air  (Bng.  DeWet.  Mey.  Olsh.).  The  expression  is 
never  employed  to  affirm  merely  the  certainty  of  one  event  as 
compared  with  another.  The  assertion,  that  the  meaning  is 
simply,  that,  as  Christ  had  departed,  so  also  he  would  return,  is 
contradicted  by  eveiy  passage  in  which  the  phrase  occurs ;  see 
7,  28  ;  Matt.  23,  37  ;  Luke  13,  34 ;  2  Tim.  3,  8. 

Verses  12-14.     Return  of  the  Disciples  to  Jerusalem. 

V.  12.  vLTTo  opovs,  K.  T.  X.,  from  the  mount  (definite  from  the  an- 
nexed clause,  though  tov  could  be  used;  see  Luke  19,  29)  ichich  is 
called  Olivet.  We  are  indebted  for  this  beautiful  name  to  the 
Latin  Olivetum  (in  Vulg.),  i.  e.  a  place  set  with  olives,  hence  the 
exact  import  of  iXacwv.  This  word  is  so  accentuated  also  by  Lchm, 
Tsch.  Mey.,  even  in  Luke  19,  29,  and  21,  37,  instead  of  eXatwv 
in  the  common  editions.  In  Matt.  21,  1,  we  have  6po<;  twv  e'Xaiwv, 
mount  of  the  olives.  Josephus  employs  the  designation  which  oc- 
curs here  in  Antt.  7.  9.  2.  Ohve  trees  still  grow  on  the  mount  of 
ascension,  and  thus  vindicate  the  propriety  of  the  ancient  name. 
On  their  return  to  Jerusalem  the  discijiles  must  have  passed  Geth- 
semane.  What  new  thoughts  would  crowd  upon  their  minds  as 
they  gazed  at  the  spot  after  the  scene  just  witnessed  !  —  exov, 
having,  amounting  to  ;  not  =  dirixov,  di.sfant,  as  often  repre- 
sented. A  Sabbath  day's  journey  was  the  distance  —  about  three 
(quarters  of  a  mile  —  to  which  "the  traditions  of  the  elders"  re- 
stricted the  Jews  in  travelling  on  the  Sabbath.  In  Luke  24,  50. 
51,  it  is  said  that  our  Saviour  led  the  disciples  as  far  as  to  Beth- 
any, and  that  there,  while  in  the  act  of  blessing  them,  he  was 
parted  from  them  and  carried  up  into  heaven.  It  was  at  Bethany, 


Chap.  I,  12.  13.  COMMENTARY.  41 

therefore,  or  in  the  vicinity  of  Bethany,  that  the  ascension  took 
place.  That  account  is  entirely  consistent  with  this.  Bethany 
was  on  the  eastern  declivity  of  the  Mount  of  Olives  ;  and,  as  ap- 
pears from  Mark  11,  1,  and  Luke  19,  29,  was  reckoned  as  a  part 
of  it ;  so  that  the  disciples,  in  returning  from  that  place  to  the 
city,  took  their  way  naturally  across  the  mountain.  See  Pwob. 
Bibl.  Res.  Vol.  11.  p.  100  ;  or  p.  431  in  ed.  of  1856.  Luke  speci- 
fies here  the  distance  of  Olivet  from  the  city,  instead  of  that  of 
Bethany,  which  was  about  two  miles  (comp.  John  11, 18),  because 
the  former  was  better  known  to  most  of  his  readers,  and  conveyed 
a  sufficiently  definite  idea  of  the  scene  of  the  ascension. 

V.  13.  ds^X.%v,  had  entered  (tense  as  in  v.  2)  into  the  city 
probably,  not  the  house.  What  precedes  suggests  the  place, 
rather  than  what  follows.  —  ets  r6  iiTrepwov,  into  the  ui^per  room  of 
some  private  house,  not  of  the  temple.  The  opinion  that  it 
was  the  latter  some  have  supposed  to  be  required  by  Luke 
24,  53.  But  8ta7ravTo?,  as  used  there,  need  not  signify  any  thing 
more  than  a  frequent  resort;  they  were  in  the  temple  always 
on  the  occasions  when  men  in  their  state  of  mind  would  natur- 
ally repair  thither;  see  2,  46  ;  Luke  2,  37.  Even  De Wette  allows 
that  the  passages  involve  no  discrepancy.  As  the  disciples  must 
have  been  well  known  as  the  followers  of  Christ,  we  cannot 
well  suppose  that  the  Jewish  rulers  would  have  allowed  them  to 
occupy  an  apartment  in  the  temple.  The  upper  room,  either 
directly  under  the  flat  roof,  or  upon  it  with  a  roof  of  its  own,  was 
retired,  and  hence  convenient  for  private  or  social  worship.  The 
Hebrews  were  accustomed  to  use  it  for  such  purposes  ;  see  20, 
8,  and  Dan.  6,  10  (Sept.).  Travellers  describe  such  rooms  at  the 
present  day  as  airy  and  spacious.  See  Bibl.  Res.  Vol.  11.  p.  229 
ed.  1856.  On  the  formation  of  v-n-epwov,  see  W.  ^  16.  2.  —  ov  ^crav 
Kara/AeVovre?,  xvhere  ivere  abiding ;  weakened  in  E.  V.  {abode),  as  if 
it  were  the  simple  imperf  ;  sec  on  v.  10,  We  could  understand 
this  of  constant  residence,  but  more  naturally  here  of  frequent  re- 
sort for  rehgious  conference  and  prayer  (DeWet.).  —  'laKw^os 
'AXtjyaLov,  sc.  vl6<;,  James  the  son  of  Alphaus ;  but  after  'louSus  we 
supply  aSeX</)os,  Judas  the  brother  of  James  (see  Jude,  v.  1).  The 
nature  of  the  relationship  in  such  a  case  is  not  determined  by  the 
construction,  but  is  left  to  the  knowledge  of  the  reader.  W.  k 
30.  3;  C.  ^  389.-6  t,r}\onr]s  =  KavaviTy]s  in  Matt.  10,  4,  from  the 
Hebrew  ^t^.  He  is  supposed  to  have  received  tliis  epithet 
on  account  of  his  former  zeal  as  a  supporter  of  Judaism.  As 
there  was  another  Simon  among  the  apostles,  he  appears  to  have 
retained  the  name  after  he  became  a  disciple,  as  a  means  of  dis- 


42  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  I,  14.  15. 

tinction,  though  it  had  now  ceased  to  mark  the  trait  of  character 
from  which  it  arose.  It  has  been  said,  that  he  took  the  appella- 
tion from  his  having  belonged  to  a  political  sect  known  as  the 
zealots,  who  are  mentioned  by  Josephus  ;  bnt  the  party  distin- 
guished by  that  name  in  Jewish  history  did  not  appear  till  a  later 
period. 

V.  14.  bfxo^vixaSov,  iinih  one  mind.  The  term  characterizes  the 
entire  harmony  of  their  views  and  feelings ;  comp.  Eom.  15,  6. 
—  TTJ  TTpoaivxrj,  unto  the  (work  of)  prayer,  where  ttJ  points  out  that 
as  the  ap})ropriate  way  in  which  they  were  occupied,  kox  tq 
ScT^o-et,  the  best  editors  regard  as  an  addition  to  the  text.  It  serves 
merely  to  strengthen  the  expression  ;  comp.  Phil.  4,  6.  —  crvv 
yuvat^i,  with  women.  Among  them  may  have  been  those  who  fol 
lowed  Christ  from  Galilee  ;  see  Luke  23,  55  ;  24,  10.  It  is  incor- 
rect to  suppose  that  they  are  meant  exclusively.  The  absence 
of  the  article  forbids  that  restriction.  —  koX  Mapia,  and  (among 
them  especially)  Mary,  kul  combines  often  a  part  with  its  whole 
for  the  sake  of  prominence.  This  is  the  last  time  that  the  mother 
of  Jesus  is  named  in  the  New  Testament.  —  ahfX<jiOL^  avrov  may 
mean  Jds  brethren  in  a  strict  sense,  or  more  generally,  his  Jcins- 
men,  relatives.  The  same  question  arises  in  regard  to  Matt.  13, 
55,  though  the  closer  relationship  there,  as  well  as  here,  is  the 
more  obvious  one,  and  finds  very  strong  support  from  Matt.  1,  25. 
The  brethren  of  Jesus  had  not  believed  on  him  at  fii'st  (see  John 
7,  5)  ;  but  we  discover  here  that  they  had  now  joined  the  circle 
of  his  followers. 

Verses  15-22.     The  Address  of  Peter  on  the  choice  of  a  new 
Apostle. 

V.  15.  eV  Tuis  y)[jiepai<;  raiVais  is  indefinite  as  a  notation  of  time. 
The  same  language  in  Matt.  3,  1,  marks  an  interval  of  thirty 
years;  comp.  also  Exod.  2,  11.  Here  a  short  time  only  could 
have  elapsed,  as  the  ascension  of  Christ  forms  the  limit  on  one 
side,  and  the  day  of  Pentecost  on  the  other.  —  re.  It  is  worth 
remarking,  that  this  particle  rarely  occurs  in  the  New  Testament, 
out  of  the  Acts  and  the  writings  of  Paul.  —  ovo/acitwv ^  dv^pojTrwv, 
as  in  Rev.  3,  4  ;  11,  13.  The  term  may  have  acquired  this  sense 
from  the  practice  of  taking  the  census  by  registration  or  enrol- 
ment, inasmuch  as  the  names  on  such  a  record  are  e(|uivalent  to 
persons.  —  i-n-l  to  airo,  lit.  nnto  the  same  ptl^cc,  implying  an  antece- 
dent motion.  It  means,  not  that  they  were  so  many  collectively, 
but  that  so  many  came  together  at  this  time ;  see  2,  1 ;  3,  1 ;  1 
Cor.  11,  20 ;  14,  23.  —  cKarov  eiKocriv.    We  are  to  understand  these 


Chap.  I,  16-18.  COMMENTARY.  43 

hundred  and  twenty  as  the  number  of  the  disciples  at  Jerusalem, 
not  as  the  entire  number  of  those  who  had  believed ;  see  1  Cor. 
15,  6. 

V.  1 6.  ar8/3£s  is  not  superfluous,  but  renders  the  address  more 
respectful.  It  is  a  compliment  to  be  recognized  as  men ;  see  2, 
29  ;  37  ;  7,  2  ;  13,  15,  and  often.  —  Ihu,  was  necessary.  The  tense 
is  past,  because  the  speaker  has  his  mind  on  the  part  of  the  pre- 
diction already  accomplished.  —  ravr-qv  refers  to  the  double  cita- 
tion in  V.  20.  The  parenthetic  character  of  vs.  18.  19,  accounts 
for  the  distance  of  the  antecedent,  which  in  this  case  follows  the 
pronoun.  See  K.  \  332.  8.  —  r)v  Trpoiiire,  k.  t.  A.,  tvhich  the  Holy 
Spirit  spake  beforehand,  etc.  We  have  a  similar  testimony  to  the 
inspiration  of  the  Scriptures  from  the  same  apostle  in  2  Pet.  1, 
21.  —  Trept  'Ioi;8a  belongs  both  by  position  and  construction  to 
irpoetTTe,  not  to  TrXrjpwSrjvaL.  iv  or  €7rt  would  have  followed  the  lat- 
ter verb.  —  Tov  yevofjiivov  oSrjyov,  ivho  became  (not  ivas,  E.  V.)  guide, 
who  acted  so  base  a  part,  though  professedly  a  friend.  See 
Matt.  26,  47 ;  John  18,  2  sq. 

V.  17.  Here  the  second  passage  in  v.  20  was  before  the 
speaker's  mind.  That  passage  contemplates  the  case  of  an  office 
transferred  from  one  person  to  another ;  and  since  forfeiture  im- 
plies previous  possession,  it  is  the  object  of  on  .  .  .  .  Iv  rj/juv  to 
remind  us  that  Judas  had  fulfilled  that  condition  of  the  passage : 
Jbr  he  teas  numbered  among  us,  i.  e.  the  apostles.  For  that  limit- 
ation of  ri\Civ,  see  the  next  clause,  and  also  v.  26.  The  full  con- 
nection, therefore,  is  this :  The  prophecy  speaks  of  an  eTrio-KOTr?/ 
which  another  shall  take  ;  Judas  held  such  an  office,  for  he  xoas 
numbered,  etc.,  so  that  the  words  apply  to  him.  To  render  on, 
although  (Hmph.),  is  not  allowal^le.  —  tov  KXrjpov  ....  ravrT/s,  the 
lot,  or  ojice,  of  this  ministry  which  we  possess,  i.  e.  the  apostle- 
ship,  comp.  Rom.  11,  13.  kA^^ov  loses  often  its  figurative  sense, 
so  as  to  jdenote  a  possession  without  any  reference  to  the  mode 
of  its  attainment.  Our  word  clergij  comes  from  this  term,  being 
founded  on  the  idea  of  the  order  as  one  divinely  appointed. 

V.  1 8.  This  verse  and  the  next  are  considered  by  most  critics 
as  an  explanatory  remark  of  Luke  (Calv.  Kuin.  Olsh.  Hmph.), 
not  as  a  part  of  Peter's  address.  The  reader  might  need  this 
information,  but  those  who  listened  to  the  apostle  may  be  sup- 
posed to  have  been  famihar  with  the  fate  of  Judas.  It  is  evident 
that  wcrrc  KAyj.^^vat ....  a"/xaT09,  though  appropriate  to  the  history, 
could  hardly  have  belonged  to  the  discourse,  yap  in  v.  20  appears 
to  demand  this  view  of  the  intervening  verses,  fxev  ovv  does  not 
forbid  this  supposition  (Alf)  ;  since  Luke  certainly  could  adjust 


44  COMMENTARY.  Chap.I,  18. 

his  own  words  to  the  context,  as  well  as  those  of  Peter,  reported 
by  him.  Some  such  horrible  end  of  the  traitor  was  to  be  inferred 
(ovv,  there/ore)  from  the  ypacfiijv  TavT-qv  (see  on  v.  20)  ;  and  it  was 
not  at  all  unnatural  that  Luke  should  interrupt  the  speech  at  this 
point,  and  inform  us  how  remarkaljly  the  death  of  Judas  agreed 
with  tliis  prediction.  Further,  it  is  strange  that  the  citation  in  v. 
20  should  be  kept  back  so  long  after  ravxT^vin  v.  16,  except  on  the 
view  that  Luke  inserted  what  intervenes.  Bengel  restricts  the 
parenthesis  to  the  explanation  respecting  Aceldama,  fxcv  stands 
alone,  as  in  v.  1.  —  e/crv^o-aro,  purchased,  or  caused  to  he  purchased, 
gave  occasion  for  it,  i.  e.  it  was  in  consequence  of  his  act,  and 
with  the  money  gained  by  his  treachery,  that  the  field  was  pur- 
chased, as  related  in  Matt.  27,  6  sq.  The  great  body  of  critics 
adopt  this  view  of  the  meaning  (Bez.  Bretsch.  Kuin,  Frtz. 
TlioL'  Olsh.  Ebr.  Mey.  Rob.).  This  briefer  mode  of  expression 
is  common  in  every  language,  and  may  be  employed  without 
obscurity  where  the  reader  is  presumed  to  be  familiar  -with  the 
facts  in  the  case,  or  when  the  nature  of  the  act  itself  suggests 
the  proper  modification.  The  following  are  analogous  examples 
in  the  New  Testament.  Matt.  27,  60  ;  "  And  Joseph  laid  the 
body  of  Christ  in  his  own  new  tomb,  which  he  lip.d  hewn  out  in 
a  rock,"  i.  e.  caused  to  be  hewn  out  for  him;  John  4,  1  :  "  And 
when  the  Lord  knew  that  the  Pharisees  heard  that  Jesus  made 
more  disciples  than  John,"  i.  e.  through  his  disciples ;  for  he  liim- 
self  baptized  not.  See  further,  7,  21;  16,  22;  Matt.  2,  16;  1 
Cor.  7,  16  ;  1  Tim.  4,  16,  etc.  These  cases  are  plain  ;  and  no  one 
refuses  to  admit  the  causative  sense  (not  directly  expressed,  but 
implied)  which  belongs  to  the  verb  in  such  passages.  The  prin- 
ciple which  this  mode  of  speaking  involves,  the  law  recognizes 
even  in  regard  to  actions  in  its  well-known  maxim,  Qui  facit  per 
alium  facit  2icr  se.  It  is  only  by  refusing  to  extend  this  usage  to 
cKT7;craTo  that  such  writers  as  Strauss  make  out  their  allegation  of 
a  want  of  agreement  between  this  passage  and  Matt.  27,  5, 
Fritzsche's  suggestion  '^  as  to  the  reason  why  Luke  expressed 
himself  in  this  unusual  manner  deserves  notice.  He  finds  in  it 
a  studied,  significant  brevity,  a  sort  of  accrha  irrisio,  bringing  the 
motive  and  the  result  into  i)ointed  antithesis  to  each  other :  This 
man  thought  to  enrich  himself  by  his  treachery,  but  all  that  he 
gained  was  that  he  got  for  himself  a  field  where  blood  Avas  paid 
for  blood,  —  Trpvjviys  is  strictly  the  opposite  of  vtttio?,  i.  e.  on  the 

^  In  unpul)lishod  Notes  on  the  Gospels. 

'*Evan;:eliiim  Mnttliaji  rcccnsuit  ct  cum  Commcntariis  perpetuis  cdidit  Carol. 
Fr.  A.  Fritzsc-hc,  p.  799. 


Chap.  I,  19.  COMMENTAEY.  45 

face.  His  falling  in  that  position  may  have  occasioned  the  burst- 
ing asunder  ;  that  view  agrees  well  with  yevo/xevos,  though  -n-pr^vrj^ 
admits  also  of  the  vaguer  sense  headlong.  —  cXaKrja-e  is  the  first 
aorist  from  Aao-Kw.  W.  M5  ;  K.  ^  230.  —  In  Matt.  27,  5,  it  is  said 
that  Judas,  after  having  brought  his  money  and  thrown  it  down 
in  the  temple,  went  and  hanged  or  strangled  himself  Objectors 
have  represented  that  account  also  as  inconsistent  with  this,  but 
without  reason.  Matthew  does  not  say  that  Judas,  after  having 
hanged  himself,  did  not  fall  to  the  ground  and  burst  asunder ;  nor, 
on  the  contrary,  does  Luke  say  that  Judas  did  not  hang  himself 
before  he  fell  to  the  ground ;  and  it  is  obvious  that  the  matter 
should  have  been  so  stated,  in  order  to  warrant  the  charge  of  in- 
consistency. We  have  no  certain  knowledge  as  to  the  mode  in 
which  we  are  to  combine  the  two  accounts,  so  as  to  connect  the 
act  of  suicide  with  what  happened  to  the  body.  It  has  been 
thought  not  improbable  that  Judas  may  have  hung  himself  from 
the  limb  of  a  tree,  on  the  edge  of  a  precipice  near  the  valley  of 
Hinnom,  and  that,  the  rope  breaking  by  which  he  was  suspended, 
he  fell  to  the  earth  and  was  dashed  to  pieces.'  It  will  be  observed 
that  Luke's  statement  is  entirely  abrupt,  and  supposes  some  an- 
tecedent history.  In  this  respect  Matthew's  account,  instead  of 
involving  any  contradiction,  becomes  in  fact  confirmatory  of  the 
other.  It  shows,  first,  that  Luke  was  aware  that  something  pre- 
ceded which  he  has  omitted  to  mention  ;  and,  secondly,  it  puts  us 
in  the  Avay  of  combining  events  so  as  to  account  better  for  the 
incomplete  representation  in  the  Acts,  than  would  otherwise 
have  been  possible. 

V.  19.  Koi  yvwa-Tov  kylvero,  and  it  became  hnoion,  viz.  that  he 
came  to  so  miserable  an  end.  —  'AK£X8a/i,a  =  s<^'n  ^pn  belongs  to 
the  Aramaean  or  Syro-Chaldaic  spoken  at  that  time  in  Palestine. 
On  that  language,  see  Bibl.  Repos.,  Vol.  I.  p.  317  sq.  It  was  for 
a  twofold  reason,  therefore,  says  Lightfoot,  that  the  field  received 
this  appellation :  first,  because,  as  stated  in  Matt.  27,  7,  it  had 
been  bought  with  the  price  of  blood ;  and,  secondly,  because  it 

1  As  I  stood  in  this  valley  on  the  south  of  Jerusalem,  and  looked  up  to  the 
rocky  terraces  which  hang  over  it,  I  felt  that  the  explanation  proposed  above  is 
entirely  natural.  I  was  more  than  ever  satisfied  with  it.  I  measured  tlie  precipit- 
ous, almost  perpendicular  walls,  in  different  places,  and  found  the  height  to  be, 
variously,  forty,  thirty-six,  thirty-tlu-ee,  thirty,  and  twenty-five  feet.  Trees  still 
flourish  on  the  margin  of  these  precipices,  and  in  ancient  times  must  have  been 
still  more  numerous  in  the  same  place.  A  rocky  pavement  exists,  also,  at  the  bot- 
tom of  the  ledges  ;  and  hence  on  that  account,  too,  a  person  foiling  from  above 
would  be  liable  to  be  crushed  and  mangled,  as  well  as  killed.  The  traitor  may 
have  struck,  in  his  fall,  upon  some  pointed  rock,  wliich  entered  tlie  body,  and  j 
caused  "his  bowels  to  gush  out." 


46  COMMENTAKY.  Chap.  I,  20. 

was  sprinkled  with  the  man's  blood  who  took  that  price.  Tliis  is 
the  common  view,  and  so  in  the  first  edition ;  but  I  incline  now 
to  doubt  its  correctness.  First,  irprjvrjs  yevo/^cvos,  in  v.  18,  does  not 
define  at  all  where  Judas  fell ;  secondly,  x^piov  eVeivo  here  recalls 
naturally  x^p^ov  above,  merely  as  the  field  purchased  \\dth  "  the 
reward  of  iniquity ; "  and,  thirdly,  if  Judas  fell  into  the  valley  of 
Hinnom,  no  spot  there  at  the  foot  of  the  rocks  could  well  have 
been  converted  into  a  place  of  burial.  Nor  does  the  conciliation 
with  Matt.  27,  7,  demand  this  view.  Luke  may  be  understood 
here  as  saying  that  "  the  field  of  blood  "  which  the  priests  pur- 
chased with  the  money  paid  to  Judas,  whether  situated  in  one 
place  or  another,  was  called  Aceldama,  because  the  fact  of  the 
traitor's  bloody  end  was  so  notorious.  Matthew  (27,  6)  mentions 
another  reason  for  the  appellation,  which  was,  that  the  money  paid 
for  the  field  was  the  "  price  of  blood  ;  "  not  a  difierent  but  con- 
current reason,  showing  that  the  ill-omened  name  could  be  used 
with  a  double  emphasis.  Tradition  has  placed  "  the  potter  s 
field  "  (Matt.  27,  6)  on  the  side  of  the  hill  which  overlooks  the  val- 
ley of  Hinnom.  It  may  have  been  in  that  quarter,  for  argillace- 
ous clay  is  still  found  there,  and  receptacles  for  the  dead  appear 
in  the  rocks,  proving  that  the  ancient  Jews  were  accustomed 
to  bury  there.' 

V.  20.  The  writer  returns  here  to  the  address,  ydp,  for,  spec- 
ifies the  prophecy  to  which  ravr-qv  points  in  v.  16,  hence  namchj  (as 
in  Matt.  1,18).  See  B.  U49 ;  K.  ^  324.  2.  The  first  passage  is 
Ps.  69, 25,  slightly  abridged  from  the  Septuagint,  with  an  exchange 
of  axn^v  for  avTov.  Its  import  is.  Let  his  end  be  disastrous,  his 
abode  be  desolate,  and  shunned  as  accursed.  It  is  impossible  to 
understand  the  entire  Psalm  as  strictly  Messianic,  on  account  of 
v.  5  :  "  O  God,  thou  knowcst  my  foolishness,  and  my  sins  are  not 
hid  from  thee."  It  appears  to  belong  rather  to  the  class  of  Psalms 
which  describe  general  relations,  which  contain  prophecies  or 
inspired  declarations  which  are  verified  as  often  as  individuals 
are  placed  in  the  particular  circumstances  which  lay  within  the 
view,  not  necessarily  of  the  writer,  but  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  at 
whose  dictation  they  were  uttered.  When  Peter,  therefore,  de- 
clares that  this  prophecy  which  he  applies  to  Judas  was  spoken 
with  special  reference  to  him  (see  v.  16),  he  makes  the  impress- 
ive announcement  to  those  whom  he  addressed,  that  the  conduct 
of  Judas  had  identified  him  fully  with  such  persecutors  of  the 
righteous  as  the  Psalm  contemplates,  and  hence  it  was  necessary 

'  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  repeat  a  few  sentences  here,  already  puWislied  in 
another  work.  See  Illustrations  of  Scripture  supf^ested  by  a  tour  through  the 
Holy  Land,  p.  266.     I  liavc  taken  a  similar  liberty  in  a  few  other  passages. 


Chap.  I,  21.22.  COMMENTARY.  47 

that  he  should  suffer  the  doom  deserved  by  those  who  sin  in  so 
aggravated  a  manner. —  The  other  passage  is  Ps.  109,  8,  in  the 
words  of  the  Seventy.  We  are  to  apply  here  the  same  principle 
of  interpretation  as  before.  That  Psalm  sets  forth,  in  like  man- 
ner, the  wickedness  and  desert  of  those  who  persecute  the  peo- 
ple of  God ;  and  hence,  as  Judas  had  exemphfied  so  fully  this 
idea,  he  too  must  be  divested  of  his  office,  and  its  honors  be 
transfeiTed  to  another. 

V.  21.  ovv,  therefore;  since,  as  foretold,  the  place  of  the  apos- 
tate must  be  filled.  —  twv  (TvvfX^ovrm'  ....  dvSpwv  depends  prop- 
erly on  ei'tt,  in  V.  22,  where  the  connection  so  long  interrupted  is 
reasserted  by  tovtwv.  —  eV  Travri  '^ovi^,  in  every  time.  The  concep- 
tion divides  the  period  into  its  successive  parts.  —  iv  ^  .  .  .  .  icfi 
rjfiaq,  in  ivhich  he  came  in  unto  us,  and  tvetit  out,  i.  e.  lived  and  as- 
sociated with  us.  The  entire  life  or  course  of  life  is  described 
by  one  of  its  most  frequent  acts.  It  is  a  Hebrew  mode  of  speak- 
ing (comp.  Deut.  28,  19  ;  31,  2,  etc.),  and  is  used  properly  of  those 
who  sustain  official  relations,  or  perform  public  labors.  See  9, 
28.  An  exact  construction  of  the  Greek  would  have  placed  e^' 
■fifia.'s  after  the  first  verb,  and  inserted  d<^'  •i7/x,Sv  after  the  second. 
W.  ^  66.  3. 

V.  22.  dp^tt/x€i/o?  ....  £ws,  heginning  and  continuing  unto,  etc. 
The  supplementary  idea  was  too  obvious  to  need  to  be  expressed. 
See  W.  k  66.  I.  c.  —  arro  Tov  (SaTTTLo-fjiaTO'i,  from  the  bajJtism  of  John, 
i.  e.  from  its  beginning  as  a  well-known  epoch.  The  history 
shows  that  he  had  been  baptizing  a  few  months  before  our  Lord 
made  his  public  appearance,  and  continued  to  do  so  for  a  time 
afterwards  (see  John  3,  27)  ;  but  that  difference  for  the  purpose 
of  so  general  a  designation  was  unimportant.  Not  from  the  close 
of  John's  baptism  (Hmph.),  since  Jesus  called  the  other  apos- 
tles enrlier,  and  not  from  his  own  baptism  by  John  (Kuin.),  since 
the  phrase  does  not  admit  of  that  restriction  (comp.  18,  25  ;  Mark 
11,  30;  Luke  7,  29,  etc.).  —  fxaprvpa  .  .  .  .  yevecr^at.  The  resur- 
rection is  singled  out  as  the  main  point  to  which  the  testimony 
of  the  apostles  related,  because,  tliat  being  established,  it  involves 
every  other  truth  in  relation  to  the  character  and  work  of  Christ. 
It  proves  him  to  be  the  Son  of  God,  the  Justifier  and  Redeemer 
of  men,  their  Sovereign  and  Judge.  See  4,  33  ;  John  5,  22 ; 
Rom.  1,4;  4,24;  10,9;  Gal.  1,  1,  etc.  Hence  Paul  mentions 
it  as  one  of  the  proofs  of  his  apostleship,  and  of  his  quahfications 
for  it,  that  he  had  seen  Christ  after  his  resurrection.  See  1  Cor. 
9,  1. 


48  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  I,  23. 24. 


Vehses  23-26.      Tlie  Ajypointinent  of  Matthias  as  an  Apostle. 

V.  23.  The  act  here  is  that  of  those  addressed  (see  v.  15),  not 
that  of  the  apostles  merely.  —  tarrja-av  8vo,  they  placed  two,  i.  e. 
before  them,  in  their  midst  (see  5,  27 ;  6,  6)  ;  or  according  to 
sorae,  apjiointed  tivo  as  candidates  (DeWet.).  —  'loro-ros,  Justus. 
It  was  not  uncommon  for  the  Jews  at  tliis  period  to  assume 
foreign  names.  See  on  13,  9.  Barsabas  is  mentioned  only  here. 
Some  have  conjectured,  without  reason,  that  he  and  Barnabas 
(4,  36)  were  the  same  person.  Matthias  also  appears  only  in  this 
transaction.  The  traditional  notices  of  liim  are  not  reliable ;  see 
Win.  Realw.,     Vol.  II.  p.  61.^ 

V.  24.  7rpo(T€v^dfj.€voi.  ciTTov,  thcT/  prated,  saying.  The  participle 
contains  the  principal  idea.  It  may  be  supposed  to  be  Peter  who 
uttered  the  prayer,  since  it  was  he  who  suggested  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  successor  to  Judas.  —  crv,  Kvpie,  k.  t.  X.  Whether  this 
prayer  was  addressed  to  Christ  or  God  has  been  disputed.  The 
reasons  for  the  former  opinion  are  that  Kuptos,  when  taken  abso- 
lutely in  the  New  Testament,  refers  generally  to  Christ ;  ~  that 
Christ  selected  the  other  apostles  as  stated  in  v.  2 ;  that  the  first 
Christians  were  in  the  habit  of  praying  to  him  (see  on  7,  59 ;  9, 
14)  ;  and  that  Peter  says  to  Christ  in  John  21,  17,  "  Lord,  thou 
knowest  all  things,"  which  is  the  import  exactly  of  KapSioyvwa-ra. 
The  reasons  for  the  other  opinion  do  not  invalidate  these.  That 
KapStoyvwo-TTjs  is  used  of  God  in  15,  8,  shows  only  that  it  does  not 
apply  exclusively  to  Christ.  The  call  of  Peter  in  15,  7,  which  is 
ascribed  to  God,  was  a  call,  not  to  the  apostleship,  but  to  preach 
the  gospel  to  the  heathen ;  and  even  if  that  case  were  parallel  to 
this,  it  would  be  an  instance  only  of  the  common  usage  of  refer- 
ring the  same  or  a  similar  act  indiscriminately  to  Christ  or  God. 
This  latter  remark  applies  also  to  such  passages  as  2  Cor.  1,  1 ; 
Eph.  1,  1  ;  2  Tim.  1,1.  To  deny  that  Peter  would  ascribe  om- 
niscience to  Christ  because  in  Jer.  17,  10,  it  is  said  to  be  the  pre- 
rogative of  God  to  know  the  heart,  contradicts  John  21,  17.  Some 
have  supposed  the  apostle  intended  to  quote  that  passage  of  the 
prophet,  but  the  similarity  is  too  slight  to  prove  such  a  design ; 
nor,  if  the  idea  of  KapBtoyvwcrra  were  drawn  from  that  source, 
would  the  application  of  it  here  conform  necessarily  to  its  appli- 
cation there. —  era  (omitted  in  E.  V.  after  Cranm.)  belongs  to  ov, 

'  Bililisches  Rcalwortcrbuch,  von  Dr.  Gcorg  Benedict  Winer  (3(1  ed.  1848). 
2  See  Professor  Stuart's  article  on  the  meaning  of  this  title  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment, Bibl.  Rcjios.,  Vol.  I.  p.  733  sq. 


Chap.  I,  25.  26.  COMMENTARY.  49 

which  one,  or  perhaps  in  apposition,  ivhom,  viz.  one  that  Joe,  etc. 
Tynd.  and  Gen.  render  that  the  one  may  take,  etc. 

V.  25.  For  kX^pov,  see  on  v.  17.  — 8ta/<ovtas  ....  aTroo-roA^s,  tlds 
ministry  and  (^that)  an  apostlesldj).  Kat  adds  a  second  term  ex- 
planatory of  the  first,  i.  e.  essentially  an  instance  of  hendiadys 
(Mey.  De  Wet.),  the  ministry  of  tlds  apostleship.  —  li  rj';  TTapiftrj, 
from  which  he  loent  aside,  as  opposed  to  the  idea  of  adhering 
faithfully  to  the  character  and  service  which  his  apostleship  re- 
quired of  him  ;  "  ad  normam  Hebr.  "nsib  sq.  '^  =:  deserere  munus" 
(Wahl).  — ■nop^v^y]va.i  ....  t'Stov,  that  he  tnight  go  unto  his  own 
place.  The  clause  is  teUc,  depending  on  irapijSrj.  So  long  as 
Judas  retained  his  office,  he  was  kept  back,  as  it  were,  from  liis 
proper  destiny.  He  must  relinquish  it,  therefore,  in  order  to  suffer 
his  just  deserts.  Li  this  way  the  apostle  would  state  strongly  the 
idea,  that  the  traitor  merited  the  doom  to  which  he  had  been  con- 
signed. The  following  comment  of  Meyer  presents  the  only 
view  of  the  further  meaning  of  the  passage  wliich  has  any  re- 
spectable critical  support :  "  What  is  meant  here  by  6  toVos  o  tSios 
is  not  to  be  decided  by  the  usuage  of  toVos  in  itself  considered 
(for  TOTTos  may  denote  any  place),  but  merely  by  the  context. 
That  requires  that  we  understand  by  it  Gehenna,  which  is  con- 
ceived of  as  the  place  to  which  Judas,  in  virtue  of  his  character, 
properly  belongs.  Since  the  treachery  of  Judas  was  in  itself  so 
fearful  a  crime,  and  was  still  further  aggravated  by  self-murder 
(which  alone,  according  to  Jewish  ideas,  deserved  punishment  in 
hell),  the  hearers  of  Peter  could  have  had  no  doubt  as  to  the 
sense  to  be  attached  to  toVos  tSios.  This  explanation  is  demanded 
also  by  the  analogy  of  Rabbinic  passages,  e.  g.  Baal  Turim  on 
Numb.  24,  25  (see  Lightfoot,  Hor.  Hebr.  ad  loc.) :  Balaam  ivit  in 
locum  suum,  i.  e.  in  Gehennam."  De  Wette  assents  entirely  to 
this  interpretation.  toVos  tSto?,  therefore,  "  is  a  euphemistic  desig- 
nation of  the  place  of  punishment,  in  which  the  sin  of  Judas 
rendered  it  just  that  he  should  have  his  abode."     (Olsh.) 

V.  2^6.  Kat  eSwKttv  KXripovs,  and  they  placed  (probably  =  "ns  as 
often  in  New  Testament)  their  lots  in  a  vase  or  something  simi- 
lar ;  or  perhaps  gave  them  to  those  whose  business  it  was  to  col- 
lect them.  auToiv  (T.  R.)  or  auroi?  (Lch.  Tsch.),  for  them,  refers 
to  the  candidates  because  the  lots  pertained  to  them.  The  two 
names  were  written  probably  on  slips  of  parchment,  perhaps  sev- 
eral duplicates  of  them,  and  then  shaken  up  ;  the  one  first  drawn 
out  decided  the  choice.  The  idea  of  throwing  up  the  lots  ag^-ees 
better  with  ^aXXetv  Kk-^pov^  than  with  this  expression.  —  eireaev  fell, 
came  out,  without  reference  to  any  particular  process.  —  6  KXrjpo<;, 
7 


60  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  II,  1. 

the  lot,  definite  because  it  was  the  decisive  one.  —  crvyKaTeipq<^ia-^7j 
....  dTToo-ToAwv,  was  numbered  together  with  the  eleven  apostles,  i.  e. 
was  recognized  as  one  of  their  order,  and  had  the  character  of  an 
apostle  henceforth  accorded  to  him.  Hesychius  sanctions  this 
sense  of  the  verb,  though  it  means  properly  to  vote  against,  con- 
demn, which  is  out  of  the  question  here.  De  Wette  renders  ivas 
chosen,  elected,  which  not  only  deviates  from  the  classic  usage, 
but  ascribes  the  result  to  their  own  act,  instead  of  a  divine  inter- 
position. The  subsequent  appointment  of  Paul  to  the  ajiostle- 
ship  did  not  discredit  or  abrogate  this  decision,  but  simply  en- 
larged the  original  number  of  the  apostles.  See  Guericke's 
remarks  on  this  point  in  his  Church  History  (Prof.  Shedd's  trans- 
lation), p.  47. 


CHAPTER    II.* 

Verses  1-4.     Descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit. 

V.  1.  Iv  rw  (TVfXTrX7)pov(T^aL,  k.  t.  X.,  when  the  day  of  Fcntccost 
was  fully  come,  arrived.  See  Luke  9,51.  The  action  of  the 
verb  (lit.  to  he  comjileted)  refers  not  to  the  day  itself,  but  to  the 
completion  of  the  interval  which  was  to  pass  before  its  arrival 
(Olsh.  Bmg.).  Some  translate  lehile  it  is  completed, '\.  e.  in  the 
course  of  it,  on  that  day  (Mey.  De  Wet.).  The  present  infinitive 
is  consistent  with  this  view  or  that.  —  r^s  TrevnjKoa-n}^  the  Greek 
Jews  employed  as  a  proper  name.  See  20,  16;  1  Cor.  16,  8;  2 
Mace.  12,  32.  rjfxepa  or  iopr-^  determined  the  form.  This  festival 
received  its  name  from  its  occurring  on  the  fiftieth  day  from  the 
second  day  of  the  Passover ;  so  that  the  interval  embraced  a 
cycle  of  seven  entire  weeks,  i.  e.  a  week  of  weeks.  It  is  usually 
called  in  the  Old  Testament,  with  reference  to  this  circumstance, 
the  festival  of  weeks.  Its  observ^ance  took  place  at  the  close  of 
the  gathering  of  the  harv^est,  and  was  no  doubt  mainly  commem- 
orative of  that  event.  See  Jahn's  Archa>ol.  i  355.  According  to 
the  later  Jews,  Pentecost  was  observed  also  as  the  jlay  on  which 
the  law  was  given  from  Sinai ;  but  no  trace  of  this  custom  is 
found  in  the  Old  Testament,  or  in  the  works  of  Philo  or  Josephus. 
It  is  generally  supposed  that  this  Pentecost,  signalized  by  the 
outpouring  of  the   Spirit,  fell  on  the  Jewish  Sabbath,  our  Satur- 


Chap.  11,  2.  3.  COMMENTxVRY.  51 

day.  According  to  the  best  opinion,  our  Lord  celebrated  his  last 
Passover  on  the  evening  which  began  the  fifteenth  of  Nisan 
(Num.  33,  3),  and  hence  as  he  was  crucified  on  the  next  day, 
which  was  our  Friday,  the  fiftieth  day  or  Pentecost  (beginning, 
of  course,  with  the  evening  of  Friday,  the  second  day  of  the 
Passover)  would  occur  on  the  Jewish  Sabbath.  See  Wiesl. 
Chronologic,  u.  s.  w.  p.  19.  —  a-n-avTe?,  all  the  believers  then  in 
Jerusalem;  see  1,  15.  —  oixo-%[jia86v  =  6fjio\f/v)(w<i,  tvith  one  accord. 
Its  local  sense,  together,  becomes  superfluous,  folloAved  by  1-k\  to 
(LVTo.     See  on  1,  15. 

V.  2.  wcTTTcp  ....  /?iatas,  as  of  a  mighty  ivind,  (lit.  blast),  rush- 
ing along;  not  genit.  absolute,  but  dependent  on  ^x'^s,  (see  v. 
3).  Trvo'^:=:7rvevfia.  The  more  uncommon  word  is  chosen  here 
perhaps  on  account  of  the  different  sense  of  -rrvevfjia  in  this  con- 
nection, e.  g.  v.  4.  As  used  of  the  wind,  ^epeo-^at  denotes  often 
rapid,  violent  motion ;  see  the  proofs  in  Kypke's  Obss.  Sacr.  Vol. 
II.  p.  11,  and  in  Kuin.  ad  loc.  —  iTrX-qpwo-ev,  sc.  ^x^^'  which  is  the 
only  natural'  subject  furnished  by  the  context.  —  oTkov  is  probal)ly 
the  house  referred  to  in  1,  13  ;  not  the  temple,  for  the  reasons 
there  stated,  and  l^ecause  the  term  employed  in  this  absolute 
way  does  not  signify  the  temple  or  an  apartment  of  it. 

V.  3.  Koi  (i>(fi^7](Tav,  K.  T.  A.,  And  there  apjieared  to  them  tongues 
distributed,  i.  e.  among  them,  and  one  (sc.  yXwo-o-a),  sat  upon  each 
of  them.  So  Bng.  Olsh.  Wahl,  De  Wet.  Bmg.  Hniph.  Ptob.  and 
most  of  the  later  critics,  as  well  as  some  of  the  older.  (^Nleyer 
comes  over  to  this  view  in  his  last  ed.).  The  distributive  idea 
occasions  the  change  of  number  in  eKa^wre.  W.  k  58.  4.  aurots 
belongs  strictly  to  the  verb,  but  extends  its  force  to  the  participle. 
According  to  this  view  the  fire-like  appearance  presented  itself 
at  first,  as  it  were,  in  a  single  body,  and  then  suddenly  parted  in 
this  directioli  and  that,  so  that  a  portion  of  it  rested  on  each  of 
those  present.  It  could  be  called  a  tongue,  in  that  case,  from  its 
shape,  as  extended,  pointed,  and  may  have  assumed  such  an  ap- 
pearance as  a  symbol  of  the  miraculous  gift  which  accompanied 
the  wonder.  This  secures  to  Scafxepi^o/xevaL  its  proper  meaning; 
see  v.  45  ;  Matt.  27,  35  ;  Luke  23,  34,  etc. ;  and  explains  why  the 
fiirst  verb  is  plural,  while  the  second  is  singular,  Calvin,  Ilein- 
richs,  (also  Alf ),  and  many  of  the  older  commentators,  render  the 
participle  disparted,,  cleft  (as  in  the  E.  Vv.  generally),  and  sup- 
pose it.to  describe  the  flame  as  exhibiting  in  each  instance  a 
tongue-like,  forked  appearance.  The  objection  to  this  view  is, 
that  it  rests  upon  a  doubtful  sense  of  the  word,  and  especially 
that  it  offers  no  explanation  of  the  change  from  the  plural  verb 


52  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  H,  4. 

to  the  singular.  De  Wette,  after  others,  has  adduced  passages 
here  .from  the  Rabbinic  writers  to  show  that  it  was  a  common 
behef  of  the  Jews  that  an  appearance  hke  fire  often  encircled 
the  heads  of  distinguished  teachers  of  the  law.  To  this  it  has 
been  added,  that  instances  of  a  similar  phenomenon  are  related 
by  the  Greek  and  Roman  writers.  We  are  directed  by  such  co- 
incidences to  an  important  fact  in  the  history  of  the  divine  reve- 
lations, and  that  is,  that  God  has  often  been  pleased  to  reveal 
himself  to  men  in  conformity  with  their  o^^^l  conceptions  as  to 
the  mode  in  which  it  is  natural  to  expect  communications  from 
him.  The  appearance  of  the  star  to  the  Magians  may  be  re- 
garded as  another  instance  of  such  accommodation  to  human 
views. 

V.  4.  iTrX-rja^rjo-av,  k.  t.  X.,  ivcre  all  filled  iin'th  the  Holy  Spirit 
(anarthrous,  as  in  ] ,  2)  ;  a  phrase  referring  usually  to  special  gifts 
rather  than  moral  qualities,  and  to  these  as  transient  rather  than 
permanent ;  comp.  4,  8.  31 ;  13,  9.  etc.  —  ^avro  XoXciv,  began  (like 
our  "  proceeded  ")  to  speak  as  soon  as  the  symbol  rested  on  them. 
This  use  of  apxe/xai  as  introducing  what  is  next  in  order  has  not 
been  duly  recognized  in  the  New  Testament.  —  erepats  yXwo-crais, 
icith  other  tongues,  i.  e.  than  their  native  tongue.  That  Luke  de- 
signed to  state  here  that  the  disciples  were  suddenly  endued  with 
the  power  of  speaking  foreign  languages,  before  unknown  to  them, 
would  seem  to  be  too  manifest  to  admit  of  any  doubt.  It  is  sur- 
prising that  such  a  writer  as  Neander  should  attempt  to  put  a  dif- 
ferent construction  on  the  text.  He  objects  that  the  miracle  would 
have  been  superfluous,  inasmuch  as  the  apostles  are  not  known 
to  have  employed  this  gift  of  tongues  in  preaching  the  gospel.  It 
may  be  replied,  first,  that  we  have  not  sufficient  information  con- 
cerning the  labors  of  the  apostles,  to  affirm  that  they  may  not 
have  employed  the  endowment  for  that  purpose  ;  and,  secondly, 
that  we  are  not  obliged  to  regard  such  a  use  of  it  as  the  only 
worthy  object  of  the  miracle.  It  may  have  been  designed  to 
serve  chiefly  \vas  an  attestation  of  the  truth  of  the  gospel,  and 
of  the  character  of  the  apostles  as  divine  messcgers.  It  is  cer- 
tain, at  least,  that  Paul  entertained  that  view  of  the  yXwa-a-ai 
spoken  of  in  1  Cor.  14,  22  :  "  Wherefore  tongues  are  for  a  sign, 
not  to  them  that  believe,  but  to  them  that  believe  not."  The 
effect  produced  on  this  occasion  (see  v.  12)  shows  how  well 
suited  such  a  miracle  was  to  impress  the  minds  of  those  who 
witnessed  it.  A  miracle,  too,  in  this  form,  may  have  had  a  sym- 
bolic import,  which  added  to  its  significancy.  It  was  necessary 
that  even  the  apostles  should  be  led  to  entertain  more  enlarged 


Chap.  II,  4.  5.  COMMENTARY.  53 

views  respecting  the  comprehensive  design  of  the  new  dispensa- 
tion. This  sudden  possession  of  an  abihty  to  proclaim  the  salva- 
tion of  Christ  to  men  of  all  nations  (even  if  we  allow  that  it  was 
not  permanent),  was  adapted  to  recall  their  minds  powerfully  to 
the  last  command  of  the  Saviour,  and  to  make  them  feel  that  it 
was  their  mission  to  publish  his  name  to  the  ends  of  the  earth. 
Such  a  mode  of  conveying  instruction  to  them  was  not  more  in- 
direct than  that  employed  in  the  vision  of  Peter  ( 10,  9  sq.),  which 
was  intended  to  teach  the  same  truth.  But  we  are  not  left  to 
argue  the  cjuestion  on  grounds  of  this  nature ;  the  testimony  of 
Luke  is  explicit  and  decisive.  Even  critics  who  would  exi)lain 
away  the  reality  of  the  miracle  admit  that  it  was  the  writer's 
intention  to  record  a  miracle.  Thus  Meyer  says  :  "  The  hepat 
yXwa-aai  are  to  be  considered,  according  to  the  text,  as  absolutely 
nothing  else  than  languages  which  were  different  from  the  native 
language  of  the  speakers.  They  were  Galileans,  and  spoke  now 
Parthian,  Median,  Persian,  et^. ;  therefore,  foreign  languages,  and 
those  too  —  the  point  precisely  wherein  appeared  the  wonderful 
effect  of  the  Spirit  —  unacquired  languages  (yXwcro-ats  Katvais,  in 
Mark  16,  17),  i.  e.  not  previously  learned  by  them.  Accordingly 
the  text  itself  defines  the  sense  of  yXaJcrcrat  as  that  of  languages, 
and  excludes  as  impossible  the  other  explanations  different  from 
this,  which  some  have  attempted  to  impose  on  the  word."  — 
Ka3u><;,  according  as,  in  respect  to  manner ;  since  the  languages 
were  diverse. 

Verses  5-13.     Impression  of  the  Miracle  on  the  Multitude. 

V.  5.  8e,  noiv,  transitive,  —  KarotKowTes,  dwelling,  whether  for  a 
season  or  permanently;  hence  more  general  than  hnlr\\xovvT^%  (v. 
10;  17,  21);  but  not  excluding  the  sojourners  there.  No  doubt 
many  of  the  Jews  in  question  had  fixed  their  abode  at  Jerusalem, 
as  it  was  always  an  object  of  desire  with  those  of  them  who 
lived  in  foreign  countries  to  return  and  spend  the  close  of  fife  in 
the  land  of  their  fathers.  The  prevalent  belief,  that  the  epoch 
had  now  arrived  when  the  promised  Messiah  was  about  to  ap- 
pear, must  have  given  increased  activity  to  that  desire.  The 
writer  mentions  this  class  of  Jews  in  distinction  from  the  native 
inhaljitants,  because  the  narrative  which  follows  represents  that 
many  were  present  who  understood  different  languages.  The 
number  of  these  strangers  was  the  greater  on  account  of  the  fes- 
tival which  occurred  at  that  time.  —  evXa/Jets,  devout.  God-fearing ; 
see  8,  2  ;  Luke  2,  25.  This  sense  is  peculiar  to  the  Hellenistic 
Greek      The  term  is  applied  to  those  only  whose  piety  was  of 


54  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  II,  6. 

the  Old  Testament  type.  —  twv,  so.  ovtwv.    The  strong  expression 
here  is  a  phrase  siguifymg  from  manij  and  distant  lands.  A  plu'ase 
of  this  kind  has  an  aggregate  sense,  which  is  the  true  one,  while 
that  deduced  from  the  import  of  the  separate  words  is  a  false  sense. 
V.  6.     yevo/xe'v?;?  ....  ravrjjs.     These  words  are  obscure.     The 
principal  interpretations  are  the  following.     (1.)  c^wv^s  rav-rq^  re- 
fers to  iripais  yXwaaai's  in  V.  4,  and  the  implication  is,  that  the 
voices  of  those  who  spoke  were  so  loud  as  to  be  heard  at  a  dis- 
tance, and  in  this  way  were  the  occasion  of  drawing  together  the 
multitude.     This  interpretation   secures  to  raurT/s  a  near  antece- 
dent, but  has  against  it  that  ^wi^s  is  singular,  and  not  plural,  and 
that  the  participle  is  hardly  congruous  with  the  noun  in  that  sense. 
Neander,  who  adopts  this  view,  regards  (f><i>vq  as  a  collective  term. 
(2.)  (fxDv^  has  been  taken  as  synonymous  with  ^>;/a7;  ;  noiv  ivhen 
this  report  arose,  i.  e.  the  report  concerning  this.     The  meaning 
is  good,  but  opposed  to  the  usage  of  the  noun,  while  it  puts 
ravTq<i  in  eifect  for  Trept  TovTov,  which  is  a  hard  construction.  Many 
of  the  older  critics  and  the  authors  of  nearly  all  the  E.  Yv.  un- 
derstood the  expression  in  this  way.     (3.)   We  may  regard  ^wvijs 
as  repeating  the  idea  of  rixos  in  v.  2  :  tww  when  this  sound — that 
of  the  descending   Spirit  —  occurred.     For  that  signification  of 
^coviy,  comp.  John  3,  8;  Rev.  1,  15  ;  9,  9;  14,  2,  etc.      ycvo/xcnys 
appears  to  answer  to  iyevero  in  v.  2,  and  favors  this  explanation, 
The  objection  to  it  is  that  ravTi^s  forsakes  the  nearer  for  a  remote: 
antecedent ;  but  that  may  occur,  if  the  latter  be  more  prominent, 
so  as  to  take  the  lead  in  the  writer's  mind.    See  W.  §  23.  1.  This 
meaning  agrees  with  the  context.      The  participial  clause  here 
may  involve  the  idea  of  cause  as  well  as  time,  and  we  may  un- 
derstand, therefore,  that  the  sound  in  question  was  audible  be- 
yond the  house  where  the  disciples  were  assembled ;  that  i1 
arrested  the  attention  of  those  abroad,  and  led  them  to  seek  out 
the  scene  of  the  wonder.   So  Hess,^  Schrader,  Meyer,  Dc  Wette, 
Alford,  and  others.     The  house  (v.  2)  may  have  been  on  one  of 
the  avenues  to  the  temple,  thronged  at  this  time  by  a  crowd  of 
early   worshipjiers    (v.    15). — ^kovov,  (impcrf ),  were  hearing. — 
cKaoTo?  alone  (v.  8)  or  with  cIs  distributes  often  a  plural  subject; 
see   14,  29;  Matt.  18,  35;  John   IG,  32.     K.  ^^  266.  3.  —  i8ta,  his 
own;   usually  emphatic.      W.  ^^  22.  7.  —  StoXcKTw  =  yAojo-o-a.     See 
v.  11.     The  term  in  its  narrower  sense  here  would  be  too  nar- 
row ;  for  though  some  of  the  languages  differed  only  as  dialects, 
it  was  not  true  of  all  of  them.  —  AaAoiWw;'  avrwv.     "We  are  not  to 

iGcsdiiehte  und  Schriften  dcr  Apostcl  Jesii,  Vol.  I.  p.  24  (Zurich  1820). 


Chap.  11,  7-9.  COMMENTARY.  55 

understand  by  tliis  that  they  all  spoke  in  the  languages  enumer- 
ated, but  that  one  of  them  employed  this,  and  another  that.  In 
so  brief  a  narrative,  the  writer  must  have  passed  over  various 
particulars  of  the  transaction.  We  may  suppose  that  at  this 
time  the  apostles  had  left  the  room  where  they  assembled  at  first, 
and  had  goUe  forth  to  the  crowd  collected  in  the  vicinity. 

V.  7.  ovK,  which  leads  the  sentence,  belongs  properly  to  ctcrtv; 
comp.  7,  48.  W.  ^  61.  4.  —  Travres  (T.  R.)  was  inserted  here  prob- 
ably from  V.  12.  —  ovtoi,  these,  emphatic. — raXtXatot.  They  were 
known  as  Galileans,  because  they  were  known  as  the  disciples 
of  Christ.  Had  the  different  speakers  belonged  to  so  many  dif- 
ferent countries,  the  wonder  would  have  been  diminished  or 
removed. 

V.  8.  TTws,  how,  since  they  were  all  Galileans.  The  object  of 
oLKovoixev  follows  in  V.  11 ;  but  the  connection  having  been  so  long 
suspended,  the  verb  is  there  repeated.  —  cKao-ros,  as  in  v.  6.  —  cv 
y  iyevvqS^rjfjiiv,  in  ivMch  we  loere  horn.  This  remark  excludes  the 
possibility  of  Luke's  meaning  that  the  tongues  were  merely  an 
ecstatic  or  impassioned  style  of  discourse. 

V.  9.  In  the  enumeration  of  the  countries  named  in  this  verse 
and  the  next,  the  writer  proceeds  from  the  northeast  to  the  west 
and  south.  —  Ilap^oi.  Partlda  was  on  the  northeast  of  Media 
and  Hyrcania,  and  north  of  Aria,  surrounded  entirely  by  moun- 
tains. —  M'^Soi.  Media  bordered  north,  on  the  Caspian  Sea,  west 
on  Armenia,  east  on  Hyrcania,  and  south  on  Persia.  —  'EAa/Atrai, 
i.  e.  the  inhabitants  of  Elymais  or  Elam,  which  was  east  of  the 
Tigris,  north  of  Susiana,  (annexed  to  it  in  Dan.  8,  2),  and  south 
of  Media,  of  which  Ptolemy  makes  it  a  part.  —  'lovSatW.  It  has 
excited  the  surprise  of  some  that  Juclea  should  be  mentioned  in 
this  catalogue,  because,  it  is  said,  no  part  of  the  wonder  consisted 
in  hearing  Aramaean  at  Jerusalem.  But  we  need  not  view  the 
writer's  design  in  that  light.  It  was  rather  to  inform  us  in  how 
many  languages  the  disciples  addressed  the  multitude  on  this 
occasion  ;  and  as,  after  all,  the  native  Jews  formed  the  greater 
part  of  the  assembly,  the  account  would  have  been  deficient 
without  mentioning  Judea.  It  has  been  proposed  to  alter  the  text 
to  'iSou/AtW,  but  there  is  no  authority  for  this.  —  The  catalogue 
now  passes  from  Cappadocia  and  Pontus  on  the  east  and  north- 
east to  the  extreme  west  of  Asia  Minor. — t^v  'Kaiav.  Phrygia 
being  excluded  here,  Kuinoel  and  others  have  supposed  Asia  to 
be  the  same  as  Ionia ;  but  Winer  says  it  cannot  be  shown  that 
in  the  Pvoman  age  Ionia  alone  was  called  Asia.  He  thinks,  with 
an  appeal  to  Pliny,  that  we  are  to  understand  it  as   embracing 


56  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  II,  10-12. 

Mysia,  Lydia,  and  Caria,  with  Ephesus  as  the  principal  city.  See 
his  Rcahv.  Vol.  I.  p.  96.  Others,  as  Bottger,^  whom  De  Wette 
follows,  understand  Mysia,  ^olis,  Ionia,  Lydia,  Caria.  All  admit 
that  the  term  denoted  not  so  much  a  definite  region  as  a  jurisdic- 
tion, the  hmits  of  which  varied  from  time  to  time  according  to 
the  plan  of  government  which  the  Romans  adopted  for  their 
Asiatic  Provinces. 

V.  10.  'Ppvytav.  Phrygia  was  separated  by  the  Taurus  from 
Pisidia  on  the  south,  with  Bithynia  on  the  north,  Caria,  Lydia, 
and  Mysia  on  the  west,  Gallacia,  Cappadocia,  and  Lycaonia  on 
the  east.  —  Pamphylia  was  on  the  Mediterranean,  adjacent  on 
other  sides  to  Cilicia,  Caria,  and  Pisidia.  —  to.  fj-epr],  k.  t.  A..,  the 
parts  of  Jjyhia  towards  Cyrene.  Lybia  was  an  extensive  region 
on  the  west  of  Egypt.  One  of  the  principal  cities  there  was 
Cyrene,  (now  Grenna,)  on  the  sea,  originally  a  Greek  colony,  but 
where  at  this  time  the  Jews  constituted  a  fourth  part  of  tlie  pop- 
ulation. See  Jos.  Antt.  14.  7.  2.  It  was  the  native  place  of  Si- 
mon, who  bore  the  Saviour's  cross  to  Golgotha  (Luke  23,  26). 
This  part  of  Africa  comes  into  view  in  making  the  voyage  from 
Malta  to  Alexandria.  —  ot  eTriSij/AotivTcs  'Pw/Aaiot,  the  Romans  so- 
journing at  Jerusalem  ;  comp.  17,  21.  — 'Iou8atot  tc  koX  Trpocr^Xvrot, 
both  Jeivs  and  prosehjtes  a  few  critics  restrict  to  'Pw/xatot  nierely, 
but  most  (De  Wet.  Mey.  Wiesl.)  refer  them  to  all  the  preced- 
ing nouns.  The  Jews  generally  adopted  the  languages  of  the 
countries  where  they  resided.  The  proselytes  were  originally 
heathen  who  had  embraced  Judaism.  The  words  sustain  the 
same  grammatical  relation  to  Kp^res  koI  "Apa^es,  or,  at  all  events, 
are  to  be  repeated  after  them.  The  last  two  names  follow  as  au 
after-thought,  in  order  to  complete  the  list. 

V.  11.  The  declarative  form  which  the  English  version  as- 
signs to  the  sentence  here  {we  do  hear)  is  incorrect.  The  ques- 
tion extends  to  .^eou.  See  on  v.  8.  — to.  \x.i.yaX{ia.  tov  ^eoB,  the  great 
things  of  God,  done  by  him  through  Christ  for  the  salvation  of 
men  (comp.  v.  38). 

V.  12.  l^icTTovTo  describes  their  astonishment  at  the  occurrence 
in  general;  hcq-TTopow,  their  perplexity  at  being  unable  to  account 
for  it.  —  Ti  av  ^ikoi,  K.  T.  A.,  IVIiat  may  this  perhaps  mean,  av  at- 
taches a  tacit  condition  to  the  inquiry  :  if,  as  we  think,  it  nuist  im- 
port something.  See  W.  H2.  ]  ;  K.  k  260.  4.  This  is  the  question 
of  the  more  serious  party.     The  hesitating  form  of  it  indicates 

1  Schauijlatz  der  "Wiiksamkcit  dcs  Apostcls  raulus,  u.  s.  w.,p.  23. 


Chap.  II,  13.  14.  COMMENTARY.  57 

the  partial  conviction  which  the  miracle  had  wrought  in  their 
minds. 

V.  13.  cTcpot  ....  eXeyov.  Among  those  who  scoffed  may 
have  been  some  of  the  native  inhabitants  of  the  city,  who,  not 
understanding  the  foreign  languages  spoken,  regarded  the  dis- 
course of  the  apostles  as  senseless  because  it  was  unintelligible 
to  them.  —  ;;^Xeua^ovTes  is  not  SO  well  supported  as  8La)(\evdt,ovT€^, 
and  expresses  the  idea  less  forcibly.  Calvin :  "  Nihil  tarn  ad- 
mirabile  esse  potest,  quod  non  in  ludibriura  vertant;  qui  nulla  Dei 
cura  tanguntur."  —  on,  that,  declarative.  —  yXevKov;,  siveet  wine, 
not  new,  as  in  the  E.  V.  after  all  the  earlier  E.  Vv.  The  Pente- 
cost fell  in  June,  and  the  first  vintage  did  not  occur  till  August. 
It  is  true,  yXeC/cos  designated  properly  the  sweet,  unfermented 
juice  of  the  grape ;  but  it  was  applied  also  to  old  wine  preserved 
in  its  original  state.  The  ancients  had  various  ways  of  arresting 
fermentation.  One  of  them,  in  use  among  the  Greeks  and  Ro- 
mans, was  this  :  "  An  amphora  was  taken  and  coated  with  pitch 
within  and  without ;  it  was  filled  with  mustum  lixivium,,  i.  e.  the 
juice  before  the  grapes  had  been  fully  trodden,  and  corked  so  as 
to  be  perfectly  air-tight.  It  was  then  immersed  in  a  tank  of  cold 
fresh  water,  or  buried  in  wet  sand,  and  allowed  to  remain  for  six 
weeks  or  two  months.  The  contents,  after  this  process,  were 
found  to  remain  unchanged  for  a  year,  and  hence  the  name  dct 
yXeuKos,  i.  e.  semper  mustum^  Diet,  of  Antt.,  art.  Vinum}  Jahn 
says  that  sweet  wine  was  produced  also  from  dried  grapes,  by 
soaking  them  in  old  wine,  and  then  pressing  them  a  second  time. 
See  his  Archgeol.  k  69.  Tliis  species  of  wine  was  very  intoxi- 
cating. 

Verses   11-36.      The  Discourse  of  Peter. 

The  address  embraces  the  following  points,  though  interwoven 
somewhat  in  the  discussion  :  —  first,  defence  of  the  character  of 
the  apostles  (14,  15)  ;  secondly,  the  miracle  explained  as  a  fulfil- 
ment of  prophecy  (16-21)  ;  thirdly,  this  effusion  of  the  Spirit  an 
act  of  the  crucified,  but  now  exalted  Jesus  (30-33)  ;  and,  fourthly, 
his  claim  to  be  acknowledged  as  the  true  Messiah  (22-29,  and 
31-36). 

V.  11.  avv  Tots  eVSeKa,  ivith  the  eleven,  i,  e.  in  their  name,  and 
with  their  concurrence  in  what  he  said.  As  the  multitude  was 
so  great,  it  is  not  improbable  that  some  of  the  other  apostles  ad- 

^  Dictionary  of  Greek  and  Eoman  Antiquities,  edited  by  W.  Smith,  London. 
The  abbreviation  in  tlic  text  refers  alwaA's  to  this  work. 

8 


58  C  0  M  M  E  N  T  A  E  Y .  Chap.  II,  15-17. 

dressed  different  groups  of  them  at  the  same  time  ;  see  on  v.  6. 
On' such  an  occasion  they  would  all  naturally  pursue  a  very  sim- 
ilar train  of  remark.  —  dvSpes  'lovSaioi  are  the  Jews  born  in  Jerusa- 
lem ;  ~oL  KarotKoC'iTf?  are  the  foreign  JeAvs  and  Jewish  converts. 
See  on  v.  5.  —  ii'urricracr^e  =  'pTsn ,  a  Hellenistic  word. 

Y.  15.  yap  justifies  the  call  to  attention.  It  brings  fonvard  a 
refutation  of  the  charge  Avhich  had  been  made  against  them.  — 
ovTot,  these  whom  they  had  heard  speak  (see  v.  4  sq.),  and  who 
were  then  present;  not  the  eleven  merely  with  Peter  (Alf)  — 
wpa  TpLTT],  the  third  hour,  i.  e.  about  nine  o'clock,  A.  M.,  according 
to  our  time.  This  was  the  first  hour  of  public  prayer,  at  which 
time  the  morning  sacrifice  was  offered  in  the  temple.  During 
their  festivals  the  Jews  considered  it  unlawful  to  take  food  earher 
than  this,  still  more  to  drink  wine.  See  Light.  Hor.  Ilebr.  ad 
loc.  The  other  hours  of  prayer  were  the  sixth,  (10,  4,)  and  the 
ninth  (3,  1.) 

V.  16.  aXka  TovTo,  K.  T.  X.,  bi/t  this  (which  you  witness)  is  that 
tchich  ivas  said.  The  Greek  identifies  the  prophecy  with  its  ful- 
filment.—  ha.  Tov  ■jrpo<f)-qTov,  through  the  prophet,  because  he  was 
the  messenger,  not  the  author  of  the  message.  The  expression 
recognizes  the  divine  origin  of  the  book  which  bears  his  name. 
See  the  note  on  1,  IG.  —  Tischendorf  has  no  adequate  reason  for 

omitting  'IwiyX  after  Tr/ao^r^rov. 

V.  17.  The  citation  which  follows  from  Joel  3,  1-5  (2,  28-32 
in  E.  V.)  runs  for  the  most  part  in  the  words  of  the  Seventy. 
The  two  or  three  verl)al  deviations  from  the  Hebrew  serve  either 
to  unfold  more  distinctly  the  sense  of  the  original  passage,  or  to 
enforce  it.  It  is  the  object  of  the  prophecy  to  characterize  the 
Messianic  dispensation  under  its  two  great  aspects,  —  that  of 
mercy  and  that  of  judgment.  To  those  who  believe,  the  gospel 
is  "  a  savor  of  life  unto  life ;  "  but  to  those  who  disbelieve,  it  is 
"a  savor  of  death  unto  death;"  see  2  Cor.  2,  16.  Under  its  one 
aspect,  it  was  to  be  distinguished  by  the  copious  outpouring  of 
the  Divine  Spirit  on  those  who  should  acknowledge  Christ ;  and 
under  its  other  aspect,  it  was  to  be  distinguished  by  the  signal 
punishment  awaiting  those  who  should  disown  his  authority  and 
reject  him. — Koi  eo-rai  ....  rifj.ipaL<;  stands  for  l=""'::nx  n-;r\'\^,  ren- 
dered more  closely  in  the  Scptuagint  by  koL  lo-rat  /actu  ravra.  Pe- 
ter's expression  denotes  always  in  the  New  Testament  the  age 
of  the  Messiah,  which  the  Scriptures  represent  as  the  world's 
last  great  moral  epoch.  The  proi)het  designates  the  same  period 
under  a  more  general  phrase.  Again,  Peter  places  Xcyet  6  ^vk  at 
the  beginning  of  the  declaration,  the  prophet  at  the  close  of  it. 


Chap.  II,  17.  18.  COMMENTARY.  59 

The  position  of  the  words  here  fixes  attention  at  once  upon  the 
source  of  the  prophecy,  and  prepares  the  mind  to  hsten  to  it  as 
God's  utterance.  —  iKxeu)  is  future,  a  later  Greek  form.  W.  ^  13. 
3;  K.  M54,  R.  1.  —  kol  (consequential)  irpofftriTeva-ova-iv,  and  thus 
they  shall  x>rophesy.  This  verb  in  the  New  Testament  signifies, 
not  merely  to  foretell  future  events,  but  to  communicate  religious 
truth  in  general  under  a  divine  inspiration.  It  corresponds  in  this 
use  to  ^ixa?  in  the  original  passage ;  see  Gesen.  Lex.  s.  v.  The 
order  of  the  next  two  clauses  in  the  Hebrew  and  Septuagintisthe 
reverse  of  that  adopted  here ;  viz.,  first,  ol  Trpea-fivTepoi  ....  iuvir- 
vMo-S-^crovTaL,  then  ol  veavio-Kot  ....  oij/ovrai.  Hengstenberg^  suggests 
that  the  change  may  have  been  intentional,  in  order  to  place  the 
youth  with  the  sons  and  daughters,  and  to  assign  to  the  aged  a 
place  of  honor.  —  iwirvioi^  iwirviaa-Si^a-ovTai,  shall  dream  with 
dreams,  the  dative,  as  in  4,  17  ;  23,  24.  W.  k  54.  3.  Some  au- 
thorities have  evvTTvia,  which  was  probably  substituted  for  the 
other  as  an  easier  construction. 

V.  18.  Kaiye  :=  nvi  annexes  an  emphatic  addition,  a7id  even 
(Hart.  Partik.  Vol.  I.  p.  396.).  —  [x-ov,  which  is  wanting  in  the  He- 
brew, is  retained  here  from  the  Septuagint.  The  prophet  declares 
that  no  condition  of  men,  however  ignoble,  would  exclude  them 
from  the  promise.  The  apostle  cites  the  prophet  to  that  effect ; 
but  takes  occasion  from  the  language  —  SouAovs  /aou  —  which  de- 
scribes their  degradation  in  the  eyes  of  men,  to  suggest  by  way 
of  contrast  their  exalted  relationship  to  God.  Bengel :  "  Servi 
secundum  camera  ....  iidem  servi  Dei."  Similar  to  this  is  the 
language  of  Paul  in  1  Cor.  7,  22  :  "  For  he  that  is  called  in  the  Lord, 
being  a  servant,  is  the  Lord's  freeman ;  likewise  also  he  that  is 
called,  being  free,  is  Christ's  servant."  If  we  cast  the  eye  back 
over  tliis  and  the  preceding  verse,  it  will  be  seen  that  the 
effusion  of  the  Spirit  was  to  be  universal  as  to  the  classes 
of  persons  that  were  to  participate  in  it  ;  in  other  words, 
it  was  to  be  without  distinction  of  sex,  age,  or  rank.  —  The 
modes  of  divine  revelation  and  of  the  Spirit's  operation,  which 
are  specified  in  this  passage,  were  among  the  more  extra- 
ordinary to  which  the  Hebrews  were  accustomed  under  the  j 
ancient  economy.  These,  after  having  been  suspended  for  so  ' 
long  a  time,  were  now,  at  the  opening  of  the  Christian  dispensa-  i 
tion,  renewed  in  more  than  their  former  power.  The  prophecy 
relates  chiefly,  I  think,  to  these  special  communications  of  the 

1  Cliristology  of  tlic  Old  Testament,  and  a  Commentary  on  the  Predictions  of 
the  Messiah  by  the  Prophets,  "Vol.  III.  p.  140  (Dr.  Kcitii's  Translation). 


60  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  11,  18.  19. 

Spirit,  which  were  granted  to  the  first  Christians.  The  terms  of 
the  prophecy  direct  us  naturally  to  something  out  of  the  ordinary 
course ;  and  when  we  add  to  this  that  the  facts  recorded  in  the  Acts 
and  the  Epistles  sustain  fully  that  view  of  the  langviagc,  it  must 
appear  arbitrarj^  as  avcII  as  unnecessarj^  to  reject  such  an  interpre- 
tation. Yet  the  prophecy  has  indirectly  a  Avider  scope.  It  portrays 
in  reality  the  character  of  the  entire  dispensation.  Those  special 
manifestations  of  the  Spirit,  at  the  beginning,  marked  the  econ- 
omy as  one  that  was  to  be  eminently  distinguished  by  the  Spirit's 
agency.  They  were  a  pledge,  that  those  in  all  ages  who  em- 
brace the  gospel  should  equal  the  most  favored  of  God's  ancient 
people ;  they  enjoy  a  clearer  revelation,  are  enhghtencd,  sanc- 
tified by  a  Spirit  more  freely  imparted,  .may  rise  to  the  same  or 
higher  religious  consolations  and  attainments. 

V.  19.  The  apostle  now  holds  up  to  view  the  other  side  of 
the  subject.  He  adduces  the  part  of  the  prophecy  which  fore- 
tells the  doom  of  those  who  reject  Christ  and  s[)urn  his  salvation. 
Having  appealed  to  the  hopes,  the  apostle  turns  here  to  address 
himself  to  the  fears  of  men;  he  would  persuade  them  by  eveiy 
motive  to  escape  the  punishment  which  awaits  the  unbelieving 
and  disobedient.  See  v.  40  and  43  below.  In  the  interpretation 
of  the  passage  before  us,  I  follow  those  who  understand  it  as 
having  primary  reference  to  the  calamities  which  God  inflicted 
on  the  Jews  in  connection  with  the  overthrow  of  Jerusalem,  and 
the  destruction  of  the  Jewish  state  and  nation.  The  reasons  for 
this  opinion  are  briefly  these  :  —  (1)  The  law  of  con-espondence 
would  lead  us  to  apply  this  part  of  the  prophecy  to  the  same 
period  to  which  the  other  i)art  has  been  applied,  i.  e.  to  the  early 
times  of  the  gospel.  (2)  The  expression,  the  day  of  the  Lord,  in 
V.  20,  according  to  a  very  common  use  in  the  Hebrew  prophets, 
denotes  a  day  when  God  comes  to  make  known  his  power  in  the 
punishment  of  his  enemies,  a  day  of  the  signal  disjilay  of  his 
vengeance  for  the  rejection  of  long-continued  mercies,  and  the 
commission  of  aggravated  sins.  The  subversion  of  the  Jewish 
state  was  such  an  occasion.  It  appropriates  fully  every  trait  of 
that  significant  designation.  (3)  Part  of  the  language  here  coin- 
cides almost  verbally  with  that  in  Matt.  21,  29 ;  and  if  the  lan- 
guage there,  as  understood  by  most  interpreters,  describes  the 
downfall  of  the  Jewish  state,'  we  may  infer  from  the  similarity 
that  the  subject  of  discourse  is  the  same  in  both  places.     (4) 

1  This  view  is  defended  in  the  Rililiothccn  Sacra,  184.3,  p.  531  sq.,  and  contro- 
verted in  tiic  same  work,  18.'50,  p.  452  sq. 


Chap.  II,  1 9.  20.  COMMENTARY.  61 

The  entire  phraseology,  when  construed  according  to  the  laws 
of  prophetic  language,  is  strikingly  appropriate  to  represent  the 
unsurpassed  horrors  and  distress  which  attended  the  siege  and 
destruction  of  Jerusalem,  and  to  announce  the  extinction  of  the 
Jewish  power  and  glory  of  the  Jewish  worship  which  that  catas- 
trophe involved.  Yet  here  too  (see  on  v.  18)  we  are  to  recognize 
the  wider  scope  of  the  prophecy.  The  destruction  of  the  Jews 
is  held  forth  by  the  apostle,_  as  a  type  of  the  destruction  which  is 
to  come  upon  every  rejecter  of  the  gospel ;  see  v.  21.  —  For  the 
sake  of  contrast,  Peter  inserts  the  words  avw,  cnqfjieia,  koltu),  which 
are  not  in  the  Hebrew,  repara  Iv  tw  oipavw,  o-rjfxeLa  iirl  T^?  y^?, 
means  prodigies  celestial  and  terrestrial,  such  as  may  appear  in 
the  air  or  on  the  earth ;  in  other  words,  prodigies  of  every  sort, 
and  of  the  most  portentous  kind.  The  idea  is,  that  calamities  were 
to  ensue,  equal  in  severity  and  magnitude  to  those  which  the 
most  fearfid  portents  are  supposed  to  announce.  The  mode  of 
speaking  is  founded  on  the  popular  idea,  that,  when  great  events 
are  about  to  occur,  wonderful  phenomena  foretoken  their  approach. 
Hence  what  the  prophet  would  afhrm  is,  that  disasters  and  judg- 
ments were  coming  such  as  men  are  accustomed  to  associate 
with  the  most  terrific  auguries ;  but  he  does  not  mean  necessarily 
that  the  auguries  themselves  were  to  be  expected,  or  decide 
whether  the  popular  belief  on  the  subject  was  true  or  false. — 
alfia,  "Tvp,  (ZTyatSa  Kairvov,  stand  in  apposition  with  repara  Kat  a-rjfxeLa, 
and  show  in  what  they  consisted :  blood,  perhaps,  rained  on  the 
earth  (De  Wet.),  or,  as  in  Egypt  (Ex.  7,  17),  infecting  the  streams 
and  rivers  (Hng.)  ;  Jire,  i.  e.  appearances  of  it  in  the  air,  atid  va- 
por of  smoke,  dense  smoke,  hence  =  "(d?  n'i"i^"^n ,  pillars  or  clouds 
of  smoke,  which  darken  the  heavens  and  earth.  Many  have  sup- 
posed these  terms  to  signify  directly  slaughter  and  conflagration, 
but  their  grammatical  relation  to  ripara  koI  arjp.ua  decides  that 
they  are  the  portents  themselves,  not  the  calamities  portended.  -^*-^  ''''■ 
That  view,  too,  confounds  the  day  of  the  Lord  with  the  precursors 
of  the  day. 

V.  20.  6  ■^Xtos  ....  CIS  0-/C0T09,  the  sun  shall  he  turned  into  dark- 
ness. Its  light  shall  be  withdrawn ;  the  heavens  shall  become 
black.  A  day  is  at  hand  which  will  be  one  of  thick  gloom,  of 
sadness,  and  woe.  For  the  frequency  and  significance  of  this 
figure  in  the  prophets,  see  Ezek.  32,  7  ;  Is.  13,  10;  Am.  5,  18.  20, 
etc.  —  y]  a-eXy'jvr].  Repeat  here  p-eraarpacfiyjaerai.  The  moon,  too, 
shall  give  forth  signs  of  the  coming  distress.  It  shall  exhibit  an 
appearance  like  blood.  Men  shall  see  there  an  image  of  the  car- 
nage and  misery  which  are  to  be  witnessed  on  earth.  —  eVt^av^, 


62  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  II,  21.  22. 

illustrious,  signal  in  its  character  as  an  exhibition  of  divine  justice. 
It  conveys  the  idea  of  X'n'is ,  fearful,  but  is  less  definite. 

V.  21.  ttSs  OS  av,  every  one  ivhosoever.  For  av  with  this  expan- 
sive effect,  comp.  v.  39  ;  3,  22.  23  ;  7,  3,  etc.  The  mercy  is  free 
to  all  who  fulfil  the  condition ;  see  the  note  on  v.  39.  —  liriKa- 
Xka-yjraL,  shall  have  called  upon;  subj.  aor.  after  av=fut.  exact,  in 
Latin.  The  act  in  this  verb  must  be  past  before  the  future  in 
crw^T/crTjrai  can  be  present.  See  W.  k\2.  1.  3.  b.  —  to  ovoyu.a  Kvpiov, 
the  name  of  the  Lard,  i.  e.  of  Christ,  comp.  v.  36  ;  9,  14  ;  22,  16  ; 
Rom.  13  ;  not  simply  upon  him,  but  upon  him  as  possessing  the 
attributes  and  sustaining  to  men  the  relations  of  which  his  name 
is  the  index.  Compare  the  note  on  22,  16.  —  o-to^T/o-erai,  shall  be 
saved  from  the  doom  of  those  who  reject  Clarist,  and  be  admitted 
to  the  joys  of  his  Idngdom. 

V.  22.  'Io-pa7;A.tTat  =  'IoT;8arot  in  N.  T.,  here  both  the  native  and 
foreign  Jews.  —  Na^wpatov  =  Na^apatos.  The  former  was  the 
broader  Syriac  pronunciation,  as  heard  especially  iuGalilee.  Hence 

(Peter's  rustic  XoKid  (Matt.  26,  73)  betrayed  him  in  the  very  words 
of  his  denial.  See  Win.  Chald.  Gr.^  p.  12.  The  epithet  is  added 
for  the  sake  of  distinction,  as  Jesus  was  not  an  uncommon  name 
among  the  Jews.  —  avhpa  ....  ct's  v/aSs,  a  man  from  God  (as  the 
source  of  the  approval)  accredited  unto  you  (not  as  in  E.  V.,  among 
you)  ;  dTToSeSety/AeVov,  lit.  shoivn  forth,  confirmed  (25,  7)  viz.  in  his 
Messianic  character.  The  meaning  is,  that  in  the  miracles  which 
Christ  performed  he  had  God's  fullest  sanction  to  all  that  he  did 
and  taught,  that  is,  to  his  claim  to  be  received  as  the  Son  of  God, 
the  promised  Saviour  of  men.  Some  put  a  comma  aftei;  ^eou, 
and  render  a  man  (aent)  from  God,  accredited  as  such  by  miracles, 
etc.  The  ultimate  idea  remains  the  same,  since  to  sanction  his 
mission  as  from  God  was  the  same  thing  as  to  sustain  his  truth 
as  to  what  he  claimed  to  be.  But  the  first  is  the  more  correct 
view,  because  it  renders  the  eUipsis  (sent,  not  apt  to  be  omitted) 
unnecessary,  and  because  (as  Alf  suggests)  the  point  to  be  es- 
tablished was  that  the  Messiah  was  identical  with  a  man  whom 
they  had  seen  and  known.  We  have  ano  after  the  participle, 
instead  of  i-n-o,  because  the  approbation  was  indirect,  i.  e.  testified 
through  miracles.  See  W.  M7.  4  ;  Benih.  Synt.  p.  223.  — 8vvd- 
fiea-L  Koi  ripaaL  koI  oTj/xct'ots  form  obviously  an  intensive  expression, 
.  but  they  are  not  synonymous  with  each  other.  Miracles  are  called 
8wa/x«s,  because  they  are  wrought  by  divine  power;  ripara, j^rod- 

1  Grammar  of  the  Chalilcc  language  as  contained  in  the  Biljlc  and  tlic  Targums, 
translated  from  the  German  by  the  writer  (Andover  1845). 


Chap,  n,  23.  24.  COMMENTARY.  63 

igies,  because  they  appear  inexplicable  to  men  ;  and  o-T/z^eta,  signs, 
because  they  attest  the  character  or  claims  of  those  who  perform 
them  (2  Cor.  12,  12).  See  Olsh.  on  Matt.  8.  1.  It  cannot  be  said 
that  the  terms  are  used  always  with  a  distinct  consciousness  of 
that  difference.  —  ots  is  attracted  into  the  case  of  its  antecedent. 
—  Kttt  after  Ka^ws  good  authorities  omit.  If  retained,  it  must  con- 
nect oiSare  with  cVoiT/o-e,  what  he  did  ye  also  knoio ;  or  else 
strengthen  omtoI,  also  yourselves  as  well  as  we. 

V.  23.  TouT-ov  is  both  resumptive  and  emphatic  ;  see  Matt.  24, 
13  ;  1  Cor.  6,  4.  W.  h  23.  4.  —  t%  Mpio-ixiur]  ^ovXrj,  according  to  the 
established  (firmly  fixed,  see  Luke  22,  22)  counsel,  plan ;  the  dative 
is  that  of  rule  or  conformity.  W.  ^  31.  6.  b. ;  K.  ^  285.  3.  ^ovX-q 
and  Trpoyvwcrt?  may  differ  here  as  antecedent  and  consequent,  since 
God's  foreknowledge  results  properly  from  his  purpose. — 4'kSotov, 
delivered  up  to  you,  i.  e.  by  Judas.  —  XaySoVres  the  best  editors  re- 
gard as  an  addition  to  the  text.  —  8ta  ^etpwv  o.v6ii.(s>v,  by  the  hands  or 
hand  (if  after  Grsb.  Lchm.  Tsch.,  and  others,  we  read  x^'po?)  of 
lawless  ones  (partitive,  hence  without  the  article,  see  on  5,  16), 
i.  e,  of  the  heathen,  as  Pilate  and  the  Roman  soldiers  ;  comp. 
Wisd.  17.  2;  1  Cor.  9,  21.  The  indignity  which  Christ  suffered 
was  the  greater  on  account  of  his  being  crucified  by  the  heathen. 
See  3,  13.  dvo/Awi/  may  agree  with  x^'-P^^>  laivless  hands;  but  as 
the  adjective  must  refer  still  to  the  heathen,  it  is  not  so  easy  a 
combination  as  the  other.  —  Trpoo-Tr^favres,  sc.  tw  o-ravpia,  having 
fastened  to  the  cross,  i.  e.  with  nails  driven  through  the  hands  and 
feet  (John  20,  25.  27).  See  Bynajus  de  Morte  Cluristi,  L.  III.  c. 
6,  and  Jahn's  Archa^ol.  h  262.  He  imputes  the  act  of  crucifixion 
to  the  Jews  because  they  were  the  instigators  of  it ;  comp.  4,  10  ; 
10,  39.  —  dvet/Vare  is  first  aorist,  an  Alexandrian  form.  W.  ^  13. 
1;  S.  s^  63.  11.  R. 

V.  24.  avicTT-qa-e,  raised  %ip,  not  into  existence,  as  in  3,  22,  but 
from  the  dead.  The  context  demands  this  sense  of  the  verb  ; 
see  V.  32.  —  ras  wStvas  Tov  ^avoLTov,  the  pains  of  death ;  quoted  ap- 
parently from  the  Sept.,  for  riTj-^ban  in  Ps.  18,  5,  cords  of  death. 
\v(Ta<;,  having  loosed,  agrees  better  with  the  Hebrew  idea ;  but 
taken  less  strictly,  having  elided,  it  is  not  inappropriate'  to  wStvas. 
We  may  conceive,  in  the  latter  case,  of  the  pains  of  death  as 
not  ceasing  altogether  with  the  life  which  they  destroy,  but  as 
still  follov/ing  their  victim  into  the  grave.  Hence  though  the 
Greek  expression  as  compared  with  the  Hebrew  changes  the 
figure,  it  conveys  essentially  the  same  thought,  and  may  have 
been  adopted  because  it  was  so  familiar  to  the  foreign  Jews. 
Some  contend  thnt  oiSivas  means  cords  in  the  Hellenistic  Greek 


64  COMMENTAEY.  Cuap.  H,  25.  26. 

(Kuiii.  Olsli.)  ;  but  the  assertion  is  destitute  of  proof.  In  that 
case,  too,  Luke  would  have  said  airutv  at  the  end  of  the  sentence 
instead  of  avrov,  out  of  regard  to  the  figure.  Others  have  found 
an  allusion  in  the  word  to  the  resurrection  as  a  birth  (see  Col.  ], 
18),  and  hence  to  death  as  enduring  (so  to  speak)  the  pangs  in- 
separable from  giving  back  the  dead  to  life.  It  is  strange  that 
Meyer  should  revive  this  almost  forgotten  interpretation.  —  Ka%Ti 
....  Swaro'v,  because  it  was  not  j^ossihle,  since  the  Divine  purpose 
cannot  fail.  The  confirmatory  yap  shows  that  to  be  the  nature 
of  the  impossibility  in  the  writer's  mind. 

V.  25.  The  quotation  is  from  Ps.  16,  8-11,  in  accordance  with 
the  Septuagint.  It  will  be  observed  that  in  v,  29-31  Peter  takes 
pains  to  show  that  the  portion  of  the  Psalm  under  consideration, 
there  could  not  have  referred  to  David,  but  had  its  fulfilment  in 
Christ.  In  13,  36,  Paul  too  denies  the  applicabihty  of  that  pas- 
sage to  David,  and  insists  on  its  exclusive  reference  to  the  Mes 
siah.  We  may  conclude,  therefore,  that  they  regarded  the  entire 
Psalm  as  Messianic  ;  for  we  have  in  it  but  one  speaker  from  com- 
mencement to  end,  and  in  other  respects  such  a  marked  unity  of 
thought  and  structure,  that  it  would  be  an  arbitraiy  procedure  to 
assign  one  part  of  it  to  David  and  another  to  Christ.  See  Prof. 
Stuart's  Interpretation  of  this  Psalm  in  Bibl.  Repos.,  1831,  p.  51 
sq.  —  ets  avTov,  in  reference  to  him.  —  7rpowpwyu,Tjv,  k.  t.  A,.,  /  saio  the 
Lord  before  me  (where  Trpo  is  intensive  merely),  looked  unto  him 
as  my  only  helper  and  support ;  noiforcsaiv  (E.  V.  after  the  Genv. 
v.),  or  saxo  beforehand  (Tynd.).  The  verb  answers  to  "^nr^,  I 
placed,  except  that  this  marks  more  distinctly  the  effort  made  in 
order  to  keep  the  mind  in  that  posture.  —  on,  because,  states  why 
the  eye  is  thus  turned  unto  Jehovah.  —  Ik  Se^taJv  describes  one's 
position  as  seen  off  from  the  right.  A  protector  at  the  right  hand 
is  one  who  is  near  and  can  afford  instantly  the  succor  needed.  — 
Iva  is  telic,  in  order  that. 

V.  26.  ev(j>pdvS7).  On  the  augment  in  verbs  which  begin  with 
€v,  see  W.  H2.  1.  3 ;  K.  H25.  R.  1.  —  ^  yXwaa-d  fxov  stands  for  '^'lias, 
my  glorij,  i.  e.  soul,  whose  dignity  the  Hebrews  recognized  in  that 
way.  The  Greek  has  substituted  the  instrument  which  the  soul 
uses  in  giving  expression  to  its  joy.  We  may  render  both  verbs 
as  present  if  we  suppose  them  to  describe  a  permanent  state  of 
mind.  K.  k  256.  4.  —  hi  l\  Kai,  but  further  also,  climacteric,  as  in 
Luke  14,26.  —  ^  crap^  /aov,  wy /?esA,  body  as  distinguished  from 
the  soul.  —  KaTa(TKrjvo)(T€L,  shall  rest,  viz.  in  the  grave,  as  defined 
by  the  next  verse.  —  eV  eXTriSt,  iji  hope,  =  nasb,  m  confidence,  i.  e. 


CiiAP.  II,  27-29.  COMMENTARY.  65 

of  a  speedy  restoration  to  life.  The  sequel  exhibits  the  ground  of 
this  confident  hope. 

V.  27.  OTL  .  .  .  .  CIS  aSov,  because  (not  that)  thou  iv'dt  not  abandon 
my  soul  unto  hades,  ^vxrjv  fiov  =  '''ds^,  my  sou/,  according  to  Hebrew 
usage, an  emphasized  pronoun.  087^9  =  Vixiii,  denotes  properly  the 
place  of  the  dead,  but  also,  by  a  frequent  personification,  death 
itself,  considered  as  a  rapacious  destroyer.  See  Gesen.  Heb.  Lex. 
s.  V.  The  sense  then  may  be  expressed  thus  :  Thou  wilt  not 
give  me  up  as  a  prey  to  death ;  he  shall  not  have  power  over  me, 
to  dissolve  the  body  and  cause  it  to  return  to  dust.  On  the  ellip- 
tical aSov,  see  K.  §  263.  b.  Later  critics  (Lchm.  Tsch.)  read  uSt^v, 
after  ABCD,  and  other  authorities.  —  tSetv,  to  see,  experience,  as 
in  Luke  2,  26. 

V.  28.  eyi/wptcra?,  k.  t.  X.,  thou  didst  make  hnown  to  me  the  icays 
of  life,  i.  e.  those  which  lead  from  death  to  life.  The  event  was 
certain,  and  hence,  though  future,  could  be  spoken  of  as  past. 
The  meaning  is,  that  God  would  restore  him  to  life,  after  having 
been  put  to  death  and  laid  in  the  grave.  Kuinoel,  De  Wette, 
Meyer,  concede  that  this  is  the  sense  which  Peter  attached  to 
the  words  ;  and  if  so,  it  must  be  the  true  sense.  The  Greek 
here  expresses  the  exact  form  of  the  Hebrew.  —  fx.iTa  tov  Trpocrw- 
irov  (TOV,  ivith  (not  =  Sict,  by)  thy  presence,  i.  e.  with  thee  where  thou 
art,  viz.  in  heaven.  The  Redeemer  was  assured  that  he  would 
not  only  escape  the  power  of  death,  but  ascend  to  dwell  in  the  im- 
mediate presence  of  God  on  high.  It  was  for  that  "joy  set  before 
him,  that  he  endured  the  cross,  despising  the  shame,  and  is  set 
down  at  the  right  hand  of  the  throne  of  God."  (Heb.  12,  2). 

V.  29.  The  object  of  the  remark  here  is  to  show  that  the  pas- 
sage cited  above  could  not  have  referred  to  David.  —  e^ov,  sc. 
la~TL,  not  ecrrw,  it  is  lawful,  proper.  —  ^aera  TrappTjcrcas,  ivith  freedom, 
without  fear  of  being  thought  deficient  in  any  just  respect  to  his 
memory.  His  death  was  recorded  in  the  Old  Testament ;  no  one 
pretended  that  he  had  risen,  and  the  Psalm,  therefore,  could  not 
apply  to  him.  —  David  is  called  TraTptapx^s,  as  being  the  founder 
of  the  royal  family.  This  title  in  its  stricter  use  belonged  to  the 
founders  of  the  nation. —  kv  rj/juv,  among  us,  here  in  the  city.  The 
sepulchre  of  David  was  on  Mount  Zion,  where  most  of  the 
kings  of  Judah  were  buried ;  see  on  5,  6.  The  tomb  was  well 
known  in  Peter's  day.  Josephus  says,  that  it  was  opened  both 
by  Hyrcanus  and  Herod,  in  order  to  rifle  it  of  the  treasures  which 
it  was  supposed  to  contain.  The  Mosque,  still  shown  as  Neby 
Dauid,  on  the  southern  brow  of  Zion,  cannot  be  far  from  the  true 
site. 

9 


66  COMMENTARY.  CiiAr.  H,  30-^2. 

V.  30.  Trpocf>T^Tr]<;,  a  prophet,  i.  e.  divinely  inspired  (see  on  v. 
17),  and  so  competent  to  utter  the  prediction.  —  ovv,  therefore ; 
since,  unless  David  meant  himself,  he  must  have  meant 
the  Messiah.  —  koX  €l8w<;,  and  knowing,  viz.  that  which  follows. 
This  knowledge  he  received  from  the  prophet  Nathan,  as  related 
in  2  Sam.  7,  12.  16  ;  see  also  Ps.  132,  11;  89,  35-37.  The  resur- 
rection of  Christ  in  its  full  historical  sense  involved  two  points  : 
first,  his  restoration  to  life  ;  and,  secondly,  his  elevation  to  perma- 
nent regal  power.  Peter  inserts  the  remark  made  here  to  show 
that  David,  in  predicting  the  main  fact,  had  a  view  also  of  Christ's 
office  as  a  Sovereign.  —  KaSicrai,  sc.  rtva,  to  cause  one  to  sit,  place 
him,  comp.  1  Cor.  6,  4  (Whl.  Mey.  De  Wet.) ;  or  (intrans.  oftener 
in  N.  T.)  that  one  should  sit  (Rob.).  This  descendant  was  to  oc- 
cupy the  throne  as  ruler  in  Zion,  as  Messiah ;  comp.  Ps.  2,  6. 
The  Greek  omits  rtva  often  before  the  infinitive.  K.  ^  238.  R.  3. 
e.  —  After  oo-^vo?  avrov,  the  received  text  adds  ro  Kara  crapKa  dvao-- 
rqa-uv  tov  XptcrTov,  viz.  that  he  icould  raise  up  the  Messiah  after  the 
flesh.  Sholz  retains  the  words,  but  most  editors  omit  them,  or 
mark  them  as  unsupported. 

V.  31.  TTpo'iSwv  repeats  the  idea  both  of  7rpo<f>-qTr]^  and  ciScis. 
Having  the  knowledge  derived  from  the  sources  which  these 
terms  specify,  David  could  speak  of  the  Messiah  in  the  manner 
here  represented.  —  tov  Xpia-Tov  is  the  official  title,  not  a  proper 
name.  —  ovre  iyKareXeLcjiSr]  (Tsch.)  K.  T.  \.,  neither  teas  left  or  oi 
KaTe\€i(l)^r)  (T.  R.),«-a5  not  left  behind  (given  up)  unto  hades ;  aorist 
here  (note  the  fut.  in  v.  27),  because  the  speaker  thinks  of  the 
prediction  as  now  accomplished,  r}  <^fxv  avrov  (T.  11.)  should 
probably  be  dropped  after  the  verb. 

Y.  32.  TovTov  TOV  'lr](Tovv,  TJtis  (looklug  back  to  v,  24)  Jesus, 
the  subject  of  such  a  prophecy.  —  ov  k.t.X.,  u-hose  (masc.  as 
Wicl.  after  Vulg.,  comp.  5,  32 ;  13,  31)  ;  or,  as  the  verb  suggests  a 
natural  antecedent  (neut),  of  which,  viz.  his  resurrection,  ife  all 
are  tvitnesses  (Mey.  and  E.  V.).     See  note  on  1,  22. 

V  33.  The  exaltation  of  Christ  appears  here  (ovv,  therefore)  as 
a  necc^saiy  consecpient  of  the  resurrection  ;  see  on  v.  28.  30.  — 
T^  St^ia,  K.  T.  X.,  having  been  exalted  to  Vie  right  hand  of  God 
(Ncand.-  De  Wet.  Olsh.  Brag.  Whl.  Rob.)  ;  not  by  the  right  hand 
(Calv.  Kuin.  Mey.  Alf  E.  Vv.).  The  connection  (see  especially 
V.  34.  3o,  and  comp.  5,  31)  directs  us  quite  inevitably  to  the  first 
sense;  and  though  the  local  dative  whither  may  not  occur  in  the 
New  Testament  out  of  this  passage  and  5,  31,  yet  all  admit  that 
it  is  one  of  the  uses  of  the  later  Greek  generally,  and  was  not 
unknown  to  the  earlier  Greek  poetry.     See  Bernh.  Synt.  }).  91. 


Chap.  II,  33.  34.  COMMENTARY.  67 

Winer  says  {§  31.  5)  that  we  may  translate  here  to  the  right  hand, 
without  any  hesitation.  —  ttjv  l-TrayytXiav,  k.  t.  A,.,  having  received  the 
promise  (i.  e.  its  fullihnent  in  the  bestowal)  of  the  Holy  Spirit ; 
genit.  of  the  object.  See  on  1,  4.  —  l^ix'^e,  jjoured  out.  The  effu- 
sion of  the  Spirit  which  is  ascribed  to  God  in  v.  17  is  ascribed  here 
to  Christ.  —  ySAeTrere  refers  to  the  general  spectacle  of  so  many 
speaking  in  foreign  tongues,  or  possibly  to  the  tongues  of  fire,  vis- 
ible on  the  speakers.  aKove.T€  refers  both  to  the  languages  spoken, 
and.  to  what  was  spoken  in  them. 

V.  34.  yap  confirms  ui/zw^et's.  The  exaltation  was  not  only  in- 
cident to  the  resurrection,  but  was  the  subject  of  an  express  pre- 
diction, and  that  prediction  could  not  apply  to  David  ;  for  he  did 
not  ascend  to  heaven,  i.  e.  to  be  invested  with  glory  and  jjower  at 
the  right  hand  of  God.  The  order  of  thought,  says  De  Wette, 
would  have  been  plainer  thus  :  For  David  says,  Sit  at  my  right 
hand,  etc. ;  but  he  himself  did  not  ascend  into  heaven,  i.  e.  he  says 
this  not  of  himself,  but  the  Messiah.  —  Aeyet,  viz.  in  Ps.  110,  1. 
lu  Matt.  22,  43,  and  Mark  12,  36,  the  Saviour  recognizes  David 
as  the  author  of  the  Psalm,  and  attributes  to  him  a  divine  inspi- 
ration in  speaking  thus  of  the  Messiah.  He  cites  the  same  pas- 
/  sage  as  proof  of  David's  acknowledged  inferiority  to  himself  — 
V  Ka.%v  (imper.)  is  for  the  purer  Ka^iqao.  W.  H4.  4  ;  Mt.  ^  236. 
—  Ik  SeftaJv  i^ov,  on  my  right  hand  (see  on  v.  25)  i.  e.  as  the  part- 
ner of  my  throne.  The  following  remarks  of  Professor  Stuart  ^ 
are  pertinent  here.  "  In  the  New  Testament,  when  Christ  is 
represented  as  sitting  at  the  right  hand  of  divine  majesty,  Heb. 
1,3;  or  at  the  right  hand  of  God,  Acts  2,  33,  and  Heb.  10,  12  ;  or 
at  the  right  of  the  tluone  of  God,  Heb.  12,  2;  participation  in 
supreme  dominion  is  most  clearly  meant.  Compare  1  Pet.  3,  22 ; 
Rom.  8,  34  ;  Mark  16,  19  ;  Pliil.  2,  6-11  ;  Eph.  1,  20-23.  At  the 
same  time,  the  comparison  of  these  passages  will  show  most 
clearly  that  Christ's  exaltation  at  the  right  hand  of  God  means 
his  being  seated  on  the  mediatorial  throne  as  the  result  and  reward 
of  his  sufferings  (see  particularly  Phil.  2,  6-11,  and  comp.  Heb. 
12,  2)  ;  and  that  the  phrase  in  question  never  means  the  original 
dominion  wliich  Cluist  as  Logos  or  God  possesses.  The  sacred 
writers  never  speak  respecting  the  Logos,  considered  simply  in 
his  divine  nature,  as  being  seated  at  the  right  hand  of  God  ;  but 
only  of  the  Logos  incarnate,  or  the  Mediator,  as  being  seated 
there.  So  in  Heb.  1,  3,  it  is  after  the  expiation  made  by  the  Son 
of  God,  that  he  is  represented  as  seating  himself  at  the  right 

1  Commentary  on  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  p.  559  sq.  (1833). 


68  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  II,  35-38. 

hand  of  the  divine  majesty.  And  that  this  mediatorial  dominion 
is  not  to  be  considered  simply  as  the  dominion  of  the  divine  na- 
ture of  Christ  as  such,  is  plain  from  the  fact,  that,  when  the  me- 
diatorial office  is  fulfilled,  the  kingdom  of  the  Mediator  as  such  is 
to  cease.  Moreover,  that  the  phrase,  to  sit  at  the  right  hand  of 
God,  or  of  the  throne  of  God,  does  not  of  itself  mean  original 
divine  dominion,  is  clear  from  the  fact,  that  Christ  assures  his 
faithful  disciples  they  shall  sit  down  with  him  on  his  throne,  even 
as  he  sat  down  with  the  Father  on  his  throne.  Rev,  3,  21.  It  is 
exaltation,  then,  in  consequence  of  obedience  and  sufferings, 
which  is  designated  by  the  phrase  in  question.'' 

V.  35.  ews  av,  K.  T.  A.  The  dominion  here,  which  Christ  re- 
ceived, belonged  to  him  as  Mediator  ;  and  it  is  to  cease,  therefore, 
when  the  objects  of  his  kingdom  as  Mediator  are  accomplished. 
Compare  1  Cor.  15,  23-28.  This  verse  recognizes  distinctly  that 
limitation. 

V.  36.  ttSs  ....  ^laparjX,  all  the  house,  race,  of  Israel,  oikos 
appears  to  omit  the  article,  as  having  the  nature  of  a  proper 
name.  W.  k  17.  10.  —  on  KaC,  k.  t.  X.,  that  God  made  him  both 
Lord  and  Christ,  to  wit,  this  one  the  Jesus,  wJiom,  etc.  tovtov  tov 
'Irjcrovv  is  in  apposition  with  airov. 

Verses  37-42.     Eject  of  the  Discourse  in  the  Conversion  of  Three 
Thousand. 

V.  37.  Not  all  but  many  of  those  addressed  must  be  under- 
stood here.  This  necessary  limitation  could  be  left  to  suggest 
itself.  Karcvvyrjaav  ttj  KapSia,  tvere  pierced  in  the  heai't ;  dative  of 
the  sphere  in  which  (Rom.  4,  20  ;  1  Cor.  14,20).  W.  ^31,3. 
Some  editions  have  KapUav,  accusative  of  the  part  affected.  The 
verb  expresses  forcibly  the  idea  of  pungent  soitow  and  alarm.  — 
TL  TToitjcrofjiev,  What  shall  we  do  ?  The  answer  to  the  question  shows 
that  it  related  to  the  way  of  escape  from  the  consequences  of 
their  guilt. —  For  avSpe^,  see  on  1,  16. 

V.  38.  cTTi  Tw  oi'o/xari  'Irjaov  Xpi(TTov,  upon  the  name  of  Jesus 
Christ  as  the  foundation  of  the  baptism,  i.  e.  with  an  acknowl- 
edgment of  him  in  that  act  as  being  what  his  name  imports  (see 
on  V.  21),  to  wit,  the  sinner's  only  hope,  his  Redeemer,  Justifier, 
Lord,  final  Judge.  For  eVc  with  this  force,  see  W.  ^  48.  c.  We 
see  from  v.  40,  that  Luke  has  given  only  an  epitome  of  Peter's 
instructions  on  this  occasion.  The  usual  formula  in  relation  to 
baptism  is  cis  to  ovofia,  as  in  8,  16 ;  19,  5.  It  may  have  been 
avoided  here  as  a  matter  of  euphony,  since  ets  follows  in  the  next 


Chap.  II,  38.  39.  C  OMMENT  AE  Y.  69 

clause  (De  Wet.). —  eh  acf>ecnv  afxaprMv,  in  order  to  the  forgiveness 
of  sins  (Matt.  26,  28  ;  Luke  3,  3),  we  connect  naturally  Avitli  both 
the  preceding  verbs.  This  clause  states  the  motive  or  object 
which  should  induce  them  to  repent  and  be  baptized.  It  enforces 
the  entire  exhortation,  not  one  part  of  it  to  the  exclusion  of  the 
other. 

V.  39.  Tots  re/cvots  vfxCiv,  unto  your  descendants  (see  13,  33)  ;  not 
your  little  ones  (Alf.)  with  an  appeal  to  v.  17  ;  for  the  sons  and 
daughters  there  are  so  far  adult  as  to  have  visions  and  to  proph- 
esy.— TTttcrt  Tovi  eh  fiaKpdv,  to  all  those  afar  of,  i.  e.  the  distant  nations 
or  heathen.  So,  among  others,  Calvin,  Bengel,  Olshausen,  Harless,^ 
De  Wette,  Neander,  Lange.^  The  expression  was  current  among 
the  Jews  in  that  sense;  comp.  Zech.  6,  15;  Is.  49,  1;  57,  19; 
Eph.  2,  13.  17  (where  see  Dr.  Hodge  in  his  recent  Commentary). 
Even  the  Rabbinic  writers  employed  it  as  synonymous  with  the 
heathen.  (Schottg.  Hor.  Heb.  Vol.  I.  p.  761.)  It  has  been  ob- 
jected, that  this  explanation  supposes  Peter  to  have  been  already 
aware  that  the  gospel  was  to  be  preached  to  the  Gentiles ; 
whereas,  it  is  said,  he  afterwards  hesitated  on  the  subject,  and 
needed  a  special  revelation  to  point  out  to  him  his  duty ;  see  10,  10 
sq.  But  the  objection  misstates  the  ground  of  the  hesitation  ;  it 
related  to  the  terms  on  which  the  Gentiles  were  to  be  acknowl- 
edged as  Christians,  not  .to  the  fact  itself  On  this  point  how  is 
it  possible  that  he  should  have  doubted  ?  The  Jews  in  general, 
who  expected  a  Messiah  at  all,  believed  in  the  universality  of  his 
reign.  The  prophets  foretold  distinctly  that  the  Gentiles  under 
him  should  form  one  people  with  the  Jews,  that  they  should  both 
acknowledge  the  same  God,  and  be  acknowledged  of  him ;  see, 
e.  g.  Mich.  4,  1  sq. ;  Am.  9,  12  ;  Is.  2,  2  sq. ;  40,  5  ;  54,  4  sq.,  etc. 
Add  to  this,  that  the  Saviour  himself  before  his  ascension  had 
charged  his  disciples  to  go  into  all  the  world  and  preach  the  gospel 
to  every  creature.  The  relation  in  which  the  Gentile  believers 
were  to  stand  to  Judaism,  how  far  they  were  to  practise  its  rites, 
and  in  that  respect  assimilate  to  the  Jews,  was  not  so  well  under- 
stood. On  that  question,  it  is  true,  they  needed  and  received 
further  instruction  as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued.  Those  who 
reject  the  foregoing  explanation  suppose  -n-aaL  tois  ets  /MaKpav  to  de- 
note the  foreign  Jews.  But  they  are  included  already  in  vfuv, 
since  many  of  those  addressed  were  pilgrims  who  had  come  to 
Jerusalem  to  celebrate  the  present  feast.  This  sense  of  the  phrase 

1  Commcntar  iiber  den  Brief  Piuili  an  die  Ephesier,  p.  213  sq. 

2  Das  apostolische  Zeitalter,  zweitcr  Band,  p.  42  (1853). 


70  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  II,  40^2. 

renders  it  superfluous.  —  ocrovs  av,  k.  t.  A.,  ivhomsocver  the  Lord 
shall  have  called.  For  the  verl)al  form,  see  the  note  on  v.  21.  The 
expre.ssion  imports,  that  as  many  would  secure  a  part  in  the 
promise  as  it  should  prove  that  the  divine  purpose  had  embraced. 
V.  40.  Copies  fluctuate  bctAvecn  Sie/xaprvpcTo  and  huixapTvparo. 
The  imperfect  agrees  best  with  the  next  verb  — <TwSr]re,  save 
yourselves.  For  this  middle  sense,  see  W.  ^  39.  2.  —  oltto  r^s  ycvcas, 
K.  T.  X.,  from  this  j^^rverse  (Phil.  2,  15)  generation,  i.  e.  from  par- 
ticipation in  their  guilt  and  doom;  comp.  1  Cor.  11,  32;  Gal.  1,  4. 
Y.  41.  ovv,  therefore,  viz.  in  consequence  of  Peter's  exhorta- 
tion. —  01  [tkv,  K.  T.  X.,  they  (who  were  mentioned  as  penitent  in 
V.  37 )  having  received  his  word,  viz.  that  in  v.  38  sq.  (De  Wet. 
Mey.).  Many  adopt  the  substantive  construction:  they  ivho  re- 
ceived (Bug.  Kuin.  E.  Vv.).  The  first  view  identifies  those  who 
believe  here  more  distinctly  with  those  in  v.  37,  who  evince  such 
a  preparation  for  the  exercise  of  faith,  and  may  be  preferable  on 
that  account ;  but  the  use  of  the  participle  in  other  respects  (as 
we  saw  on  1,  16)  involves  an  ambiguity,  aarixivw;,  gladly,  elicits  a 
correct  idea,  but  is  hardly  genuine.  —  i/'^X'*''  ^oids,  persons,  see  v.  43 ; 
3,  23  ;  7,  14  ;  27,  37.  The  frequency  of  this  sense  may  be  He- 
braistic, but  not  the  sense  itself — e/3a7rrtcr^crav,  were  hajjtizcd,  not 
necessarily  at  once  after  the  discourse,  but  naturally  during  the 
same  day,  if  we  unite  the  next  clause  (ttj  Ty/xepa  Iku^ij,  see  on  8, 
1)  closely  Avith  this.  But  the  compendious  form  of  the  narrative 
would  aflow  us  with  some  editors  to  place  a  colon  between  the 
two  clauses  ;  and  then  the  baptism  could  be  regarded  as  subse- 
quent to  Trposere'^T^o-av,  taking  place  at  such  time  and  under  such 
circumstances  as  the  convenience  of  the  jiarties  might  require. 
It  is  proper  to  add  (against  Alf )  that  the  pools  so  numerous  and 
large  which  encircled  Jerusalem,  as  both  those  still  in  use  and  the 
remains  of  others  testify  at  the  present  day,  afforded  amjile  means 
j  for  the  administration  of  the  rite.  The  habits  of  the  East,  as 
i  ever}'  traveller  knows,  would  present  no  obstacle  to  such  a  use 
'  of  the  public  reservoirs. 

V.  42.  TT^oo-KapTepowTcs,  K.  T.  X.,  constautly  applying  themselves 
unto  the  teaching  of  the  apostles ;  they. sought  to  know  more  and 
more  of  the  gospel  which  they  had  embraced.  —  koX  ttj  Kim'oivia. 
(comp.  €ixov  KOLvd  in  v.  44),  andimto  the  communication,  distribution, 
i.  e.  of  money  or  other  supplies  for  the  jioor  (Ileinr.  Kuin.  Olsh. 
Bmg.  Ilmph.)  ;  the  fellowship,  i.  e.  the  community,  oneness  of 
spirit  and  effort  wliich  bound  the  first  Christians  to  each  other 
(I?ng.  Mey.  Rob.);  the  communion,  meals  in  common,  dyciTrat, 
which  were  followed  Ijy  the  Lord's  supper  (Bez.  Grot.  Dc  Wet.)  ; 


Chap.  11,  32.  43.  COMMENTAKY.  71 

the  Sacrament  itself  (Liglitf.  Est.  Wlf.)  I  prefer  the  first  sense 
of  this  doubtful  word,  because  all  the  other  nouns  denote  an  act, 
not  a  state  of  mind  or  feeling ;  because  the  participle  applies  to 
an  act  rather  than  an  abstract  quality  (which  are  objections  to  the 
second  sense)  ;  because  this  use  of  the  term  is  justified  by  E-om. 
15,  26  ;  2  Cor.  8,  4  ;  especially  Heb.  13,  16  ;  and  because,  as  the 
contributions  would  naturally  be  made  at  their  meetings,  the  sev- 
eral nouns  relate  then  to  a  common  subject,  viz.  their  religious 
assemblies.  It  may  be  added,  that  their  liberality  towards  the 
poor  was  so  characteristic  of  the  first  Christians,  that  this  sketch 
of  their  religious  habits  might  be  expected  to  include  tliat  partic- 
ular. KQLvoivia  in  the  sense  of  our  communion,  the  Lord's  Supper, 
appears  not  to  have  prevailed  before  the  fourth  century  (Suicer 
Thesaur.  s.  v.  as  cited  by  Hmph.),  and  hence  the  last  of  the 
meanings  given  above  may  be  laidout  of  the  account  here.  The 
meals  in  common  or  dyaTrat  were  known  to  be  a  part  of  the  kAcio-is 
rov  apTov  (see  below),  and  consequently  would  not  need  to  be 
specified  in  this  connection  by  a  separate  term.  The  E.  V.  unites 
aTToa-ToXwv  with  both  nouns  :  the  apostle's  doctrine  and  fclloivship 
(also  Tynd.  Cranm.  Gen.)  With  that  combination  we  should  have 
had  regularly  the  genitive  after  the  second  noun,  without  a  repe- 
tition of  the  article.  See  W.  h  19.  3.  c.  Some  assume  a  lu-ndia- 
dys  :  the  communion  in  the  breaking  of  bread  (  Vulg.  Wicl.  Blmf.). 
The  analysis  is  not  only  awkward,  but  opposed  by  t^  before 
KAao-ei.  —  T^  KXao-et  rov  aprov  denotes  the  breaking  of  the  bread  as 
performed  at  the  Lord's  Supper.  See  20,  7,  11  ;  1  Cor.  10,  16. 
The  expression  itself  may  designate  an  ordinary  meal,  as  in  Luke 
24,  35  ;  but  that  here  would  be  an  unmeaiiing  notice.  There  can 
be  no  doubt  that  the  Eucharist,  at  this  period,  was  preceded  uni- 
formly by  a  common  repast,  as  was  the  case  when  the  ordinance 
was  instituted.  Most  scholars  hold  that  this  was  the  prevailing 
usage  in  the  fiirst  centuries  after  Christ.  We  have  traces  of  that 
practice  in  1  Cor.  11,  20  sq.,  and,  in  all  probability,  in  v.  46  below. 
The  bread  only  being  mentioned  here,  the  Catholics  appeal  to  this 
passage  as  proving  that  their  custom  of  distributing  but  one  ele- 
ment (the  cup  they  withhold  from  the  laity)  is  the  apostolic  one. 
It  is  a  case  obviously  in  which  the  leading  act  of  the  transaction 
gives  name  to  the  transaction  itself. 

Verses  43-47.      Benevolence  of  the  First  Christians;   their  Joy, 
their  Increase. 

V.  43.     TraoT;  i/^XT?'  ^^^^  every  soul  of  those  who  heard  of  the 


72  COMMENTAEY.  Chap.  II,  44-46- 

events  just  related,  viz.  the  descent  of  the  Spirit,  the  miracle  of 
tongues,  the  conversion  of  such  a  multitiide ;  comp.  5,  5.  —  <f>6- 
jSo';,  fear,  religious  awe;  see  Luke  1,  65.  —  ttoXXo.  in  this  position 
belongs  to  both  nouns,  see  17,  12.  W.  ^  59.  5.  —  Sia  twv  airooToXoiv, 
though  the  ajiostlcs  as  instruments,  while  the  power  was  God's ; 
see  v.  22  and  15,  12.  —  iycvero,  were  wrought  (imperf),  during  tliis 
general  period. 

V.  44.  €7rt  TO  auTo,  not  harmonious  (Calv.  Kuin.),but  together, 
i.  e.  they  met  daily  in  one  place,  as  explained  in  v.  46  ;  see  on  1, 
15.  —  Ktti  €ixov  ....  Koiva,  and  they  had  all  things  common,  looked 
upon  their  possessions  not  as  their  ouoi,  but  held  them  as  subject 
to  the  use  of  the  church  as  they  were  needed.  The  next  words 
refer  to  the  act  of  disposing  of  their  property,  and  hence  these 
describe  the  antecedent  principle  or  spirit  which  prompted  the 
act.  The  remark  is  defined  by  ovhk  cIs  .  .  .  .  eXeycv  ....  dvai  in  4, 
32  :  neither  did  any  one  say,  etc. 

V.  45.  TO,  KTTjfxaTa  Koi  ras  v7rdp$€i<;,  their  estates,  lands,  and  othei 
2wssessio7is.  —  aura,  them,  i.  e.  the  proceeds  of  the  sale.  W.  k  22. 
3.  —  Ka^dri  ....  cTx€,  as  any  one  from  time  to  time  had  need,  av 
with  the  indicative  in  a  relative  sentence  denotes  a  recurring  act. 
W.  ^  42.  3.  a.  As  this  clause  qualifies  also  eTriVpao-Kov  (imperf  as 
done  again  and  again),  it  shows  that  they  did  not  alienate  their 
property  at  once,  but  parted  with  it  as  occasion  required. 

V.  46.  ojjioSvfia^ov,  as  in  v.  1.  —  kut  oTkov,  from  house  to  house, 
comp.  Kara  ttoXlv  in  Tit.  1,  5 ;  i.  e.  in  different  houses,  some  in  one, 
some  in  another,  or  perhaps  in  different  houses  successively  (E. 
V.  Kuin.  Neand.)  ;  or  at  home,  in  private,  see  Phil.  v.  2  (Olsh. 
De  Wet.  Mey.  Gen.  V.).  Even  in  the  latter  case  we  may  sup- 
pose that  they  met  in  separate  parties  at  different  places ;  not 
necessarily  (as  Mey.),  all  in  a  single  place  at  once.  Both  render- 
ings are  justifiable.  The  latter  may  be  more  exact  in  form,  since 
it  brings  out  more  strongly  an  apparent  contrast  between  the  pub- 
lic worsliip  and  their  more  private  services,  iv  in  tlie  })lace  of 
Kara  would  have  removed  the  ambiguity.  Neander  (Pilanzung, 
u.  s.  w.,  Vol.  I.  p.  36),  observes  that  a  single  room  would  liardiy 
have  contained  the  present  number  of  converts.  lie  supposes 
that,  in  addition  to  their  daily  resort  to  the  temjile,  they  met  in 
smaller  companies,  at  different  places  ;  that  they  here  received 
instruction  from  tlieir  teachers  or  one  another,  and  prayed  and 
*sang  together;  and,  as  the  members  of  a  common  family,  closed 
their  interview  with  a  repast,  at  which  bread  and  wine  were  dis- 
tributed in  memory  of  the  Saviour's  last  meal  with  his  disciples. 
In  conformity  with  this  view,  kAuij/tcs  dprov  may  refer  to  their  break- 


Chap.  Ill,  1.  COMMENTAKY.  73 

ing  bread  in  connection  with  the  Sacrament,  and  /AereXa/x^avov 
Tpo<j>rj^  to  their  reception  of  food  for  ordinary  purposes.  —  d^eA- 
orrjTL  KapStas,  tvith  simplicity  of  heart,  with  child-like  affection 
towards  God  and  one  another, 

V.  47.  -yapiv,  favor,  approbation,  (Luke  2,  52.)  —  tovs  o-w^o/xeVou;, 
those  who  are  saved,  or  more  strictly  arc  becoming  saved  from  day 
to  day,  since  the  present  tense  denotes  a  process  going  on.  See 
1  Cor.  1,  18  and  2  Cor.  2,  15.  The  Greek  should  have  been  to^s 
o-co-wcTjaeVous  (perf ),  to  signify  that  they  had  already  secured  their 
salvation;  and  tous  o-w-^v/o-o/^evoDs  (fnt.)  to  signify  that  they  were 
certain  of  its  completion.  See  Green's  Gr.  p.  28,  The  expres- 
sion implies  a  certainty  resulting  not  so  much  from  God's  pur- 
pose, as  from  human  conduct.  The  doctrine  is  that  those  who 
embrace  the  gospel  adopt  the  infallible  means  of  being  saved.  — 
7rpos€T6^et,  added,  (imperf  with  reference  to  xa^'  Tjjxipav,)  brings  to 
view  God's  agency  in  that  acceptance  of  the  gospel  which 
ensures  salvation. 


X.ht.2.1.  iU^ 


CHAPTER    III. 

Verses   1-10.     Healing  of  the  Lame  Man  by  Peter  and  John. 

V.  1.  eVi  TO  avTo,  together,  in  company,  see  1,  15.  —  avi^aivov, 
were  going  up ;  because  the  temple  was  on  Mount  Moriah,  and 
even  from  the  gate  where  the  miracle  occurred  (v.  3),  a  flight  of 
steps  led  to  the  court  of  the  Israelites.  —  Tr]v  lwa.Tr}v,  the  ninth. 
This  was  our  three  o'clock,  P.  M.,  at  which  time  the  eveniiag  sac- 
rifice was  offered  ;  see  on  2,  15.  The  apostles  and  other  believers 
at  Jerusalem  had  not  yet  withdrawn  from  the  Jewish  worship 
(see  also,  21,  23  sq.),  and  it  is  probable  that  most  of  them  con- 
tinued to  adhere  to  the  services  of  the  temple,  imtil  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  temple  abolished  them.  But  the  spirit  with  which 
they  performed  these  services  was  no  longer  the  Jewish  spirit. 
Instead  of  regarding  their  compliance  with  the  ordinances  of  the 
law  as  an  act  of  merit,  they  recognized  Christ  as  "  the  cud  of  the 
law  for  righteousness  to  every  one  that  believeth."  Tliey  viewed 
the  sacrifices  which  continued  to  be  offered,  not  as  having  any 
efficacy  to  procure  the  remission  of  sin,  or  as  typical  of  an  atone- 
ment still  to  be  made,  but  as  reaUzed  already  in  the  death  of 
10 


74  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  Ill,  J.  2. 

Christ,  and  hence  as  mementos,  as  often  as  they  beheld  them  or 
participated  in  them,  of  the  "  one  sacrifice  for  sins "  effected 
"  through  the  offering  of  the  body  of  Jesus  Christ."  As  in  the 
case  of  circumcision,  so  undouljtedly  the  Jewish  Christians  rehn- 
quished  the  other  rights  of  Judaism  only  by  degrees.  They  were 
brought  fully  to  this,  in  part  by  obtaining  a  clearer  insight  into  the 
relation  of  the  ancient  economy  to  the  new,  and  in  part  by  the 
occurrence  of  national  circumstances  which  hastened  the  result. 
From  the  Jewish  synagogues,  on  the  contrary,  they  must  have 
separated  at  once,  as  soon  as  their  distinctive  views  became 
known.  It  was  impossible  to  avow  the  Christian  faith,  and  re- 
main connected  with  those  communities.  Compare  the  note  on 
9,  2.  We  have  seen  in  the  second  chapter,  that,  in  connection 
with  the  worship  of  the  temple,  the  believers  at  Jerusalem  main- 
tained sejiarate  religious  worship  among  themselves. 

Y.  2.  e^ttcrra^eTo,  was  carried  along  (relative  imperf )  just  then 
as  the  apostles  arrived.  —  Itl^ow  is  imperf.  with  reference  to  the 
custom  of  placing  the  cripple  here.  —  tt;v  Xeyoixevrjv  wpaiW,  the 
one  called  Beautiful.  Most  interpreters  think  that  this  was  the 
gate  described  by  Josephus  (Bel.  Jud.  5.  5.  3 ;  Antt.  15.  11.  3),  as 
composed  chiefly  of  Corinthian  brass,  and  as  excelling  all  the 
other  gates  of  the  temple  in  the  splendor  of  its  appearance, 
though  it  is  not  mentioned  by  him  under  this  particular  appella- 
tion. If  this  be  so,  the  gate  then  was  on  the  east  side  towards 
Olivet  {r]  o.vo.TokiK-f]  says  Jos.),  and  was  an  inner  gate  (ttijXt;  tov 
ivSoripov  xo-Xxrj  ovcrrj),  leading  from  the  court  of  the  Gentiles  into 
the  court  of  the  Israelites.  It  is  not  against  this  that  Josephus 
speaks  also  of  this  gate  as  rj  e^w^ev  tov  vcw  ;  for  he  must  mean 
(the  term  is  not  up6v)  the  one  exterior  to  the  temple  strictly  so 
called,  the  sanctuary;  not  (as  Mcy.)  opening  from  Avithout  into 
the  enclosure  of  the  sacred  precincts.  The  folds  of  this  brazen 
gate  were  fifty  cubits  high  and  forty  broad,  and  were  covered 
with  plates  of  gold  and  silver.  Luke's  epithet  —  uypatav — could 
not  have  had  a  more  pertinent  application.  Some  have  thought 
that  the  gate  to  which  he  refers  nuist  have  been  one  of  the  outer 
gates,  because  what  is  related  in  v.  1 1  sq.  took  place  in  Solomon's 
porch,  which  was  in  the  court  of  the  Gentiles.  But  we  may 
suppose,  as  Lightfoot  suggests,  that,  the  apostles  having  begn 
with  the  lame  man  into  the  tcmj)le,  i.  e.  the  court  of  the  Israel- 
ites (see  V,  8),  were  returning,  and  had  reached  the  court  of  the 
Gentiles,  when  the  concourse  of  the  ])eople  there  spoken  of  took 
place.  —  Tou  alrelv,  tclic,  in  order  to  ask.  This  use  of  the  infinitive 
with  TOV  to  denote  the  object  for  which  an  act  is  performed 


Chap.  Ill,  3-8.  COMMENTARY.  75 

(corap.  18,  10;  26,  18  ;  Mark  4,  3,  etc.),  results  naturally  from  the 
nature  of  the  genitive  as  the  ichence-case.  The  older  writers 
supplied  €i/€Ka  or  xaptv ;  but  the  construction  is  neither  elliptical 
nor  Hebraistic.  W.  ^.44.  4.  b. ;  S.  ^  165.  3.  2  ;  K.  ^  308.  2.  b.  — 
Twv  elcnropevo[jLevijiv  ei?  to  lepoV,  those  entering  into  the  temple,  i.  e.  the 
court  where  the  Jews  worshipped ;  if,  as  suggested  above,  the 
lame  man  sat  at  the  gale  of  that  court,  to  lepov  here  too  may  be 
the  temple  in  its  aggregate  sense  ;  not  perforce  the  outer  court 
(Mey.).  If  a  noun  follows  an  mtransitive  verb  compounded  with 
a  jireposition,  it  is  common  to  repeat  the  preposition  before  the 
noun  ;  see  v.  3.  8  ;  22,  6  ;  Matt.  7,  23,  etc.     W.  ^  56.  2. 

V.  3.  6'?,  who,  stands  often  where  ovtos,  tliis  one,  would  be  the 
ordinary  connective.  K.  h  334.  3.  —  Xa/Jetv  (omitted  in  v.  2)  is  not 
strictly  pleonastic,  but  expands  the  idea  of  rjpwTa.  W.  i  63.  4.  d. 
It  is  left  out  of  some  copies,  but  is  genuine. 

V.  4.  ^Xixpov  eh  ry/^a?,  look  upon  US.  Their  object  appears  to 
have  been  to  gain  Iris  attention  more  fully  to  their  words  ;  so  that, 
as  they  said,  "  In  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ,"  etc.  (v.  6),  he  might 
understand  to  whom  he  was  indebted  for  the  benefit  conferred 
upon  him. 

V.  5.  iireLxfv  avTOLs  sc.  tov  vovv  (comp.  Luke  14,  7),  Jixed  his 
mind  upon  them.  The  man's  eager  expectation  looked  through  his 
countenance.  —  ti,  something  in  the  way  of  alms.  We  have 
no  evidence  that  he  recognized  Peter  and  John  as  the  disciples 
of  Christ,  and  expected  that  they  would  heal  his  infirmity.  Their 
address  to  him  in  the  next  verse  precludes  that  supposition. 

V.  6.  Iv  tw  ovo'/AttTt,  K.  T.  X.,  \.  6.  wc  speakiug  in  his  name,  by 
virtue  of  his  authority;  comp.  16,  18.  The  language  of  Christ, 
on  the  contrary,  when  he  performed  a  miracle,  was,  aol  Xeyw,  or  to 
that  effect ;  see  Luke  5,  24.  —  tov  Na^wpatoi;  is  added  for  the  sake 
of  distinction,  as  in  2,  22.  —  Tre/oiTraTei  is  imperative  present,  and 
not  aorist,  hke  (.yetpai,  because  it  denotes  a  continued  act ;  comp. 
8,  26  ;  13,  8,  etc.     W.  ^  43.  3.  b. ;   S.  ^  141,  5. 

V.  7.  "TTtao-as,  K.  T.  A.,  having  taken  him  hy  the  right  hand,  and 
thus  encouraged  him  to  obey  their  command.  See  Mark  9, 
27.  avTov  exemplifies  the  rule  that  a  genitive  which  belongs  to 
two  or  more  nouns  usually  precedes  them.  W.  k  30.  3.  4.  — 
Pa.cru<i,  feet ;  <T<f>vpd,  ankles.  This  particularity  has  been  reckoned 
among  the  traces  of  a  professional  habit,  for  which  Luke  is  dis- 
tinguished.    See  on  28,  8. 

V.  8.  tfaXXo'/Atvos,  leaping  forth  from  the  place  where  he  sat, 
and  up  only  as  involved  ;  not  from  his  bed  (Mey.,  but  dropped  in 
his  last  ed.)  since  Ka^T^/xcvos  (v.  10)  shows  that  he  was  not  rcclin- 


76  C  0  M  M  E  N  T  A  E  Y .  Chap.  Ill,  10-12. 

ing.  —  loTT},  stood  for  the  first  time  since  he  was  born  (v.  2).  — 
TrepicTTarci,  walked  to  and  fro,  as  if  to  make  trial  of  his  newly  found 
strength.  —  ci's  to  Up6v,  into  the  temple,  its  inner  part  beyond  the 
gate  where  the  lame  man  had  been  healed  (see  on  v.  2).  —  In 
TrepnraTwv,  k.  t.  X.,  Luke  writes  as  if  he  were  giving  the  recital  of 
some  eye-^vitness. 

V.  10.  cTreytVwo-Kov  .  ...  on  ovto<;,  they  recognized  him  (upon  at- 
tentive scrutiny,  hence  imperf )  that  this  one,  etc.  The  subject  of 
the  subordinate  clause  is  attracted  here  into  the  principal  clause, 
and  then  repeated  in  ovtos.  So  in  4,  13  ;  9,  20  ;  13,  32  ;  16,  3,  etc. 
The  subject  of  the  second  clause  becomes  in  this  way  more  prom- 
inent. W.  ^  66.  5  ;  B.  §  151  I.  6.  7.  The  ordinary  construction 
would  omit  airov  after  iireyLvwa-Kov,  and  make  the  sentence  after 
on  the  object  of  the  verb.  —  tt/dos  t^v  Ikerjfxoarvvrjv,  for  the  alms 
which  he  sohcited. 

Verses   11-26.      The  Testimony  of  Peter  after  the  Miracle. 

V.  11.  KparowTos  avTov,  ivhile  he  is  holding  them  fast,  or  keeping 
near  to  them.  This  latter  signification,  says  De  Wette,  has  not  been 
fully  proved,  but  arises  naturally  out  of  the  other.  Meyer  adheres 
more  correctly  to  the  first  meaning :  the  man  in  the  ardor  of  liis 
gratitude  clung  to  his  benefactors,  and  would  not  be  separated 
from  them,  avrov  is  considered  the  correct  reading,  instead  of 
Tov  laSivTos  x'^^^^  i^  the  common  text  (Grsb.  Mey.  Lclmi).  The 
addition  has  been  transferred  to  the  English  version.  —  o-roa  .... 
SoXo/Awvos.  See  Jolin  10,  23.  This  hall  or  porch  was  on  the  east- 
ern side  of  the  temple,  in  the  court  of  the  heathen.  The  general 
opinion  is  that  it  was  called  the  jjorch  of  Solomoji,  because  it  oc- 
cupied the  site  of  a  porch  which  had  been  connected  with  the 
first  temple.  Liicke '  thinks  that  it  may  have  been  a  structure 
built  by  Solomon  himself,  wliich  had  escaped  the  destruction  of 
the  first  temple.  Tholuck^  expresses  the  same  behef  It  accords 
with  this  view  that  Josephus  (Antt.  20.  9.  7)  calls  the  porch  Ipyov 
2oXo/xwi/os.  In  popular  speech,  says  Lightfoot,  the  Jews  some- 
times meant  the  entire  court  of  the  Gentiles  when  they  spoke  of 
Solomon's  porch.  —  iKSa/j-jSoL  agrees  Avith  Xaos  as  a  collective  term; 
com}).  5,  16. 

V.  12.  i8o)v,  seeing  their  astonishment.  —  aTrcKpimro,  k.  t.  X., 
'proceeded  to  speak  (He])raistic,  see  5,8),  or  perhajjs  answered 
unto  the  iicople  (De  "Wet.  Mey.),  since   their  looks  of  wonder 

'  Coiiimentar  iilier  das  EvanKclium  dcs  Johannes,  Vol.  II.  p.  361. 
2  Coniinciitar  zum  Evangcliuin  Johannis,  p.  256  (scclistc  Auflayc). 


Chap.  Ill,  13-15.  COMMENTARY^.  77 

seemed  to  ask  for  some  explanation  of  the  miracle  (see  v.  11).  — 
IttL  tovVo)  may  be  neuter,  at  this  thing,  see  v.  10  (E.  Vv.)  ;  but 
more  probably  masculine,  at  this  ojie  (Mey.  De  Wet.),  which  pre- 
pares the  way  for  avrov,  like  the  succession  of  tovtov  and  avrQ  in  v. 
16.  —  yjjj-lv,  upoii  us,  emphatic,  as  distinguished  from  Clurist  or  God, 
to  whom  the  miracle  ought  to  have  turned  their  thoughts.  —  arev- 
i^cre  takes  its  object  in  the  dative  (see  also  10,  4  ;  14,  9) ;  or  in 
the  accusative  with  ets  (comp.  v.  4 ;  1,  10  ;  6, 15).  —  <Ls  ISla,  k.  t.  \., 
as  hy  our  oivn  (inherent  or  self-acquired)  j)oioer,  or  (since  power 
had  been  exerted )  piety  as  the  reason  of  its  being  conferred  on 
them.  —  TTCTTotT^/coo-t  ....  avrov,  having  effected  (ecbatic  infinitive) 
that  he  should  walk.     W.  H4.  4  ;   S.  ^  165.  3. 

V.  13.  cSo'^acrc,  glorified,  honored,  not  by  the  miracle  at  this  time 
(Mey.),  but  by  all  the  mighty  works  which  attested  his  mission; 
see  2,22.  —  TratSa,  not  50?i  =  rtas,  but  servant  =  ~ir5.;,  which  was 
one  of  the  prophetic  appellations  of  the  Messiah,  especially  in 
the  second  part  of  Isaiah.  See  Matt.  12,  18,  as  compared  with 
Is.  42,  1  sq.  The  term  occurs  again  in  this  sense  in  v.  26 ;  4, 
27.  30.  —  jxiv  as  in  1,  1.  The  antithetic  idea  may  have  been  that 
in  V.  17. — TrapeSwAcare,  ye  delivered  up,  viz.  to  Pilate.  —  ripv-qaaa^e, 
denied,  refused  to  acknowledge  as  Messiah.  —  airov.  It  will  be 
seen  that  the  writer  drops  here  the  relative  structure  of  the  sen- 
tence. —  KpivavTo<?  ....  airoXikiv,  tvhen,  or  although  he  decided,  viz. 
that  it  was  just  to  release  him;  see  Luke  23,  16;  John  19,4. 
Ikuvov  refers  here  to  the  nearer  noun,  and  performs  the  proper 
office  of  TOVTOV.  W.  ^  23.  1.  It  is  not  uncommon  for  Greek  writers 
to  interchange  these  pronouns. 

V.  14.  Se,  but,  contrasts  their  conduct  with  that  of  Pilate.  — 
Tov  ayiov  is  a  Messianic  title,  as  in  Luke  4,  34.  tov  StKatov,  the  Just 
one.  The  epithets  mark  the  contrast  between  his  character  and 
that  of  Barabbas.  —  arSpa  <{)ovia,  i.  e.  not  merely  a  man,  but  a  man 
who  was  a  onurderer ;  see  Matt.  27,  16  sq. ;  Mark  15,  7  sq. 

V.  15.  TOV  Se  apx^jyov  Trj<;  ^oirjs,  but  the  author  of  life,  i.  e.  as  De 
Wette  remarks,  of  life  in  the  fullest  sense  in  which  the  Scriptures 
ascribe  that  property  to  the  Saviour,  viz.  spiritual  or  Christian  life 
(comp.  John  1,  4;  Heb.  2,  10),  and  also  natural  or  physical  life 
(comp.  John  5,  26  ;  11,25).  Olshausen  and  Meyer  suppose  the 
main  idea  to  be  that  of  spiritual  life  ;  but  the  evident  relation  of 
^w-^s  to  dTreKTctvare  shows  that  the  Other  idea  is  certainly  not  to  be 
excluded.  A  terrible  aggravation  in  this  murder  was  that  he 
whom  they  deprived  of  life  was  himself  the  one  who  gives  life 
to  all.  —  CK  v€KpC)v,  from  the  dead;  the  article  usually  omitted  after 


78  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  Ill,  16-17. 

ii,  but  inserted  after  oltto.  W.  M9.  —  ov  .  .  .  .  ia-fx-ev,  of  ichom  (13, 
31),  or  o/"  ichich  we  are  witnesses ;  see  note  on  2,  32. 

V.  16.  cTTi  ry  TTicrrci,  k.  t.  A.,  vjwn  the  faith  in  his  name  enter- 
tained l)y  lis,  i.  e.,  on  account  of  their  faith  as  the  ground  or  con- 
dition God  had  performed  this  act.  Some  construe  eVt  as  teHc : 
upon  the  faith  as  the  object,  i.  e.  in  order  to  produce  faith  in  the 
lame  man  and  in  others  (Olsh.  Hmph.).  This  latter  meaning 
not  only  strains  the  preposition,  but  overlooks  the  manifest  paral- 
lelism in  sense  between  this  clause  and  the  following  koX  tj  Tr/o-Tts, 
K.T.X. — wo/AttTos  is  the  genitive  of  the  object,  and  the  expression 
is  like  TTtoTts  ■^eov  in  Mark  11,  22  and  tticttis  'Ir](rov  in  Kom.  3,  22. 
W.  ^30.  1.  —  ov  .  .  .  .  oi'Sarc,  tvhom  you  see  entirely  restored  now 
to  bodily  vigor,  and  know  as  a  person  who  was  formerly  infirm, 
helpless.  —  to  ovofxa,  k.  t.  a.,  his  name,  i.  e.  he  invoked  by  an  ap- 
peal to  him  as  that  which  Ids  name  represents  (see  on  2,  21), 
made  strong  (a  definite  past).  The  reason  for  expressing  the  idea 
in  this  manner  is  evident  from  v.  C.  — 17  Trto-ns  y]  hi  airov,  the  faith 
that  is  wrought  in  us  through  him  (De  AVet.  Mey.  Win.).  The 
apostles  here,  it  will  be  observed,  ascribe  the  origin,  as  well  as 
the  efficacy,  of  their  faith  to  Christ.  Compare  1  Pet.  1,  21.  This 
second  clause  of  the  verse  repeats  essentially  the  idea  of  the 
first,  in  order  to  affirm  more  emphatically  that  it  was  not  their 
own  power,  but  the  power  of  Christ,  which  had  performed  the 
miracle.  —  dTrevaKn  TravTwv  v/xoiv,  in  the  presence  of  you  all;  and 
hence  they  must  acknowledge  that  no  other  means  had  been  used 
to  efiect  the  miracle. 

V.  17.  Having  set  before  them  their  aggravated  guilt,  the 
apostle  would  now  suggest  to  them  the  hope  of  mercy.  dSeX^oi^ 
brethren,  Peter  says  here  because  he  would  conciliate  his  hearers ; 
but  in  V.  12,  where  the  object  is  reproof,  crimination,  he  says  more 
formally,  though  courteously,  avSpes  'lo-^aT^XiTat.  One  of  tlie  marks 
of  truth  would  be  wanting  without  this  accordance  between  the 
style  and  the  changing  mental  moods  of  the  speaker.  —  on  .... 
€TrpdiaT€,  that  ye  acted  in  ignorance,  i.  e.  of  the  full  criminality  of 
their  conduct.  They  had  sinned,  but  their  sin  was  not  of  .so  deep 
a  dye  that  it  could  not  have  been  still  more  heinous.  The  lan- 
guage of  Peter  concedes  to  them  such  a  palliation  of  the  deed  as 
consisted,  at  the  time  of  their  committing  it,  in  the  absence  of  a 
distinct  conviction  that  he  whom  tlicy  crucified  was  the  Lord  of 
life  and  glory  (sec  13,  27,  and  1  Cor.  2,  8)  ;  but  it  does  not  exon- 
erate them  from  the  guilt  of  having  resisted  the  evidence  that 
this  was  his  charactcf ,  which  had  been  furnished  by  his  miracles, 
his  life,  doctrine,  and  resurrection.     The   Saviour  himself,  in  his 


Chap.  Ill,  18.  19.  COMMENTARY.  79 

dying  prayer,  urged  the  same  extenuation  in  behalf  of  his  mur- 
derers :  "  Father,  forgive  them,  for  they  know  not  what  they  do." 
Compare  also  the  language  of  Paul  in  1  Tim.  1,  13 :  "  Who  was 
before  a  blasphemer,  and  a  persecutor,  and  injurious  ;  but  I  ob- 
tained mercy  because  I  did  it  ignorantly  in  unbelief  —  wcnre.p  koX 
ol  apxovre?  v/xwy,  OS  also  ijour  rulers,  who  were  not  present,  and 
hence  are  distinguished  from  those  addressed. 

V.  18.  8c,  hut,  i.  e.  while  they  did  this  they  accomplished  a 
divine  purpose.  —  ttcivtwv  twv  Tvpo^xirwv,  instead  of  being  taken 
strictly,  may  be  viewed  as  a  phrase  :  the  projjhets  as  a  xoholc.  For 
this  restricted  use  of  ttSs  in  such  general  expressions,  see  Matt. 
3,  5;  Mark  1,  37  ;  John  3,  26.  Most  of  the  books  of  the  Old 
Testament  foretell  distinctly  the  sufferings  and  death  of  the  Mes- 
siah. Compare  Luke  24,  27.  Olshauscn  regards  the  entire  his- 
tory of  the  Jews  as  typical,  and  in  that  view  maintains  that  all 
the  ancient  prophets  prophesied  of  Christ.  —  Tra^etv  tov  X/oto-roV, 
that  the  Christ  (who  was  to  come)  icould,  or  must  svffer  (De  Wet.). 
After  verbs  which  signify  to  declare,  believe,  and  the  like,  the 
infinitive  implies  often  the  idea  of  necessity  or  obligation.  W.  k 
45,  3.  b. —  ovTia  refers  to  the  previous  verse:  thus,  in  this  way, 
viz  by  their  agency  ;  comp.  13,  27.  It  is  incorrect  to  understand 
it  of  the  accordance  between  the  fulfilment  and  ihe  prediction. 

V.  19.  [xeTavo-qa-are.  ovv,  repent  therefore,  since  your  guilt  is  not 
such  as  to  exclude  you  from  the  mercy  procured  by  the  Saviour 
whom  you  have  crucified.  —  Ima-Tpeif/aTe,  turn,  i.  e.  from  your 
present  course  or  character  unto  Christ  (9,  35;  11,  21);  or  unto 
God  (14,  15  ;  15,  19).  What  is  required  here  includes  faith  as  a 
constituent  part  of  the  act  to  be  performed.  —  eis  .  .  .  .  a/xaprta?, 
that  your  sins  may  be  blotted  out,  obliterated  as  it  were  from  the 
book  or  tablet  where  they  are  recorded ;  comp.  Col.  2,  14  ;  Is.  43, 
25.  —  oTTws  uv,  K.  T.  X.,  in  order  that  (telic,  comp.  Matt.  6,  5)  the 
times  of  refreshing  may  come,  i.  e.  to  you  personally,  that  you  may 
have  part  in  the  blessings  of  the  Messiah's  kingdom,  for  which 
men  can  be  prepared  only  by  repentance  and  the  pardon  of  their 
sins,  av  after  ottos  followed  by  the  conjunctive  represents,  the 
act  of  the  verb  as  dependent,  i.  e.  in  this  case,  on  Iheir  com- 
pliance with  the  exhortation.  W.  H2.  6  ;  Hart.  Partik.  Vol.  II. 
p.  289.  OTTO)?  as  a  particle  of  time,  ichen  (as  in  E.  V.)  is  foreign 
to  the  New  Testament  idiom.  See  Green's  Gr.  p.  77.  We  must 
discard  that  translation  here.   Scholefield  (Hints,^  etc.,  p.  40)  pleads 

1  Hints  for  Improvements  in  the  Authorized  Version  of  the  New  Testament,  by 
the  late  Rev.  James  Scholefield,  Professor  of  Greek  in  the  University  of  Cam- 
bridge, England  (4th  ed.  1857). 


80  CO M jM E N T A R Y .  Chap.  Ill,  1 9.  20. 

faintly  for  retaining  it,  but  admits  that  the  weight  of  evidence  is 
against  it.  It  i.s  not  entirely  certain  whether  Kaipol  dvai/^i'fews  re- 
fers to  the  present  consolations  of  the  gospel,  or  to  the  blessedness 
wliich  awaits  the  followers  of  Christ  at  the  end  of  the  world, 
when  he  shall  return  and  receive  them  to  himself  in  heaven. 
The  expression,  in  itself  considered,  would  veiy  aptly  describe 
the  peace  of  mind  and  joy  which  result  from  a  consciousness  of 
pardon  and  reconciliation  to  God.  So  one  class  of  commentators 
understand  it.  Others  think  that  the  time  here  meant  must  coin- 
cide with  that  in  the  next  verse  ;  and  hence  suppose  the  apostle 
to  have  in  view  Christ's  second  coming,  when  those  who  have 
believed  on  him  shall  enter  upon  their  eternal  rest  in  heaven. 
Compare  Heb.  4,  9-11.  Taken  thus,  the  image  of  the  future 
state  in  dvai/zu'^ews  is  that  of  relief  or  refreshment  of  the  wearied 
soul  after  toils  and  sorrows,  and  is  strikingly  similar  to  Paul's 
aveo-is,  relaxation,  rest  which  God  allots  to  the  afflicted  in  the  day 
of  final  recompense  ;  see  2  Thess.  1,  7.  This  is  the  interpreta- 
tion of  Chiysostom,  Olshausen,  De  Wette,  Meyer,  and  others. 
The  order  of  the  clauses  decides  nothing  against  the  latter  opin- 
ion, since  it  may  be  as  natural  in  this  instance  to  think  first  of  the 
effect,  and  then  to  assign  the  cause  or  occasion,  as  the  reverse.  It 
is  in  favor  of  this  opinion  that  it  refers  ek&wcn  and  dTroa-TetXr)  to  the 
same  period  or  event,  as  the  close  succession  of  the  verbs  would 
lead  us  to  expect.  —  dirb  Trpoa-wirov  Tou  KvpiQv,  from  the  presence 
of  the  Lord,  since  the  blessings  in  question  (a  Hebrew  idiom) 
are  laid  up  where  he  is  (see  2,  28),  and  must  be  received  thence. 
Kvpiov,  which  may  refer  to  Christ  or  God  (see  on  1,  24),  applies  to 
the  latter  here,  since  it  prepares  the  way  for  the  subject  of  the 
next  verb. 

V.  20.  Ktti  aTToa-TeiXr],  k.  t.  X.,  and  that  (dependent  still  on  ottcos) 
he  may  send  forth,  viz.  from  heaven,  see  v.  21  ;  comp.  hd^u  6  /xaK- 
aptos  Kol  fJLovo'i  Svvdarrj's,  k.  t.  X.,  in  1  Tim. '6,  15. — TrpoKCxetptcr/xeVov 
vpuv,  before  appoi?ited  or  prepared  for  yov,  i.  e.  from  eternity,  see  1 
Pet.  1,  20.  -irpoKeK-qpvyfxivov,  antioimced  before,  is  a  less  approved 
reading.  Nearly  all  critics  understand  this  passage  as  referring 
to  the  return  of  Christ  at  the  end  of  the  world.  The  similarity 
of  the  language  to  that  of  other  passages  which  announce  that 
event  demands  this  interpretation.  The  apostle  enforces  his  ex- 
hortation to  repent  by  an  appeal  to  the  final  coming  of  Christ,  not 
because  he  would  represent  it  as  near  in  point  of  time,  but  be- 
cause that  event  was  always  7iear  to  the  feelings  and  consciousness 
of  the  first  believers.  It  was  the  great  consummation  on  which 
the  strongest  desires  of  their  souls  were  fixed,  to  which  their 


CnAP.111,20.  COMMENTARY.  81 

thoughts  and  hopes  were  habitually  turned.  They  lived  with  ref- 
erence to  this  event.  They  labored  to  be  prepared  for  it.  They 
were  constantly,  in  the  expressive  language  of  Peter,  looking  for 
and  (in  their  impatience  as  it  were)  hastening  the  arrival  of  the  daij 
of  God  (2  Pet.  3,  12).  It  is  then  that  Christ  will  reveal  himself  in 
glory,  will  come  "  to  take  vengeance  on  them  that  obey  not  the 
gospel,  and  to  be  admired  in  all  them  who  believe  "  (2  Thess.  1, 
8),  will  raise  the  dead  (John  5,  28.  29),  invest  the  redeemed  with 
an  incorruptible  body  (Philip.  3,  21),  and  introduce  them  for  the 
first  time,  and  for  ever,  into  the  state  of  perfect  holiness  and  hap- 
piness prepared  for  them  in  his  kingdom.  The  apostles  as  well  as 
the  first  Christians  in  general,  comprehended  the  grancleur  of  that 
occasion.  It  filled  their^circle  of  view,  stood  forth  to  their  con- 
templations as  the  point  oTculminating  interest  in  their  own  and 
the  world's  history,  threw  into  comparative  insignificance  the 
present  time,  death,  all  intermediate  events,  and  made  them  feel 
that  the  manifestation  of  Christ,  with  its  consequences  of  indes- 
cribable moment  to  all  true  believers,  was  the  grand  object  which 
they  were  to  keep  in  view  as  the  end  of  their  toils,  the  com- 
mencement and  perfection  of  their  glorious  immortality.  In  such 
a  state  of  intimate  sympathy  with  an  event  so  habitually  present 
to  their  thoughts,  they  derived,  and  must  have  derived,  their  cliief 
incentives  to  action  from  the  prospect  of  that  future  glory.  As 
we  should  expect,  they  hold  it  up  to  the  people  of  God  to  encour- 
age them  in  affliction,  to  awaken  them  to  fidelity,  zeal,  persever- 
ance, and  on  the  other  hand  appeal  to  it  to  warn  the  wicked,  and 
impress  upon  them  the  necessity  of  preparation  for  the  revelations 
of  the  final  day.  For  examples  of  this  habit,  the  reader  may  see 
17,30.  31  ;  1  Tim.  6,  13  sq. ;  2  Tim.  4,  8;  Tit.  2,  11  sq. ;  2  Pet.  3, 
11  sq.,  etc.  Some  have  ascribed  the  frequency  of  such  passages 
in  the  New  Testament  to  a  definite  expectation  on  the  part  of  the 
apostles  that  the  personal  advent  of  Christ  was  nigh  at  hand ; 
but  such  a  view  is  not  only  unnecessary,  in  order  to  account  for 
Buch  references  to  •  the  day  of  the  Lord,  but  at  variance  with  2 
Thess.  2,  2.  The  apostle  Paul  declares  there,  that  the  expecta- 
tion in  question  was  unfoimdcd,  and  that  he  himself  did  not  en- 
tertain it  or  teach  it  to  others.  But  while  he  corrects  the  opinion 
of  those  at  Thessalonica  who  imagined  that  the  return  of  Christ 
was  then  near,  neither  he  nor  any  other  inspired  writer  has  in- 
formed us  how  remote  that  event  may  be,  or  when  it  will  take 
place.  That  is  a  point  which  has  not  been  revealed  to  men ;  the 
New  Testament  has  left  it  in  a  state  of  uncertainty.  "  The  day 
of  the  Lord  so  cometh  as  a  thief  in  the  night ; "  and  men  are  ex- 
11 


82  COM  M  E  N  T  A  V,  Y .  Chap.  Ill,  20.  21 . 

horted  to  l)e  always  prepared  for  it.  It  is  to  be  acknowledged 
that  piost  Christians,  at  the  present  day,  do  not  give  that  promi- 
nence to  the  resuiTection  and  the  judgment,  in  their  thoughts  or 
discourse,  which  the  New  Testament  writers  assign  to  them ; 
})ut  this  fact  is  owing,  not  necessarily  to  a  difference  of  opinion 
in  regard  to  the  time  when  Christ  will  come,  but  to  our  inade- 
quate views  and  impressions  concerning  the  grandeur  of  that  oc- 
casion, and  the  too  prevalent  worldliness  in  the  church,  which  is 
the  cause  or  consequence  of  such  deficient  views.  If  modern 
Christians  symi)athized  more  fully  with  the  sacred  writers  on  this 
subject,  it  would  bring  both  their  conduct  and  their  style  of  reli- 
gious instruction  into  nearer  correspondence  with  the  lives  and 
teaching  of  the  primitive  examples  of  our  faith. 

V.  21.  ov  .  .  .  .  Se'facr^ai,  ivhom  the  heavens,  indeed,  must  (accord- 
ing to  the  divine  plan)  receive;  not  retain,  which  the  usage  of  the 
verb  forbids.  Though  the  ascension  had  taken  place,  we  have  Sei 
and  not  eSei,  because  the  necessity  of  the  event  is  a  permanent  fact. 
Meyer  explains  Set  as  in  effect  an  imperfect,  an  instance  merely  of 
the  rhetorical  present  for  the  past.  De  Wette  shifts  the  peculiarity 
of  the  expression  from  Set  to  Se'^ao-^at,  and  renders  icliom  it  is  ne- 
cessary tlic  heavens  shoidd  receive.  He  alleges  for  tliis  future  sense 
that  the  ascension  could  be  viewed  as  still  incomplete  because  it 
was  so  recent.  But  the  apostle  having  just  referred  to  Christ  as 
already  in  heaven,  whence  he  is  to  appear  again  (v.  20),  would 
not  be  apt  to  speak  in  the  very  next  words  as  if  he  thought  of 
him  as  still  lingering  on  the  earth.  Many  of  the  Jews  believed 
that  when  the  Messiah  appeared,  he  would  remain  permanently 
among  men,  see  John  12,  34.  Peter  corrects  here  that  misappre- 
hension :  the  Saviour  must  return  to  heaven  and  reign  there  for 
a  season,  before  his  final  manifestation.  The  fxiv  (which  no  hi 
follows)  has  its  antithesis  in  a^pt  xpoVwi',  k.  t.  X.  (De  Wet.): 
Christ  would  not  be  absent  always,  but  for  a  certain  time  only ; 
not  in  the  preceding  anoa-TuXri,  k.  t.  \.  (Alf ),  since  that  would 
make  this  the  Si  clause,  not  the  fiiv  as  it  is  now.  —  a^pi  ....  ttolvtidv, 
until  [durinff  is  incorrect)  the  times  of  the  restoration  of  all  things, 
i.  e.  to  a  state  of  primeval  order,  purity,  and  happiness,  such  as 
will  exist  for  those  who  have  part  in  the  kingdom  of  Christ,  at 
his  second  coming.  The  expression  designates  the  same  epoch 
as  KatpoX  ava{l/v$€o}<;  (Olsh.  Mey.  De  Wet.).  —  JJi/,  k.  t.  X.,  ivhich 
God  spake  of,  announced  ;  conip.  v.  21.  The  relative  refers  to 
Xpovw  as  the  principal  word,  and  stands  by  attraction  for  ov<i  or 
TTtpX  oiv.  It  does  not  refer  to  Travron',  the  acconqolislimcnt  of  all  things 
which,  etc.,  for  aTroKaTaorao-cws  will  not  bear  that  meaning.  —  dr' 


Chap.  Ill,  22-24.  COMMENTAEY.  83 

atwvos,  from  the  hegmning,  from  the  earliest  times  of  prophetic  rev- 
elation. Such  a  period  of  restoration  to  hoHness  and  happiness 
is  the  exphcit  or  impHed  theme  of  prophecy  from  the  beginning 
to  the  end  of  the  Old  Testament.  Some  omit  thei  expression,  or 
put  it  in  brackets,  but  the  evidence  for  it  preponderates. 

V.  22.  yap  here  (T.  R.  and  E.  V.)  should  be  left  out.  tt^os 
Toi's  Trare/ja?,  also,  is  supposed  to  be  a  gloss.  —  fjiiv  here  responds 
to  Se  in  V.  24  :  Moses  on  the  one  hand  as  well  as  all  the  prophets 
on  the  other.  —  cTttcv,  5a^rf,  viz.  in  Dent.  18,  18  sq.  The  translation 
is  partly  that  of  the  Seventy,  partly  new.  In  7,  37,  Ste})hen 
cites  this  passage  as  having  the  same  import  which  Peter  ascribes 
to  it  here.  Their  mode  of  applying  it  shows  that  the  Jews  were 
agreed  in  referring  it  to  the  Messiah.  That  this  was  the  current 
interpretation  may  be  argued  also  from  John  4,  25 ;  see  Heng- 
stenberg's  remarks  in  his  Christol.  Vol.  I.  p.  67  sq.  —  dvacrrT^cret  = 
d'^p;^-,  ivill  raise  uj),  cause  to  appear.  —  ws  c/xc,  like  mc.  The  context 
of  the  original  passage  (comp.  v.  15,  16  with  v.  17,  18)  indicates 
that  the  resemblance  between  them  was  to  consist  chiefly  in  their 
office  as  mediator.  The  meaning  is  :  Since  the  Israelites  had 
been  unable  to  endure  the  terrors  of  the  divine  majesty,  God 
would,  at  some  future  time,  send  to  them  another  mediator, 
through  whom  he  would  communicate  with  them,  as  he  had  done 
through  Moses  (Heng.).  See  also  Gal.  3,  19;  Heb.  9,  15. — oo-a 
a.v,  ichatsoever,  see  2,  21. 

V.  23.  Peter  internipts  the  sentence  here  to  insert  tarai  Si, 
which  is  not  in  the  Hebrew.  It  serves  to  call  attention  more 
strongly  to  what  follows.  —  e^oXo^pei;^^o-cTat  eK  Tov  Xxiov,  shall  be 
utterly  destroyed  from  the  people.  Tliis  expression  occurs  often  in 
the  Pentateuch,  where  it  denotes  the  sentenc'e  or  punishment  of 
death.  The  apostle  uses  it  herre  evidently  to  denote  the  punish- 
ment which  corresponds  to  that,  in  relation  to  the  soul,  i.  e.  as  De 
Wette  explains  it,  exclusion  from  the  kingdom  of  God.  Peter 
has  substituted  this  expression  here  for  ^t^i'J'q  dinx  =  eVStfojo-a)  l^ 
airoi),  as  rendered  in  the  Septuagint :  I unll  exact  vengeance  from 
him.  The  only  difference  is  that  the  Hebrew  affirms  the  pur- 
pose of  God  to  punish,  while  the  Greek  employed  by  Peter  de- 
fines at  the  same  time  the  nature  or  mode  of  the  punishment. 

V.  24.  TTcivres  ....  rZsv  Ka^e^^i  stands  concisely  for  all  the  proph- 
ets from  Samuel,  both  he  and  they  who  folloived.  The  appositional 
clause  is  here  merged  in  the  genitive,  airb  "^aixovyX  sha])cs  the 
construction,  instead  of  the  remoter  ■7rpocf>7JTat.  Compare  Luke 
24,  27.  W.  §  67.  2.  The  literal  translation,  frotn  Samuel  on,  and 
those  ivho  followed,  involves  a  tautology,  the  second  clause  being 


o- 


84  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  Ill,  25.  26. 

comprehended  in  the  first.  Samuel  is  mentioned  next  after 
Moses,  because  so  few  prophets  appeared  in  the  interval  between 
them,  or  so  few  whose  names  are  recorded.  They  stand  in  the 
same  proximity  to  each  other  in  Ps.  99,  6.  "We  have  no  record 
of  all  that  the  prophets  taught,  and  the  apostle's  assertion  here 
that  Samuel  also  bore  testimony  to  Christ,  does  not  need  to  be 
con&med  by  specific  passages.  —  oo-oi  iXdXrja-av,  k.  t.  A.,  as  many 
as  spahe,  prophesied,  shows .  as  related  to  the  next  clause  (note 
Kai),  how  uniformly  the  theme  of  a  coming  Messiah  had  been 
held  forth  in  the  instructions  of  the  ancient  messengers  of  God. 
Yet  the  object  may  be  to  characterize  the  teaching  of  the  pro- 
phetic order  as  such,  and  not  of  every  single  individual.  See 
note  on  v.  18. 

V.  25.     01  viol  ....  T^s  8ia^r/K77_?,  Ye  are  the  sons  of  the  prophets, 
and  of  the  covenant,  i.  e.  are  those  in  the  fii-st  case  to  whom  the 
predictions  respecting  the  Messiah  especially  appertain,  and  in    \q 
the  second  are  those  to  whom  God  would  first  (v.  26)  offer  the 
mercies  which  he  covenanted  to  bestow^  on  Abraham's  spiritual 
seed,  viz.  such  as  believe,  and  thus  "  walk  in  the  steps  of  his 
faith  ;  "  see  Rom.  4,  12.   vloi  in  this  sense  of  participation,  appur-  ^ 
tenance,  is  a  common  Hebraism ;  see  Matt.  8,  12  ;  John  4,  22  ;    • 
Rom.  9,  4,  etc.  Its  ordinary  signification,  sons,  descendants,  would 
be  incongruous  with  Sta^r/K?;?,  and  should  not  be  retained,  there- 
fore, in  connection  with  7rpo<pr]TCov.  —  Xeywv,  k.  t.  A.,  viz.  in  Gen.  12, 
3.     God  repeated  the  promise  to  Abraham  and  the  other  patri- 
archs, at  various  times  ;  see  Gen.  18,  18  ;  22,  18  ;  26,4,  etc.  —  cv 
Tw  aTTtp/jLaTi  a-ov,  in  thy  seed,  viz.  the  Messiah  (v.  26)  as  one  of  liis 
posterity;  agreeably  to  Paul's  view  in  Gal.  3,  16. 

V.  26.  vfuv,  imto'you,  dependent  on  dTreWetAev  (see  13,  26;  28, 
28) ;  not  for  yon,  dat.  comm.  (Mey.),  dependent  on  dvao-TTyo-as.  — 
irpwToi',  first  in  the  order  of  time,  corap.  13,  46  ;  Luke  24,  47  ; 
Rom.  1,  16.  Here,  too,  Peter  recognizes  the  fact  that  the  gospel 
was  to  be  preached  to  the  heathen  ;  see  on  2,  39.  —  dvaanja-a's,  hav- 
his  raised  vj),  as  in  v.  22.  —  tralha, servaiit,  v^.smY.  13.  —  The  E.  V. 
follows  the  common  text,  which  inserts  'It^o-ovv  after  avrov,  but  con- 
ix^Ty  to  the  best  authorities  (Grsb.  Tsch.  Mey.). — cvAoyoDvra, 
blessing,  applies  the  idea  of  the  preceding  IvfvXoyriBria-ovTat  to  the 
Jews,  and  requires  vyaus  to  be  read  Avith  emphasis.  —  eV  t<3  aTro- 
(rTpe<}>€Lv  K.  T.X.,  states  how  he  blesses  them  :  in  that  he  turns  aioay 
each  one  from  your  sins,  to  wit,  by  his  gospel,  which  secures  the 
pardon  and  sanctification  of  those  who  accept  it  (see  on  2,  47). 
This  verb  has  elsewhere  an  active  sense  in  the  New  Testament. 
Some  (Kuin.  De  Wet.)  disregard  that  usage  and  render,  in  that 


CiiAP.  IV,  1.2.  COMMENTARY.  85 

each  one  turns  aivay,  etc.  This  is  opposed  also  to  euXoyowro, 
which  represents  Clirist  here  as  the  actor,  men  rather  as  recipi- 
ents. 


CHAPTER  lY. 

Verses  1-4.      The  Imprisoyiment  of  Feter  and  John. 

V.  1.  €TrecrTr](Tav  implies  commonly  a  hostile  purpose,  see  6, 12 ; 
17,  5  ;  Luke  20,  1.  The  arrest  appears  to  have  taken  place  while 
the  apostles  were  still  speaking.  —  ol  lepct?,  the  priests  who  offi- 
ciated in  the  temple  at  the  time,  or  some  of  their  number.  The 
priests  were  divided  into  twenty-four  classes,  each  of  which  had 
charge  of  the  temple  service  for  a  week  at  a  time.  See  1  Chron. 
24,  3  sq. ;  2  Chron.  8,  14 ;  and  also  Jos.  Antt.  7.  14.  7.  The  par- 
ticular duties  from  day  to  day  were  assigned  to  individuals  by  lot, 
see  Luke  1,  9.  During  the  observance  of  the  festivals,  the  num- 
ber of  priests  was  increased,  as  the  labors  to  be  performed  were 
greater.  Win.  K-ealw.  Vol.  II.  p.  273.  It  is  possible  that  the 
feast  of  Pentecost  (2,  1)  had  not  yet  terminated.  —  6  o-rparrjyos 
Tov  Upov,  the  commander  of  the  temple,  was  an  officer  having  a 
body  of  Levites  under  his  command,  who  preserved  order  about 
the  temple,  and  in  that  respect  performed  a  sort  of  military  service. 
See  Jahn's  Archffiol.  ^  365.  In  5,  26,  the  Levites  so  employed 
are  called  his  vTrrjperat,  servants.  Josephus  speaks  repeatedly  of  tliis 
guard  (e.  g.  Bell.  Jud.  6.  5.  3),  whose  commander  he  designates 
in  the  same  mnnner.  In  2  Mace.  3,  4,  he  is  termed  6  Trpoo-rar?;? 
TOV  Upov,  the  guardian  of  the  temple.  We  read  of  o-TpaTr]yov<s  tov 
Upov,  commanders  of  the  temple,  in  Luke  22,  52,  which  is  best  ex- 
plained by  supposing  that  the  temple  guard  was  divided  into  sev- 
eral companies,  each  of  which  had  its  o-TparTyyo's,  though  this  title 
belonged  distinctively  to  the  chief  in  command.  —  ol  SaSSov/catot, 
the  Sadducees  as  a  sect,  since  those  who  acted  in  this  instance 
represented  the  spirit  of  the  party;  comp.  Matt.  9,  11 ;  12,  14; 
Mark  8,  11  ;  John  8,  3.  Meyer  supjioses  the  article  to  point  out 
those  of  them  who  were  present  at  tliis  time.  It  was  probably  at 
the  instigation  of  this  class  of  men  that  the  apostles  were  now 
apprehended. 
.     V.  2.     8ta7rovoi'/A€i/o^  being  indignant ;  restricted  by  some  (Mcy. 


86  COMMENTAEY.  Chap.  IV,  2-4. 

De  Wet.)  to  the  nearest  noun,  since  the  motive  assigned  for  the 
interference  in  KarayyeAA.£tv,K.T.X.,  appHes  only  to  the  Sadducees, 
who  denied  the  doctrine  of  a  resurrection  ;  see  23,  8 ;  Matt.  22, 
23.  But  perhaps  we  may  regard  Sia  to  SiSao-Kciv  avTov<;  tov  Xaov  as 
more  comprehensive  than  KarayyiWuv,  k.  t.  X'  instead  of  being 
merely  defined  by  it,  and  in  that  case  may  refer  the  participle  to 
the  priests  as  well  as  the  others.  The  priests,  though  they  might 
not  share  the  hostility  of  the  Sadducees  to  the  doctrine  of  a 
future  state  (see  on  23,  8)  would  naturally  be  indignant  that  their 
office  as  teachers  should  be  assumed  by  men  hke  Peter  and  John 
(see  Matt.  21,  23),  and  especially  that  the  Jesus  whom  they 
themselves  had  crucified  should  be  proclaimed  as  the  Messiah 
(see  5,  28).  —  KarayyeAJVciv  tV  tw  'Irjcrov,  are  amiouncwff  in  Jesus  the 
resurrection,  i.  e.  in  his  example,  in  the  fact  of  his  alleged  restora- 
tion to  life  ;  comp.  ev  -qfjuv  in  1  Cor.  4,  6.  This  is  the  best  and  the 
generally  approved  interpretation  (Bug,  Kuin.  De  Wet.  Mey.). 
Others  render  are  announcing  the  resurYectiori  in  virtue  of  Jesus,  by 
his  power  ;  see  I  Cor.  15,  22.  The  E.  version,  through  Jesus,  while 
the  earlier  E.  Vv.  have  in  him,  appears  to  ex])ress  that  meaning. 
But  it  was  not  so  much  the  general  resurrection  as  that  of  Clnist 
himself  which  the  apostles  proclaimed  at  this  stage  of  their  min- 
istry ;  see  1,  22  ;  2,  24  ;  3,  15,  etc.  The  single  concrete  instance, 
however,  as  the  Sadducees  argued,  involved  the  general  truth, 
and,  if  substantiated,  refuted  tlieiTcreed. 

V.  3.      ek  T-qp-qaiv,  into  J^fi-'^on  ;   comp.  Iv  i-qpy'io-ei  SrjfJioa-La,  in  5,  18. 

This  word  denotes  a  place  of  custody  (see  Pape  Lex.  s.  v),  as 
well  as  the  act ;  though  the  latter  is  the  proper  force  of  such  a 
termination,  K.  §  233.  b.  a.  —  eis  rr/v  avpiov,  unto  the  morrow  as  the 
limit ;  see  Matt.  10,  22  ;  1  Thess.  4,  15.  —  ^v  yap,  k.  t.  X.,  for  it  was 
already  evening,  and  hence  no  judicial  examination  could  take 
place  until  the  next  day.  It  was  three  o'clock  when  the  apostles 
went  to  the  temple  ;  comp.  3,  1. 

V.  4.  TOV  Xoyov,  tlie  word,  the  well-known  message  of  Christ. 
—  iyev-qSy]  =  eyevcro,  became,  i.  e.  in  consequence  of  the  present 
addition.  The  use  of  this  form  is  peculi:xr  to  the  later  Greek. 
W.  i  15  ;  Lob.  ad.  Phryn.  p.  108.  —  6  uptSfjib<:  twv  avSpwv,  the  num- 
ber of  the  men  who  had  embraced  the  go.spel  up  to  this  time 
(Kuin.  Mey.  De  Wet.  Alf ) ;  see  1,  15;  2.41.  A  retrospective 
remark  like  this  was  entirely  natural  after  having  spoken  of  the 
many  who  believed  at  this  time.  Some  suppose  the  new  con- 
verts alone  to  have  amounted  to  five  thousand ;  but  that  is  less 
prt)bable,  as  the  apostles  could  hardly  have  addressed  so  great  a 
multitude  in  such  a  place,     d.vhpwv  comprehends  probably  both 


Chap.  IV,  5.  6.  COMMENTARY.  87 

men  and  women,  like  i/^u^at  in  2,  41  ;  comp.  Luke  IL  31.  An 
emphasized  or  conscious  restriction  of  the  term  toymen  would  be 
at  variance  with  tliat  religious  equality  of  the  sexes  so  distinctly 
affirmed  in  the  New  Testament ;  see  Gal.  3,  28. 

Verses  5-7.      Their  Arraignment  before  the  Sanhedrim. 

V.  5.  a'vTuiv  before  apxovre?  refers  to  the  Jews  as  implied  in  vv. 
1  and  4  (De  Wet.  Win.)  ;  not  to  the  believers  as  if  to  contrast 
their  conduct  with  that  of  their  rulers  (Mey.  formerly,  but  now  as 
above),  and  certainly  not  .to  the  apostles  (Stier).i  — Tov%apxovTa<;, 
K.  T.  \.  The  Sanhedrim  is  here  described  by  an  enumeration  of  the 
three  orders  which  composed  that  body,  viz.  the  chief  prie at s,  who 
are  mentioned  last  in  this  instance,  the  elders  or  heads  of  families, 
and  the  scribes  or  teachers  of  the  law ;  comp.  5,  2 1  ;  Matt.  2,  4  ; 
26,  59.  apxpvra<;  designates  the  Sauhedrists  in  general,  since  they 
were  all  rulers,  while  /cat  annexes  the  respective  classes  to  which 
they  belonged :  and  (more  definitely,  comp.  1 ,  14)  the  elders,  etc. 
It  was  unnecessary  to  repeat  the  article,  because  the  nouns  have 
the  same  gendef.  W.  M9.  4;  S.  ^  89.  9.  —  eis  'lepovaaXrjfjL,  unto 
Jerusalem,  as  some  of  the  rulers  may  have  lived  out  of  the  city 
(Mey.  De  Wet.),  especially  at  that  season  (see  2,  1)  when  the 
heat  had  begun  to  be  severe,  ets  is  not  put  loosely  for  kv  (Kuin.)  ; 
for  the  distinctive  force  of  the  prepositions  may  always  be  traced, 
and  the  notice  merely  that  they  assembled  in  Jerusalem  would 
be  unnecessary.  The  substitution  of  Iv  for  ds  in  the  text  (Lchin. 
Tsch.)  is  unwarranted. 

V.  6.  Those  named  here  are  prominent  individuals  among  the 
rulers  (v.  5),  not  a  separate  class.  "Awav  rov  ap)(Lipka.  The  actual 
high-priest  at  this  time  was  Caiaphas,  see  John  11,  49;  but  An- 
nas, his  father-in-law,  had  held  the  same  office,  and,  according 
to  the  Jewish  custom  in  such  cases,  retained  still  the  same  title. 
He  is  mentioned  first,  perhaps,  out  of  respect  to  his  ago,  or  be- 
cause his  talents  and  activity  conferred  upon  him  a  personal  supe- 
riority. See  John  18,  13.  It  is  entirely  unnecessary  to  charge 
Luke  with  committing  an  error  here,  as  Zeller  so  confidently  af- 
firms.^    It  is  a  familiar  usage  in  every  language  to  speak  of  "  the 

'  Die  Eeden  tier  Apostel  uach  Ordnuiig  und  Zusainmenhang  ausgclcgt,  von  Kii- 
dolf  Sticr,Zwci  Bandc. 

2  Theologisclie  Jahrbucher,  Jahrgang  1849,  p.  60.  It  is  due  to  the  reader  to 
place  before  him  some  examples  of  this  wi-iter's  style  of  criticism.  His  articles  on 
the  Composition  and  Character  of  the  Acts,  published  in  different  numbers  of  the 
Periodical  named  above,  are  considered  as  remarkable  for  the  industry  and  acute- 
nesswldch  they  display  in  setting  forth  the  internal  ditlficultics  that  arc  sujiposed  to 


88  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  IV,  6.  7. 

governor,"  "  the  president,"  "  the  senator,"  and  the  Hke,  though  tlie 
person  so  termed  is  no  longer  in  office.  —  'Iwdwriv  koL  'AXi^avSpov. 
We  know  nothing  positive  of  these  men  beyond  the  intimation 
here  that  they  were  priests,  and  active  at  this  time  in  pubhc  af- 
fairs. Alexander  is  another  instance  of  a  foreign  name  in  use 
among  the  Jews,  see  1,  23.  It  is  improbable  that  he  w'as  the 
Alexander  mentioned  in  Jos.  Antt.  18.  8.  1,  who  was  a  brother  of 
Philo,  and  alabarch  of  the  Jews  at  Alexandria.  In  that  case  he 
must  have  been  visiting  at  Jerusalem,  and  hence  was  present  in 
the  council  as  a  guest  only,  or  else  had  not  yet  remoycd  to  Egypt. 
—  KOL  oJoL  ....  apxiepaTLKov,  and  as  many  as  were  of  the  pontifical 
family,  i.  e.  those  nearly  related  to  the  dp;;^te/D€ts  =  dp;(te/5aTiKoi},  em- 
bracing, as  that  title  Avas  applied  among  the  Jews,  the  high  priest 
properly  so  called,  his  predecessors  in  office,  and  the  heads  of  the 
twenty-four  sacerdotal  classes  (see  on  v.  1).  Many  points  relating 
to  the  organization  of  the  Sanhedrim  are  irretrievably  obscure  ;  but 
it  is  generally  agreed  that  the  twenty-four  priestly  orders  were 
represented  in  that  body.  See  Win.  Realw.  Vol.  II.  p.  271.  The 
attendance  of  so  many  persons  of  rank  on  this  occasion  evinced 
the  excited  state  of  the  public  mind,  and  gave  importance  to  the 
decisions  of  the  council.  This  is  Meyer's  view  of  the  meaning. 
But  a  narrower  sense  of  apxt^parLKov  may  be  adopted.  It  appears 
to  me  more  simple  to  understand,  that  John  and  Alexander  were 
related  to  Annas  and  Caiaphas,  and  that  the  oo-oi,  k.  t.  A.,  were  the 
other  inffiiential  members  of  the  same  family.  That  the  family 
of  Annas  was  one  of  great  distinction  appears  in  the  fact  that 
five  of  his  sons  attained  the  office  of  high-priest.  See  on  9,  1, 
Some  vary  the  meaning  of  yeVons,  and  translate,  as  many  as  xcere 
of  tlie  class  of  the  cldef  priests.  This  sense  renders  the  description 
of  the  different  branches  of  the  Sanhedrim  more  complete,  but 
assigns  a  forced  meaning  to  the  noun. 

V.  7.  avTom,  them,  viz.  tlie  apostles  last  mentioned  in  v.  3.  — 
kv  fxecro),  hi  the  midst,  before  them  so  as  to  be  \vithin  the  view  of 
all;  comi).  John  8,  3.  It  is  said  that  the  JcAvish  Sanhedrim,  sat  in 
a  circle  or  a  semi-circle  ;  but  we  could  not  urge  the  cxjjrcssion 
here  as  any  certain  proof  of  that  custom  — cV  ttoio,  8vvd/A£t,  by 
u-hM  poiver,  efficacy ;  not  by  what  right,  authority,  which  would 
require  i^ovaia  as  in  Matt.  21,  23.  See  Tittm.  Synm.  p.  158. — 
^ri  iv  TToiio  ovoixari,  or  (in  otlier  words)  in  virtue  of  wliot  uttered 
name.     Tliis  appears  to  l)e  a  more   specific  form  of  the  same  in- 

eiTibarrass  Luke's  liistoiy.     The  articles  liave  been  tlirowii  into  a  volume,  but  I 
have  not  seen  them  in  that  form. 


Chap.  IV,  8-10.  COMMENTARY.  89 

quiry.  —  tovto,  this,  viz.  the  cure  of  the  lame  man.  Olshausen  un- 
derstands it  of  their  teaching,  which  is  not  only  less  approjiriate 
to  the  accompanying  words,  but  renders  the  answer  of  the  apos- 
tles in  V.  9.  10  irrelevant. 

Verses  8-12.      Testinwni/  of  Peter  before  the  Council. 

V.  8.  7r/\-);o-^ets  Trver/^aTos  aytou,  filled  tvith  the  Holy  Spirit,  i.  e, 
anew,  see  v.  31  ;  2,  4.  Peter  was  thus  elevated  above  all  human 
fear,  and  assisted  at  the  same  time  to  make  such  a  defence  of 
the  truth  as  the  occasion  required.  The  Saviour  had  authorized 
the  disciples  to  expect  such  aid  under  circumstances  like  the 
present;  see  Mark  13,  11 ;  Luke  21,  14.  15.  For  the  al)sence  of 
the  article,  see  on  1,  2. 

V.  9.  £t  avaKpivofjie^a,  if  we  are  examined,  as  is  confessedly  the 
case,  ci  in  the  protasis  with  the  indicative,  affirms  the  con- 
dition, and  is  logically  equivalent  to  cTret,  since.  K.  §  339.  I.  a; 
W.  ^41.  b.  2.  The  occasion  for  the  present  defence  was  a  re- 
proachful one  to  the  Jews,  and  hence  the  speaker  alludes  to  it 
thus  dubiously,  in  order  to  state  the  case  with  as  little  offence 

as  possible.  The  apodosis  begins  at  yvwarrbv  earw.  —  ettI,  evefryea-La, 
K.  T.  A.,  in  resjjcct  to  a  good  deed,  benefit  conferred  on  an  irfirm 
man;  comp.  John  10,  32.  Observe  that  neither  noun  has  the  ar- 
ticle. av^pdiTiov  is  the  objective  genitive;  comp.  3,  16;  21,20; 
Luke  6,  7.  S.  s^  99.  1.  c;  K.  ^  265.  2.  b.  —  Iv  tU,  tvherehy,  how 
(De  "Wet.  Mey.),  not  by  ichom  (Kuin.).  The  fi.rst  sense  agrees 
Jbest  with  the  form  of  the  question  in  v.  7.  —  ovto<;,  this  one.  The 
man  who  had  been  healed  was  present,  see  v.  10,  14.  Ho  may 
have  come  as  a  spectator,  or,  as  De  Wette  thinks,  may  have  been 
been  summoned  as  a  witness.  Neander  conjectures  that  he  too 
may  have  been  taken  into  custody  at  the  same  time  with  the 
apostles.  —  aecruxTTai,  has  been  made  tchole.  The  subject  of  dis- 
course determines  the  meaning  of  the  verb. 

V.  10.  iv  Tw  ovo/xaTt  'Irj(Tov  Xptorou,  by  the  7iame  of  Jcsns  Christ 
(the  latter  appellative  here),  through  their  invocation  of  his  name. 
The  question  hoiv  (v.  9)  is  here  answered.  —  rov  Na^wpatov  iden- 
tifies the  individual  to  whom  the  apostle  applies  so  exalted  a  name ; 
see  on  2,  22.  —  Sv  .  .  .  .  Ik  veKpQ>v  is  an  adversative  clause  after  ov 
eoraupaJCTaTc,  but  omits  the  ordinary  disjunctive.  For  this  asyndetic 
construction,  see  W.  ^  60.  2  ;  K.  ^  325.  It  promotes  compression, 
vivacity  of  style.  For  the  anarthrous  veKpwv,  see  on  3,  15.  —  iv 
TovTw  may  be  neuter,  sc.  ovofxaTL  (Moy.)  ;  or  masculine,  in  this  one 
(Kuin  De  Wet.),  which  is  more  natural,  since  ov  is  a  nearer  an- 
12 


90  COMMENTARY,  Chap.  IV,  11.  12. 

tecedent,  and  orros  follows  in  the  next  verse  (and  so  also  Mey.  at 
present).     TrapeWTjKev,  stands  (E.  V.)  ;  perf.  =  present  (see  on  1, 

10). 

V.  11.  orro?,  this  one,  viz.  Christ,  who  is  the  principal  subject, 
though  a  nearer  noun  inten'enes ;  see  7,  19.  W.  ^  23.  1 ;  S.  § 
123.  N.  1.  Compare  the  note  on  3,  13.  For  the  passage  referred 
to,  see  Ps.  118,  22.  The  words,  as  Tholuck^  remarks,  appear  to 
have  been  used  as  a  proverb,  and  hence  are  susce})tibie  of  various 
applications.  The  sense  for  this  place  may  be  thus  given  :  the 
Jewish  rulers,  according  to  the  proper  idea  of  theiT  office,  were 
the  builders  of  God's  spiritual  house  ;  and  as  such  should  have 
been  the  first  to  acknowledge  the  Messiah,  and  exert  themselves 
for  the  establishment  and  extension  of  his  kingdom.  That  which 
they  had  not  done,  God  had  now  accomplished  in  s})ilc  of  their 
neglect  and  opposition.  He  had  raised  up  Jesus  from  the  dead, 
and  thus  confirmed  his  claim  to  the  Messiahship ;  he  liad  shown 
him  to  be  the  true  author  of  salvation  to  men,  tlie  corner-stone, 
the  only  sure  foundation  on  wliich  they  can  rest  their  hopes  of 
eternal  life.  Compare  Matt.  21,  42;  Luke  20,  17.— The  later 
editors  consider  otKo8o//,wv  more  coirect  than  oikoSo/aouvtwv.  —  o  yev- 
o)u,evos  ....  ywvtas,  which  became  the  head  of  the  corner  ;  predicated, 
like  6  i^ovi}€VT]Sei<;,  of  6  XiSos  as  identical*  with  oSros.  KecfiaXrjv  ycovias 
is  the  same  as  At^o?  aK/Doycoviatos  in  1  Pet.  2,  6 ;  comp.  Is.  28,  16.  It 
refers,  probably,  not  to  the  copcstone,  but  to  that  which  lies  at  the 
foundation  of  the  edifice,  in  the  angle  where  two  of  the  walls 
come  together,  and  which  gives  to  the  edifice  its  strength  and 
supj)ort.     See  Gescn.  Ileb.  Lex.  s.  irxn.  4. 

V.  12.  7}  o-wTiypitt,  the  salvation  which  the  gospel  brings,  or  which 
men  need;  comp.  John  4,  22.  For  the  article,  see  W.  k  18.  1. 
The  contents  of  the  next  clause  render  it  impossible  to  under- 
stand the  term  of  the  cure  of  the  lame  man.  It  was  not  true 
that  the  apostles  proclaimed  the  name  of  Christ  as  the  one  on 
which  men  should  call  in  order  to  be  healed  of  their  diseases.  — 
ovre.  yap,  k.  t.  X.,  for  neither  is  there  any  other  name.  It  has  just 
been  said,  that  Christ  is  the  only  Saviour.  It  is  asserted  here 
that  he  is  such  because  no  other  has  been  provided.  —  to  ScSo/xe- 
vov,  ichich  is  given,  since  the  gospel  is  the  fruit  of  mercy.  —  ev 
dv^pwTTot?,  among  men  as  the  sphere  in  which  tlie  name  is  known ; 
not  dat.  comm.,  for  men.  See  W.  ^  31.  6.  The  latter  is  a  result- 
ing idea,  but  not  the  expressed  one.  —  eV  w  .  .  .  .  ?})u,as,  in  ichich  we 
(as  men,  and  hence  true  of  the  human  race),  must  be  saved.     8ei 

1  Uebcisctzur.g  und  Auslcgung  tier  Psalmcn,  p.  496. 


r* 


Chap.  IV,  13-15.  COMMENTARY.  91 

is  stronger  than  e'lco-Tt,  and  means  not  may^  but  must,  as  the  only- 
alternative,  since  God  has  appointed  no  other  way  of  salvation. 
The  apostle  would  exclu4e  the  idea  of  any  other  mode  of  escape 
if  this  be  neglected.     See  Heb.  2,  3. 

Verses   13-18.     Decision  of  the  Sanhedrim. 

V.  13.  ^eoYJowres  is  the  appropriate  word  here.  It  denotes  not 
seeing  merely,  like  /^A-eVovTes  (v.  14),  but  seeing  earnestly  or  with 
admiration.  Tittm.  Synm.  p.  121.  —  KaraXajSoixevoi,  having  j^^r- 
ceived,  from  intimations  at  the  time,  such  as  their  demeanor,  lan- 
guage, pronunciation  (Str.),  comp.  Matt.  26,  73  ;  or  having  ascer- 
tained by  previous  inquiry  (Mey.  Alf).  Meyer  in  his  last  edition 
prefers  the  first  meaning  to  the  second.  The  tense,  it  will  be  ob- 
served, differs  from  that  of  the  other  participle.  —  dypa/x^arot  Kat 
iStwrat,  illiterate,  i.  e.  untaught  in  the  learning  of  the  Jewish 
schools,  see  John  7,  15;  and  ohficurc,  plebeian  (Kuin.  Olsh.  De 
Wet.).  It  is  unnecessary  to  regard  the  terms  as  synonymous 
(E.  V.  Mey.  Rob.).  Their  self-possession  and  intelligence  as- 
tonished the  rulers,  being  so  much  superior  to  their  education  and 
rank  in  life.^  —  eTreytVoaKov  .  .  .  .  yjcrav,  and  they  recognized  them 
that  they  were  imth  Jesus  during  his  ministry,  were  among  his  fol- 
lowers (Wicl.  Tynd.)  ;  not  had  been  (E.  V.).  Their  wonder,  says 
Meyer,  assisted  their  recollection,  so  that,  as  they  observed  the 
prisoners  more  closely  (note  the  imperf),  they  remembered  them 
as  persons  whom  they  had  known  before.  Many  of  the  rulers 
had  often  been  present  when  Christ  taught  publicly  (see  Matt. 
21,  23  ;  Luke  18,  18  ;  John  12,  42,  etc.),  and  must  have  seen  Pe- 
ter and  John.  That  the  latter  was  known  to  the  high-priest  is 
expressly  said  in  John  18,  15. 

V.  14.  The  order  of  the  words  here  is  admirably  picturesque. 
—  avv  avTo7.<;,  tcith  them,  viz.  the  apostles,  not  the  rulers  ;  comp. 
o.vTov'i  just  before.  —  coraiTa,  standing  there,  and  by  his  presence, 
shice  he  was  so  generally  known  (see  3,  IG),  uttering  a  testimony 
which  they  could  not  refute.  Bengel  makes  the  attitude  signifi- 
cant :  standing  firmo  talo,  no  longer  a  cripple.  —  ovhXv,  k.  t.  X.,  had 
nothing  to  object,  against  the  reality  of  the  miracle,  or  the  truth 
of  Peter's  declaration. 

V.  15.  KeXevaavTe?,  k.  t.  X.,  having  cotnmanded  them  to  depart 
out  of  the  council.  The  delil) orations  of  the  assembly  were  open 
to  others,  though  the  apostles  were  excluded ;  and  hence  it  was 

1  Wak'Ii  iiKiiiitians  this  distinction  in  his  Disscrtationes  iu  Acta  Apostolorum,  p.  59 
sq.,  (Jcuii  17GGJ. 


92  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  IV,  1 6-1 9. 

easy  for  Luke  to  ascertain  what  was  said  and  done  during  their 
absence.  Some  of  the  many  priests  who  aftei-Avards  believed 
(see  6,  7)  may  have  belonged  to  the  council  at  this  time,  or,  at  all 
events,  may  have  been  present  as  spectators.  It  is  not  improba- 
ble that  Saul  of  Tarsus  was  there,  or  even  some  of  the  Christian 
party  who  were  not  known  in  that  character. 

V.  16.  OTL  /xei/,  K.  T.  X.,  for  that  a  notorious  miracle,  a  deed  unde- 
niably of  that  character,  has  been  done.^  yvayarov  in  the  sense  of 
widely  knoivn  adds  nothing  to  the  text,  since  it  merely  repeats  the 
subsequent  <f>av€p6v. — 8t'  avruiv,  through  them ;  and  hence  accredited 
(sec  on  2,  22)  as  the  agents  of  a  higher  power.  —  cf>avep6v  agrees 
with  OTL  ....  avTwv,  and  is  the  predicate  nominative  after  cVrt  un- 
derstood. —  ov  Swa/Ac^a,  k.  t.  X.,  tve  are  not  able  to  deny  it.  See 
3,  9.  11.  They  would  have  suppressed  the  evidence  had  it  been 
possible. 

V.  17.      Iva.  .  .  .  .  Siave/jirj^rj,    that     it     (sc.     to    arjfjLCLOv)    may    not 

spread.  With  a  knowledge  of  the  miracle  the  people  would  as- 
sociate inevitably  the  doctrine  which  the  miracle  confirmed.  The 
subject  of  the  verb  involves  the  idea  of  StSa;^?;,  but  it  would  be 
arbitrary  to  supply  that  word  as  the  direct  nominative.  Some 
have  supposed  the  last  clause  in  the  verse  to  require  it.  —  aTreiAg 
....  avTol'i,  let  us  severely  (lit.  icith  a  threat)  threaten  them.  Winer 
(^  54.  3)  regards  this  combination  of  a  verb  and  noun  as  an  ex- 
pedient for  expressing  the  infinitive  absolute  with  a  finite  verb 
in  Hebrew.  See  Gesen.  Heb.  Gr.  k  128.  3.  But  we  meet  with 
the  idiom  in  ordinary  Greek ;  see  Thiersch  de  Pent.  Vers.  p.  169. 
The  frequency  of  the  construction  in  the  New  Testament  is  un- 
doubtedly Hebraistic.  —  hn  tw  ovo\i.a.Tirovrt^,  upon  this  name  as  the 
basis  of  their  doctrine  or  authority;  comp.  v.  18;  5,  28.  40.  W. 
k  48.  c. 

V.  18.  TO  before  (f>Seyyea^aL  points  that  out  more  distinctly  as 
the  object  of  the  prohibition.  It  is  not  a  mere  sign  of  the  sub- 
stantive construction.  W.  ^  44.  3.  c.  —  /xijSe  SiSao-Kctv,  k.  t.  A., 
nor  to  teach  tqwn  the  name  of  Jesus,  specifies  the  jiart  of  their 
preacliing  wliich  the  rulers  were  most  anxious  to  suppress.  The 
other  infuiitive  does  not  render  this  superfluous. 

Verses   19-22.     Tlie  Ansiver  of  Vcter  and  John. 

V.  19.  ivMirtov  Tov  Siov,  in  the  sight  of  God  (Ilebraistii-),  whose 
judgment  is  true,  and  which  men  are  bound  to  follow  as  the  rule 
of  their  conduct.  —  aKotW,  to  obey,  see  Luke  10,  16  ;  16,  31  ;  John 
8,47.  —  fji.aXXov,  not  7norc,  hut  rather;  see  5,  29.     The  question 


Chap.  IV,  20-23.  COMMENTARY.  93 

was,  whether  they  should  obey  men  at  all  in  opposition  to  God, 
not  whether  they  should  obey  him  more  or  less.  See  further,  on 
5,  29. 

V.  20.  ov  SwdixeSa  yap,  k.  t.  A.,  confirms  the  answer  supposed 
to  be  given  to  their  appeal  in  et  SiKatov,  k.  t.  X.  We  must  obey 
God ;  for  we  cannot  (morally,  i.  e.  in  accordance  with  truth  and 
duty)  not  speak,  i.  e.  withhold,  suppress  our  message.  The  double 
negation  states  the  idea  strongly.  The  impossibility  wliich  they 
felt  was  that  of  refraining  from  giving  publicity  to  their  knowl- 
edge ;  it  was  not  sufficient  that  they  taught  no  error.  To  be 
silent  would  have  been  treachery.  —  a  el'So/xev,  k.  t.  A.,  ivhich  tve 
saio  and  heard,  i.  e.  during  the  life  of  the  Saviour  when  they  beheld 
his  mighty  works,  and  listened  to  his  instructions.  The  verbs  are 
in  the  aorist,  not  perfect  (as  in  E.  V.). 

V.  21.  TrpocTaTr(.ikr]aafxevoL  avTov<5,  having  threatened  them  further, 
i.  e.  than  they  had  done  already,  see  v.  18. — /at^Sev  evpL(TKovT€<;, 
fndmg  notliing,  no  means,  opportunity.  —  to  7rto9,  namely,  how,  on 
what  pretence  ;  comp.  22,  30  ;  Luke  1,  62;  9,  46,  etc.  This  use 
of  the  article  before  single  clauses  distinguishes  Luke  and  Paul 
from  the  other  writers  of  the  New  Testament.  It  serves  to 
awaken  attention  to  the  proposition  introduced  by  it.  See  W.  § 
20.  3.  —  Sitt  Tov  AaoV  belongs  to  the  participle  (Mey.),  rather  than 
ctTreA-uo-av.  The  intervening  clause  breaks  ofi"  the  words  from  the 
latter  connection.  The  idea,  too,  is  not,  that  they  were  able  to 
invent  no  charge  against  the  apostles,  but  none  which  they  felt  it 
safe  to  adopt,  because  the  people  were  so  well  disposed  towards 
the  Christians. 

V.  22.  eraJv,  k.  t.  A.,  for  hc  icas  of  more  years,  etc.  The  cure 
wi'ought  was  the  greater  the  longer  the  time  during  which  the 
infirmity  had  existed,  ctwi/  depends  on  f;v  as  a  genitive  of  prop- 
erty. K.  ^  273.  2.  c.  ;  C.  ^  387.  — Tecra-apaKovra,  sc.  irwv,  than  forty 
years,  governed  by  TrAetoVwj/  as  a  comparative  ;  comp.  25,  6.  De 
Wette  assumes  an  ellipsis  of  rj,  which  puts  the  numeral  in  the 
genitive,  because  that  is  the  case  of  the  preceding  noun.  But 
most  grammarians  represent  r?  as  suppressed  only  after  irAeov, 
TrAei'u),  and  the  like  ;  comp.  Matt.  26,  53,  as  correctly  read.  K.  ^ 
748.  R.  1  ;  Mt.  ^  455.  A.  4.  —  -n}?  lacrew?,  the  healing,  the  act  of  it 
which  constituted  the  miracle ;  genitive  of  apposition.  W.  J 
48.  2. 

Verses  23-31.      The  AjMstles  return  to  the  Disci2olcs,  and  unite 
ivith  them  in  Prayer  and  Praise. 
V.  23.     Trpos  Tovs  iSt'ous,  unto  their  oxen  friends  in   the   faith ; 


94  COMMENTARY.  CiiAr.  IV,  24-26. 

comp.  24,  23;  Tit.  3,  14.  Nothing  in  the  context  requires  us  to 
hmit  the  term  to  the  apostles.  —  ol  apxL€peL<;  koi  ol  Trpea-fSvTepoi,  the 
chief  j^ricsis  (those  of  the  first  class)  and  the  elders.  Tliis  is 
another  mode  of  designating  the  Sanhedrim,  see  v.  5. 

V.  24.  ofjioSv/jLaSou  must  denote  as  elscAvhere  (1,  14;  2,  46;  7, 
57  etc.)  a  concert  of  hearts,  not  of  voices.  If  they  all  joined  aloud 
in  the  prayer,  the  proof  must  not  be  drawn  from  this  Avord  or 
from  rjpav  (^wvrjv,  Avhich  could  be  said  though  but  one  uttered  the 
words  while  the  others  assented,  but  rather  from  the  nature  of 
the  service.  The  prayer  on  this  occasion  was  chiefly  praise,  and' 
as  the  words  quoted  were  so  familiar  to  all,  it  is  quite  possible  j 
that  they  recited  them  together.  See  1 6,  25,  and  the  remarks  1 
there.  Baumgarten's  view  (Apostelgeschichte,  u.  s.  w.  p  93)  may 
be  near  the  truth :  the  whole  company  simg  the  second  Psalm, 
and  Peter  then  applied  the  contents  to  their  situation  in  tlie  terms 
recorded  here.  —  SeWora  is  applied  to  God  as  absolute  in  power 
and  authority.  It  is  one  of  the  titles  of  Christ,  also,  see  2  Pet. 
2,  i  ;  Jude  v.  4.  —  a-v  6  ^eos,  sc.  cT,  thott  art  the  God ;  or,  thou  the 
God,  nominative  of  address.  The  latter,  says  JNIeyer,  accords 
best  with  the  fervid  state  of  their  minds. 

V.  25.  6  Sttt  o-To/xaros,  k.  t.  A.,  viz.  in  Ps.  2,  1.  2.  By  citing  this 
passage  the  disciples  express  their  confidence  in  the  success  of 
the  cause  for  wdiich  they  were  persecuted  ;  for  it  is  the  object  of 
the  second  Psalm  to  set  forth  the  ultimate  and  complete  triumph 
of  the  gospel,  notwithstanding  the  opposition  which  the  wicked 
may  array  against  it.  The  contents  of  the  Psahn,  as  Avell  as  the 
other  quotations  from  it  in  the  New  Testament,  confirm  its  Mes- 
sianic character.  See  13,  33  ;  Hcb.  1,  5  and  5,  5.  —  Iva  ri,  whij,  is 
abbreviated  for  ha  tC  yevrjTm.  W.  ^  25.  1  ;  K.  i  344.  R.  6.  The 
question  challenges  a  reason  for  conduct  so  wicked  and  futile.  It 
expresses  both  astonishment  and  reproof. —  c^pmtW,  r«^<?c?;  or, 
which  is  nearer  to  the  classic  sense,  shoiced  theiji.se/ces  restive, 
refractory.  The  aorist  may  be  used  here  to  denote  a  recurrent 
fact.  K.  i  256.  4.  b.  The  active  form  is  used  only  in  the  Septn- 
agint  (Pape  Lex.  s.  v.).  The  application  to  this  particular  in- 
stance docs  not  exhaust  the  proi)hecy.  The  fulfilm(>nt  runs  i):ir-  - 
allel  with  the  history  of  the  conflicts  and  triumplis  of  the  cause  ( 
of  truth.  —  Xttot,  pcojilesi  masses  of  men,  whether  of  the  same  o 
nation,  or  of  different  nations.  Hence  this  term  includes  the  v 
Jews,  whom  t^vrj  would  exclude.  —  Ktva,  vain,  abortive  ;  since 
such  must  be  the  result  of  all  opjiosition  to  the  plans  of  Jehovah. 
V.  26.  TrapicTT-qrrav,  stood  near  with  a  hostile  design  ;  which  re- 
sults, however,  from  the  connection,  not  the  word  itself  —  crvvrjx- 


Cha?.  IV,  27-29.  COMMENTARY.  95 

Srjorav,  assembled;  in  Hebrew,  5a^  together,  with  the  involved  idea 
in  both  cases  that  it  was  for  the  purpose  of  combination  and  re- 
sistance. —  Tov  XpLCTTov  avTov,  Jiis  Christ,  his  Anointed  one,  answer- 
ing to  in^c-a  in  the  Psalm.  The  act  of  anointing  was  performed  in 
connection  with  the  setting  apart  of  a  prophet,  priest,  or  king  to 
his  ofhce,  and,  according  to  the  Hebrew  symbology,  denoted  his 
receiving  the  spiritual  gifts  and  endowments  which  he  needed  for 
the  performance  of  his  duties.-^  Compare  the  note  on  6,  6.  The 
act  accompanied  consecration  to  the  office  assumed,  but  was  not 
the  direct  sign  of  it,  as  is  often  loosely  asserted.  It  is  with  ref- 
erence to  this  import  of  the  symbol  that  the  Saviour  of  men  is 
called  6  X/jicttos,  i.  e.  the  Anointed,  by  way  of  eminence,  because 
he  possessed  the  gifts  of  the  Spirit  without  measure,  was  fur- 
nished in  a  perfect  manner  for  the  work  which  he  came  into  the 
world  to  execute.     See  on  1,  2. 

V.  27.  yap  illustrates  the  significance  of  the  prophecy.  It  had 
been  spoken  not  without  meanuig  :  for  in  truth,  etc.  —  After  6Xrj- 
^etas  we  arejto  read  ev  t^  ttoXu  ravTy,  in  this  city.  The  Avords  are 
left  out  of  the  E.  V.,  and  I  believe  of  all  the  earlier  translations 
into  English,  except  the  two  mad^~Trom  the  Vulgate.  They 
are  to  be  retained.  They  are  " found  in  A  B  D  E,  and  more 
than  tAvcnty  others,  supported  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  an- 
cient versions,  and  many  ecclesiastical  writers."  See  Green's 
Develo])ed  Criticism,^  etc.,  p.  94.  —  l-n-l  rhv  aytov  iraiSd  arov,  against 
thy  consecrated  servant;  see  on  3,  13.  —  e^pLo-as,  didst  anoint, 
"wdth  that  rite  inaugurate  as  king.  —  Koi  A-aots  'IcrpaT^A.,  and  2Jeo2jles 
of  ^Israel  (see 'bn'v. ^25),  either  because  the  Jews  who  put  the 
Saviour  to  death  belonged  to  difierent  tribes,  or  because  so 
many  of  them  had  come  to  Jerusalem  from  distant  lands  (comp. 
2,  5),  and  so  represented  diflerent  nationalities  (Mey.).  It  is  not 
at  all  probable  that  the  singular  and  plural  are  confounded  here 
(Kuin). 

V.  2i^.  TTOLijcrai,  in  order  to  do  in  reality,  though  not  with  that 
conscious  intention  on  their  part.  —  rj  x^^p  denotes  the  jjower,  yj 
fiovXyj  the  counsel,  purpose,  of  God.  Trpowpicre  adapts  itself  per 
zeugma  to  both  noims.  The  verbal  idea  required  by  the  former 
would  be  executed. 

V.  29,  Ki'pie,  Lord,  i.  e.  God,  which  is  required  by  ^eos  in  v.  24, 
and  TraiSos  (TOV  in  v.  30  ;  comp.  on  1,  24.  —  IVtSe  ....  avrCov,  look 

'  Balu-'s  Symtiolik  dcs  Mosaisclicii  Cultus,  Vol.  II.  p.  171  sq. 

2  A  Course  of  developed  Critieisin  on  passages  of  the  New  Testament  materi- 
ally aifccted  by  various  Readings.  By  Rev.  Thomas  Sheldon  Green,  late  fellow 
of  Christ's  College,  Cambridge,  etc.     (London  1856). 


96  COMMENTARY.  CiiAr.  IV,  30-32. 

uj^on  tlicir  threats,  in  order  to  see  what  grace  his  sei-vants  needed 
at  such  a  crisis.  They  pray  for  courage  to  enable  them  to  preach 
the  word,  not  for  security  against  danger.  —  TraoTys,  entire,  the  ut- 
most, see  13,  10  ;  17,  11,  etc.  In  that  sense  ttSs  does  not  require 
the  article.     W.  US.  4  ;  K.  ^  246.  5. 

V.  30.     cv  Tw  .  .  .  .  lKrdvf.iv  ere,  in  that  ihoic  dost  stretch  forth  thy 
hand  for  healing,  the  effect  of  which  as  a  public  recognition  of  CC_ 
their  character  on  the  part  of  God  would  be  to  render  them  fear- 
less ;  or  as  some  prefer,  the  construction  may  denote  time,  xvhile  lU 
thou  dost  stretch  forth,  etc. ;  so  that  in  the  latter  case  they  ask  that 
they  may  declare  the  truth  with  power  as  well  as  with  courage.  I 
—  KOI  a-rjfjieLa,  k.  t.  X.,  and  that  sig7is  and  iconders  may  he  ivroiight 
(Kuin.  Mey.  De  Wet.).     The  clause  is  telic  and  related  to  cKTet- 
v€iv,  like  CIS  iWiv.     Some  make  it  depend  on  So?,  which  is  too  re- 
mote, and  others  repeat  Iv  tw  after  KaL  —  TraiSo's  a-ov,  thy  servant. 

V.  31.  la-akev^rj  6  tottos,  the  2^hice  iras  shaken.  They  would 
naturally  regard  such  an  event  as  a  token  of  the  acce})1ance  of 
their  prayer,  and  as  a  pledge  that  a  power  adequate  to  their  pro- 
tection was  engaged  for  them.  —  eVAryo-^Tjcrav,  k.  t.  A.,  tcere  all 
filled  ivith  the  Holy  Spirit,  etc.  They  were  thus  endued  both 
with  courage  to  declare  the  word  of  God,  and  with  miraculous 
power  for  confirming  its  truth.  They  had  just  prayed  for  assist- 
ance in  both  respects. 

Verses    32-37.      The  Believers  are  of  one   ISIind,  and  have  all 
TJ tings  common. 

V.  32.  8e,  slightly  hut,\.m\\s  our  attention  from  the  apostles  (v. 
31)  to  the  church  at  large.  —  tov  ■TrXrjSov;  twv  Tnarevo-dvTwv,  the 
midtitude  of  those  ivho  believed,  like  to  ttX^^os  twv  jxa^rp-wv  in  6,  2. 
This  description  of  the  union  of  heart  and  the  liberality  which  dis- 
tinguished the  disciples,  applies  to  all  of  them,  as  the  unqualified 
nature  of  the  language  clearly  intimates.  Meyer  supposes  tliose 
only  to  be  meant  who  are  mentioned  as  new  converts  in  v.  4  ;  ^ 
but  the  mind  does  not  recall  readily  so  distant  a  remark.  —  oiSe 
ets,  not  even  one.  —  tXeyev  iBiov  cTmi,  said  that  it  teas  his  oivn,  i.  e. 
insisted  on  his  right  to  it  so  long  as  others  were  destitute,  see  v.  / 
34.  —  KOLvd,  common  iu  the  use  of  their  property,  not  necessarily  v 
in  the  possession  of  it.  Compare  the  note  on  2,  44  sq.  "  It  is 
])ropcr  to  remark,"  says  Bishop  Blomficld,^  "  that  although  an  ab- 

1  I  am  not  surprised  to  find  that  Meyer  has  corrected  this  opinion  iu  his  now 
edition. 
-  Lectures  on  the  Acts  of  tlic  Apostles,  thii-d  edition,  p.  23. 


ChIp.  IV,  33-36.  COMMENTARY.  97 

solute  community  of  goods  existed,  in  a  certain  sense,  amongst  the 
first  company  of  believers,  it  was  not  insisted  upon  by  the  apos- 
tles as  a  necessary  feature  in  the  constitution  of  the  Clii-istian 
church.  We  find  many  precepts  in  the  Epistles,  which  distinctly 
recognize  the  difference  of  rich  and  poor,  and  mark  out  the  re- 
spective duties  of  each  class ;  and  the  apostle  Paul,  in  particular, 
far  from  enforcing  a  community  of  goods,  enjoins  those  who  were 
affluent  to  make  a  contribution  every  week  for  those  who  were 
poorer  (1  Cor.  16,  2.  3).  Yet  the  spirit  of  this  primitive  system 
should  pervade  the  church  in  all  ages.  All  Christians  ought  to 
consider  their  worldly  goods,  in  a  certain  sense,  as  the  common 
property  of  their  brethren.  There  is  a  part  of  it  which  by  the 
laws  of  God  and  nature  belongs  to  their  bretliren ;  who,  if  they 
cannot  implead  them  for  its  wrongful  detention  before  an  earthly 
tribunal,  have  their  right  and  title  to  it  written  by  the  finger  of 
God  himself  in  the  records  of  the  gospel,  and  will  see  it  estab- 
lished at  the  judgment  day." 

V.  33.  li-^yaXrj  Swafxa,  tvith  great  poiver,  with  convincing  effect 
on  the  minds  of  men,  see  Matt.  9,  29  ;  Luke  4,  32.  Among  the 
elements  of  this  power  we  are  to  reckon,  no  doubt,  the  miracles 
which  the  disciples  performed  ;  but  the  singular  number  forbids  the 
supposition  that  Swa/^et  can  refer  to  miracles  except  in  this  indirect 
manner.  — x'^P'^  some  understand  of  t\\e  favor  which  the  Christians 
enjoyed  with  the  people  in  consequence  of  their  hberality ;'  see 
2,  47  (Grot.  Kuin.  Olsh.).  It  is  better,  with  De  Wette,  Meyer, 
Alford,  and  others,  to  retain  the  ordinary  sense  :  divine  favor, 
grace,  of  which  their  liberality  was  an  effect ;  comp  2  Cor.  9,  14. 

V.  34.  oiiSe  yap,  k.  t.  X.,  For  (a  proof  of  their  reception  of  such 
grace)  there  ivas  no  one  7ieedy,\e^l  to  suffer  among  them.  —  ')(wp'uav, 
estates,  landed  possessions,  see  5,  3,  8  ;  Matt.  26,  36  ;  Mark  14, 
32.  —  TTwAoDvTes  e(f>epov,  sold  and  brought.  This  combination  illus- 
trates the  occasional  use  of  the  present  participle  as  an  imper* 
feet.     W.  H5.  1.  a.;   S.  ^  173.  2. 

V.  35.  Iti^ovv  ....  Twv  aTToo-ToAwv,  2^^(^ccd  them  at  the  feet  of  the 
apostles,  see  v.  37  ;  5,  2.  The  frequency  of  the  act  is  determined 
by  that  of  the  previous  verb.  Tliis  ai:)pears  to  have  been  a  figu- 
rative expression,  signifying  to  commit  entirely  to  their  care  or 
disposal.  It  may  have  arisen  from  the  Oriental  custom  of  laying 
gifts  or  tribute  before  the  footstool  of  kings.  —  SteSt'Soro,  distribution 
was  made.  The  verb  is  impersonal.  —  Ka^ori  ....  (l-)(fv  occurs  as 
in  2,  45. 

V.  36.     8e  subjoins  an  example  in  illustration  of  what  is  said  in 
V.  34.  35.  —  Barnabas  is  the  individual  of  this  name  who  became 
13 


98  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  V,  I. 

subsequently  so  well  known  as  Paul's  associate  in  missionary  la- 
bors ;  see  13,  2  sq.  The  appellation  wliich  he  received  from  the 
apostles  describes  a  particular  trait  in  his  style  of  preaching. 
Most  suppose  it  to  be  derived  from  ris^Si  ^s,  (Syro-Chaldaic),  i.  e. 
son  of  prophecy,  but  in  a  more  restricted  sense  of  the  pluase  as 
equivalent  to  rtos  TrapaKXT^o-ca)?,  so?i  of  co)isolation,  since  Trpocf>r]T€ia 
includes  also  hortatory,  consolatory  discourse ;  comp.  1  Cor.  14,  3. 
For  other  conjectures,  see  Kuinoelad  loo. — Aevtrrjs.  He  was  pro- 
bably a  Levite,  in  distinction  from  Uptv^,  a  pnest,  i.  e.  a  descend- 
ant of  Levi  but  not  of  the  family  of  Aaron.  —  KiVptos  tw  yevei  de- 
scribes him  as  a  Jew  born  in  Cyj)rus ;  comp.  18,  2.  24. 

V.  37.  vTzapxovTo-i  aiTw  aypov,  he  having  land.  It  is  not  said  that 
tliis  estate  was  in  C^^rus,  but  that  is  naturally  infened.  The 
Levites,  as  a  tribe,  had  no  part  in  the  general  diAision  of  Canaan 
(see  Num.  18,  20)  ;  but  that  exclusion  did  not  destroy  the  right 
of  individual  o\\-nersliip  ^  \\ithin  the  forty-eight  cities  and  the 
territory  adjacent  to  them,  wliich  were  assigned  to  the  Levites 
(Num.  35,  1-8)  ;  comp.  e.  g.  Lev.  25,  32;  Jer.  32,  8.  After  the 
exile  they  would  naturally  exercise  the  same  right  even  out 
of  Palestine.  —  to  xprjfm,  the  money,  wliich  is  the  proper  sense 
of  the  plural ;  comp.  8,  18.  20 ;  24,  26. 


CHAPTER    V. 

Verses   1-11.     Tlie    Falsehood  of  Ananias   and   Sapphira,   and 
tlieir  Death. 

V.  1.  We  enter  on  a  new  chapter  here  in  a  two-fold  sense  of 
the  expression.  As  Olshausen  remarks,  "  the  history'  of  the  infant 
church  has  presented  hitherto  an  image  of  unsuUicd  liglit ;  it  is 
now  for  the  first  time  that  a  shadow  falls  upon  it.  We  can  imag- 
ine that  a  sort  of  holy  emulation  had  spmng  up  among  the  first 
Cliristians  ;  that  they  vied  \\'ith  each  other  in  testifying  their 
readiness  to  part  with  every  thing  superlluous  in  their  possession, 
and  to  devote  it  to  the  wants  of  the  church.  Tliis  zeal  now 
bore  away  some,  among  others,  who  had  not  yet  been  freed  in 
their  hearts  from  the  predominant  love  of  earthly  things.  Such 
a  person  was  Ananias,  who,  having  sold  a  portion  of  his  property, 
kept  back  a  part  of  the  money  wliich  he  received  for  it.  The  root 
'  See  Saalschiitz,  Das  Mosaische  Recht,  Vol.  I.  p.  149. 


Chap.  V,  2-4.  C0MMEXTA2T.  99 

of  his  sin  lay  in  his  vanitr,  his  ostentation.  He  coveted  the  repn- 
tation  of  appealing  to  be  as  disinterested  as  the  others,  while  at 
heart  he  "was  still  the  slave  of  Mammon,  and  so  mnst  seek  to  gain 
by  hypocrisy  what  he  conld  not  deserve  by  his  benevolence.*'  —  Bi 
puts  the  condnct  of  Ananias  in  contrast  with  that  of  Barnabas 
and  the  other  Christians.  —  nr^pi,  a  possesaan  of  the  nature  de- 
fined in  V.  3. 

V.  2.  hma<lturaro  asm  -np  rtfopj  tept  back,  reserved  fc»  himself. 
Jram  the  price.  The  genitive,  which  in  classical  Greek  usually 
follows  a  partitive  verb  like  this  (K  ♦  271.  2),  depends  oftener  in 
the  ^»ew  Testament  on  a  preposition.  W.  |  30.  7.  c  —  (rvreionas, 
bring  Gjnsaaus  of  it  to  herself,  aware  of  the  reservation  just  men- 
timed  (comp.  V.  9.) ;  not  sc.  airnk,  hnoiriHg  it  as  trett  as  he,  since  it 
is  the  object  of  mu  to  hint  the  collusion  of  the  parties.  — /t^>os  n, 
a  certain  part,  which  he  pretended  was  all  he  had  received. 

V.  3.  Siar4  why,  demands  a  reason  for  Ms  yielding  to  a  temp- 
tation which  he  ought  to  have  repelled.  The  questi<m  lect^nizes 
his  freedom  of  action.  Compare  James  4,  7.  The  sin  is  charged 
upon  him  as  his  own  act,  in  the  next  veise.  —  hrkipmrar  r^  KopouoF 
trao,  has  fiUed^  possessed,  thy  heart ;  comp.  John  13,  27.  —  li-nVnur- 
SoL  ....  arfiavy  that  thou  shouldst  deceive  the  Hah)  ^nrit,  L  e.  the 
apostles,  to  whom  God  revealed  himself  by  the  Spirit.  Tlie  in- 
finitive is  telic  (Mey.  De  Wet),  and  the  purpose  is  predicated, 
not  of  Ananias,  but  of  the  tempter.  Satan's  object  was  to  insti- 
gate to  the  act,  and  that  he  accomplished.  Some  make  the  infin- 
itive ecbatic,  and  as  the  intention  of  Ananias  was  frustrated, 
must  then  render  that  thou  shouldst  attempt  to  deceice.  This  is 
forced  and  unnecessary.  —  top  X'afiao,  the  esttOe,  field ;  see  4,  34. 

V.  4.  (df)^  i^ofor,  sc.  KTjjfjua,  K.  T.  X.,  Did  it  not,  whUe  it  remained 
unsold,  remain  to  you  as  your  own  property  ?  and  tthen  sold  teas  it 
not,  L  e.  the  money  received  for  it,  in  your  oun  power  ?  This 
language-makes  it  evident  that  the  community  of  goods,  as  it  ex- 
isted in  the  church  at  Jerusalem,  was  purely  a  voluntary  thing, 
and  not  required  by  the  apostles.  Ananias  was  not  censured  be- 
cause he  had  not  surrendered  his  entire  property,  but  for  false- 
hood in  professing  to  have  done  so  when  he  had  not  —  n'  on 
stands  concisely  for  n  la-ny  on,  as  in  v.  9  ;  Mark  2,  16 ;  Lake  2. 49 
(Frtz.  Mey.  De  WeL).  It  is  a  classical  idiom,  but  not  conunon. — 
fSavy  K.  T.  X.,  didst  thou  put  in  tJty  heart,  conceive  the  things ;  comp. 
19, 21.  The  expression  has  a  Hebraistic  coloring  (comp.  :"r^r  =-3 
in  Dan.  I,  8  and  MaL  2,  2),  though  not  unlike  the  Homeric  or 
^peri  B&tBol,  The  aorist  (not  perf.  as  in  £.  V.)  represents  the 
wicked  thought  as  consummated.  —  mx  e^em^  ....  ^ew  is  an  in- 


100  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  Y,  5.  6 

tensive  way  of  saying  that  the  pecuHar  enormity  of  his  sin  con- 
sisted in  its  being  committed  against  God.  David  takes  the  same 
view  of  his  guilt  in  Ps.  51,  6.  Ananias  had  attempted  to  deceive 
men  as  well  as  God ;  but  that  aspect  of  his  conduct  was  so  un- 
important, in  comparison  with  the  other,  that  it  is  overlooked, 
denied.  Compare  Matt.  10,  20;  1  Thess.  4,  8.  See  W.  ^  59.  8, 
b.  It  is  logically  correct  to  translate  ovk  .  .  .  .  aXXd,  not  so  much 
.  ...  as,  but  is  incorrect  in  form,  and  less  forcible,  iipevcrw  gov- 
erns the  dative  here,  as  in  the  Septuagint,  but  never  in  the  class- 
ics.    W.  ^  31.  5. 

V.  5.  i$€ij/v$€,  expired.  —  kol  iycvero,  k.  t.  A.,  and  great  /car  came 
iipon  all,  etc.  Luke  repeats  this  remark  in  v.  11.  It  appHes  here 
to  the  fii-st  death  only,  the  report  of  wliich  spread  rapidly,  and 
produced  everyAvhere  the  natural  effect  of  so  awful  a  judgment. 
Some  editors  (Lchm.  Mey.  Tsch.)  strike  out  to-vto.  after  dKov'ovras. 
It  is  wanting  in  A  B  D,  Vulg.  et  al.,  and  may  have  been  inserted 
from  V.  1 1.  If  it  be  genuine,  however,  it  may  refer  to  a  single 
event,  especially  when  that  is  viewed  in  connection  with  its  at- 
tendant circumstances.  The  plural  does  not  show  that  the  writer 
would  include  also  the  death  of  Sapphira,  i.  e.  that  he  speaks 
here  proleptically,  which  is  De  Wette's  view. 

V.  6.  ol  ve(OT€/3oi  =  veavto-Kot  in  V.  10.  They  were  probably  Z/ite 
younger  men  in  the  assembly,  in  distinction  from  the  older  (Neand. 
De  Wet.  Alf.).  It  devolved  on  them  naturally  to  perform 
this  service,  both  on  account  of  their  greater  actiA-ity  and  out  of 
respect  to  their  superiors  in  age.  So  also  Walch  decides  (Dis- 
sertationes,  etc.  p.  79  sq.).  Some  have  conjectured  (Kuin.  Olsh. 
Mey. )  that  they  were  a  class  of  regular  assistants  or  officers  in 
the  church.  That  opinion  has  no  support,  unless  it  be  favored  by 
this  passage. — o-uveo-TetXav  is  less  certain  than  has  been  com- 
monly supposed.  The  E.  V.  renders  icound  up,  shrouded  or  cov- 
ered, which  is  adopted  also  by  Kuin.  De  Wet.  Alf  and  others. 
Rost  and  Palm  (Lex.  s.  v.)  recognize  this  as  the  last  of  their  def- 
initions, ])ut  rely  for  it  quite  entirely  on  this  passage  and  Eurip. 
Troad.  3b2.  Walch  (Dissertationes,  etc.,  p.  79  sq.)  argues  in 
favor  of  this  signification,  and  with  success,  if  it  be  true,  accord- 
ing to  his  assumption  that  Trc/DtoTeXXetv  and  (ruorcXXctv  denote  the 
same  thing  as  used  of  tlie  rites  of  burial.  The  Vulgate  has  amo- 
vrrunt,  which  the  older  E.  Vv.  appear  to  have  followed  :  thus, 
moved  away  (Wicl.)  ;  ^^j<<  apart  (Tynd.  Cranm.) ;  took  apart  (Gen.)  : 
removed  (Rhem.).  This  sense  is  too  remote  from  any  legitimate 
use  of  the  verb,  to  be  defended.  A  tliird  explanation  which  keeps 
nearer  both  to  the  etymology  and  the  ordinary  meaning,  is  placed 


Chap.  V,  7.  8.  COMMENTARY.  101 

together,  laid  out  or  composed  his  stiffened  limbs,  so  as  to  enaljle 
the  bearers  to  take  up  aud  carry  the  body  with  more  couvenieuce. 
Meyer  insists  on  tliis  view,  and  contends  that  TreVAots  crwco-rdAT/crav 
in  Eurip.,  as  referred  to  above,  can  be  translated  only  loere  laid  out 
(dressed  at  the  same  time,)  in  robes.  It  is  certain  that  no  mode  of 
preparing  the  body,  which  was  formal  at  all,  requiring  delay,  could 
have  been  observed  in  an  emergency  like  the  present.  —  l^eviy- 
Kavres,  having  carried  forth  out  of  the  house  and  beyond  the  city. 
Except  in  the  case  of  kings  or  other  distinguished  persons,  the 
Jews  did  not  biuy  \vithin  the  walls  of  their  towns.  See  Jahn's 
Archseol.  ^  206.  This  circumstance  accounts  for  the  time  which 
elapsed  before  the  return  of  the  bearers.  It  was  customary  for 
the  Jews  to  bury  the  dead  much  sooner  than  is  common  with  us. 
The  reason  for  this  despatch  is  found  partly  in  the  fact  that  de- 
composition takes  place  very  rapidly  after  death  in  warm  cli- 
mates (comp.  John  11,  39),  and  partly  in  the  peculiar  Jewish 
fe^ng  respecting  the  defilement  incurred  by  contact  with  a 
dead  body;  see  Numb.  19,  11  sq.  The  interment  in  the  case 
of  Ananias  may  have  been  hastened  somewhat  by  the  extraordi- 
nary occasion  of  his  death ;  but  even  under  ordinary  circumstan- 
ces, a  person  among  the  Jews  was  commonly  buried  the  same 
day  on  which  he  died.  See  Win.  Pi-ealw.  Vol.  II.  p.  16.  Even 
among  the  present  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem,  says  Tobler,i  burial, 
as  a  general  rule,  is  not  deferred  more  than  tln-ee  or  four  hours. 

V.  7.  tyeVero  ....  /cat',  Now  it  came  to  j^ci'Ss,  —  an  interval  of 
about  three  hours,  —  tJten,  etc.  ws  .  .  .  .  SidcrTrj/jLa  is  not  here  the 
subject  of  iyev€To,  but  forms  a  parenthetic  clause,  and  kul 
(see  on  1,  10)  introduces  the  apodosis  of  the  sentence  (Frtz. 
De  Wet.  Mey.).  For  the  same  construction,  comp.  Matt.  15,  32; 
Mark  8,  2  (in  the  correct  text)  ;  Luke  9,  28.  See  W.  v^  62.  2. 
The  minute  specification  of  time  here  imparts  an  air  of  reality  to 
the  narrative.  —  elaijXS^ev,  came  in,  i.  e.  to  the  place  of  assembly. 

V.  8.  oLTreKpiSr]  airy,  addressed  her  ;  Hebraistic  after  the  manner 
of  n3?,  see  on  3,  12.  De  Wette  inclines  to  the  ordinary  Greek 
sense  :  ansivered,  i.  e.  upon  her  salutation.  —  too-ovtov  is  the  geni- 
tive of  price  :  for  so  much,  and  no  more,  pointing,  says  Meyer,  to 
the  money  which  lay  there  within  sight.  Kuinoel's  better  view 
is  that  Peter  named  the  sum ;  but,  it  being  unknown  to  the 
writer,  he  substitutes  for  it  an  indefinite  term,  like  our  "  so 
much,"  or  "  so  and  so."  This  sense  is  appropriate  to  the  woman's 
reply. 

1  Deukljliittcr  tius  Jcmsalem,  von  Dr.  Titus  Tobler,  p.  3:25  (St.  Gallen  1S5.3). 


102  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  V,  9-1 1. 

V.  9.  Ti  oTi,  K.  T.  X.,  JVJiy  is  it  thai  it  teas  agreed,  concerted,  by 
yo7(?  The  dative  occurs  after  the  passive,  instead  of  the  genitive 
with  vTTo,  when  the  agent  is  not  only  the  author  of  the  act,  but 
the  person  for  whose  benefit  the  act  is  performed.  K.  ^  284. 
11.  —  Tretpao-ai  to  TrveC/Aa,  to  tempt,  put  to  trial,  the  Spirit  as  pos- 
sessed by  the  apostles,  whether  he  can  be  deceived  or  not ;  see 
on  v.  3.  —  iSov  ot  TToSc?,  K.  T.  A.,  behold,  the  feet  of  those  ivho  buried 
thy  husband.  tSou  directs  attention  to  the  sound  of  their  foot- 
steps as  they  approached  the  door.  What  occurred  before  their 
entrance  occupied  but  a  moment. 

V.  10.  7rapaxprifj.a,  immediately  after  this  declaration  of  Peter 
It  is  evident  that  the  writer  viewed  the  occurrence  as  supernatu- 
ral. The  second  death  was  not  only  instantaneous,  like  the  first, 
but  took  place  precisely  as  Peter  had  foretold.  The  woman  lay 
dead  at  the  apostle's  feet,  as  the  men  entered  who  had  just  borne 
her  husband  to  the  grave. 

V.  11.  See  note  on  v.  5.  —  ^o'^os  fiiya^,  great  fear  came,  etc. 
To  produce  this  impression  both  in  the  church  and  out  of  it  was 
doubtless  one  of  the  objects  which  the  death  of  Ananias  and 
Sajiphira  was  intended  to  accomphsh.  The  punishment  inflicted 
on  them,  wliile  it  displayed  the  just  abhorrence  with  which  God 
looked  upon  this  particular  instance  of  prevarication,  w^as  impor- 
tant also  as  a  permanent  testimony  against  similar  offences  in 
every  age  of  the  church.  "  Such  severity  in  the  beginning  of 
Christianity,"  says  Benson,>  "  was  higlily  proper,  in  order  to  pre- 
vent any  occasion  for  lilce  punishments  for  the  time  to  come. 
Thus  Cain,  the  first  murderer,  was  most  signally  punished  by  the 
immediate  hand  of  God.  Thus,  upon  the  erecting  of  God's  tem- 
poral kingdom  among  the  Jews,  Nadab  and  Abihu  were  struck 
dead  for  offering  strange  fire  before  the  Lord.  And  Korah  and 
his  company  were  swallowed  up  alive  by  the  earth,  for  opposing 
Moses,  the  faithful  servant  of  God ;  and  the  two  hundred  and 
fifty  men,  who  ofiercd  incense  upon  that  occasion,  were  consumed 
by  a  fire,  which  came  out  from  the  Lord.  And,  lastly,  Uzzah,  for 
touching  the  ark,  fell  by  as  sudden  and  remarkable  a  divine  judg- 
ment, when  the  kingdom  was  going  to  be  estal)lished  in  the 
house  of  David,  to  teach  Israel  a  reverence  for  God  and  divine 
things.  Nay,  in  establishing  even  human  laws,  a  severe  punish- 
ment upon  the  first  transgressors  doth  oft  prevent  the  punishment 
of  others,  who  are  deterred  from  like  attempts  by  the  suffering  of 
the  first  criminals." 

1  Ilistoiy  of  the  First  Planting  of  the  Christian  Religion,  etc.,  Vol.  I.  p.  103 


Chap.  V,  12-14.  COMMENTARY.  103 


Verses   12-16.      The  Apostles  still  preach,  and  confirm  their  Testi- 
mony by  Miracles. 

V.  12.  8c,  now,  continuative. —  TroXXa  in  this  position  qualifies 
the  two  nouns  more  strongly  than  when  joined  with  the  first  of 
them,  as  in  2,  43.  The  first  and  last  places  in  a  Greek  sentence 
fflax-be  emphatic.  K.  k  348.  6.  —  kol  r^aav,  k.  t.  X.,  and  they  xoere 
all  with  one  mind  in  Solomon! s  porch,  i.  e.  from  day  to  day.  It  was 
their  custom  to  repair  thither  and  preach  to  the  people  whom 
they  found  in  this  place  of  pubhc  resort.  a-n-avTes  refers  to  the 
apostles  mentioned  in  the  last  clause  (Kuin.  Olsh.  Alf ).  Some 
understand  it  of  all  the  behevers  (Bng.  De  Wet.  Mey.)  ;  in  disre- 
gard both  of  the  natural  antecedent  and  of  the  improbability  that 
so  many  would  assemble  at  once  in  such  a  place.  The  apostles 
or  individuals  of  them  are  meant  certainly  in  v.  42  ;  and  from 
the  similarity  of  that  passage  to  this,  we  naturally  infer  that  Luke 
speaks  of  the  same  class  of  persons  here  as  there. 

V.  1 3.  tSv  l\  \onrwv,  hut  of  the  rest  who  did  not  belong  to  the  party 
of  the  apostles,  who  were  not  Christains,  the  same  evidently  who 
are  called  6  Xad?  just  below.  —  ovSets,  k.  t.  X.,  no  one  ventured  to  asso- 
ciate icith  them  (see  9,  26 ;  10,  28),  viz.  the  apostles  ;  ht.  join 
himself  to  them.  So  deeply  had  the  miracles  wi'ought  by  the 
apostles  impressed  the  Jewish  multitude,  that  they  looked  upon 
those  who  performed  them  with  a  sort  of  religious  awe,  and  were 
afraid  to  mingle  freely  with  them.  Xoittwv,  taken  as  above,  need 
not  include  any  but  unbelievers,  even  if  we  confine  aTravrc?  to  the 
apostles.  If  we  extend  aTravrcs  to  the  disciples  generally,  the 
notion  that  the  others  are  believers  as  well  as  unbelievers  (Alf), 
falls  away  still  more  decisively.  That  the  apostles  should  have 
inspired  their  fellow  Christians  with  a  feeling  of  dread,  disturbs 
all  our  conceptions  of  their  relations  to  each  other,  as  described  or 
intimated  elsewhere.  —  A  comma  is  the  proper  point  after  avTols. 

—  dXXa,  but,  as  opposed  to  what  they  refrained  from  doing.  — 
ljx€.ya\.vv(.v  avTovs,  magnified  them,  regarded  them  with  wonder  and 
extolled  them. 

V.  14.  This  verse  is  essentially  parenthetic,  but  contains  a  re- 
mark which  springs  from  the  one  just  made.  One  of  llie  ways 
in  which  the  people  testified  their  regard  for  the  Christians  was, 
that  individuals  of  them  were  constantly  passing  over  to  the  side 
of  the  latter.  —  fiaXXov  Si,  and  still  more,  comp.  9,  22  ;  Luke  5,  15. 

—  T<3  Kvpidi,  the  Lord,  here  Christ,  many  connect  with  Trto-rei'ovTes  : 
but  a  comparison  with  11,  24  shows  that  it  depends  rather  on  the 


104  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  V,  15-17. 

verb.  —  TrX-^Srj,  k.  t.  X.,  multitudes  both  of  men  and  xvomcn.  The 
additions  were  so  great  that  Luke  counts  them  no  longer  (see  1, 
15;  2,41  and  4,  4). 

V.  15.  <li(jT(.  binds  this  verse  to  v.  13.  We  have  here  an  iUus- 
tration  of  the  extent  to  which  the  people  carried  their  confidence 
in  the  apostles.  —  Kara  ras  7rXaT€ia§,  along  the  streets.  W.  ^  49.  d. 
—  €7rt  kAivcov  Koi  Kpa^ftoLTwv,  ujjon  beds  and  pallets.  The  latter  was 
a  cheaper  article  used  by  the  common  people.  See  Diet,  of  Antt 
art.  Lcctus ;  and.  R.  and  P.  Lex.  s.  o-ki/attods.  The  rich  and  the 
poor  grasped  at  the  present  opportunity  to  be  healed  of  their  dis- 
eases. Instead  of  kKwwv,  many  read  KXivapioiv,  little  beds,  with  ref- 
erence to  their  portable  size.  We  may  adojit  that  reading,  and 
yet  distinguish  the  terms  as  before  ;  for  these  couches  need  not 
have  been  larger  than  the  others  in  order  to  be  more  valuable. — 
ipxofj-ivov  UtTpov,  as  Peter  teas  jmssing.  The  genitive  does  not ' 
depend  on  aKtd,  but  is  absolute.  —  Ka.v  =  Kai  idv,  at  least,  so  much 
as  (vel  certe)  ;  comp.  Mark  6,  56;  2  Cor.  11,  16.  The  separate 
j)arts  can  hardly  be  traced  in  this  idiom.  Some  evolve  them 
from  an  ellipsis  :  in  order  that,  if  Peter  came,  he  might  touch  some 
of  them,  even  if  it  were  only  his  shadow  (Mey.).  See  Ivlotz  ad 
Devar.  Vol.  II.  p.  139  sq. 

V.  16.  da-^cvei?  omits  the  article  here,  but  has  it  in  v.  15.  It  is 
there  generic,  here  partitive :  sick,  sc.  persons.  K.  J  244.  8.  6^- 
Xovixivovi,  K.  T.  X.,  being  added  to  do-^evci?,  distinguishes  the  pos- 
sessed or  demoniacs  from  those  affected  by  ordinary  maladies ; 
comp.  8,  7.  —  aKoSdpTwv,  unclean,  i.  e.  morally  corrupt,  utterly 
wicked,  comp.  19,  12. 

Verses   17-25.     JReneiced  Imprisonment  of  the  Apostles,  and  their 
Escape. 

V.  17.  But  (8c)  this  success  (v.  16)  calls  forth  persecution. — 
a.va(yTd<;,  rising  vp,  not  from  his  seat  in  the  council  (for  the  council 
is  not  said  to  have  been  in  session),  but  as  it  were  menially,  becom- 
ing excited,  proceeding  to  act.  Kuinocl  calls  it  redundant.  See  fur- 
ther, on  9,  18. —  The  dpx'epcvs  is  probably  Annas,  who  was  before 
mentioned  under  that  title.  Some  suppose  Caiaphas,  the  actual 
high-priest,  to  be  intended.  See  on  4,  6.  —  oi  o-vv  avrw  are  not  his 
associates  in  the  Sanhedrim  (for  they  are  distinguished  from  these 
in  V.  21),  but,  according  to  the  more  obvious  relation  of  the  words 
to  aipto-is  Toij/  2a88ouKato)v,  those  wit.h  him,  in  sympathy  and  opinion, 
i.  e.  members  of  the  religious  sect  to  which  he  belonged  ;  comp. 
14,  4.     Josephus  states  that  most  of  the  higher  class  in  his  day 


Chap.  V,  18-21.  COMMENTARY.  105 

were  skeptics  or  Sadducees,  though  the  mass  of  the  people  were 
Pharisees.  —  l^-qKov,  indignation  (13,  45),  not  envy;  a  Hebraistic 
sense. 

V.  18.  £77-1  TOi's  a.TTouTo\ov%,  iipon  tlic  ajwstlcs,  viz.  Peter  (v.  29) 
and  others  of  them,  but  probably  not  the  entire  twelve.  They 
Avere  lodged  in  the  public  lorison,  so  as  to  be  kept  more  securely. 
It  is  far-fetched  to  suppose  that  Sij/xocrta  was  meant  to  suggest 
that  they  were  treated  as  common  malefactors. 

V.  19.  The  account  of  a  similar  escape  is  more  fuUy  related 
in  12,  7  sq.  —  8ta  r^s  vvkto's,  during  tite  night,  and  not  far  from  its 
close,  as  the  two  next  verses  seem  to  indicate.  Fritzsche  ^  con- 
cedes this  sense  of  Sta  here,  also  in  16,  9  and  17, 10,  but  pronounces 
it  entirely  abnormal.  Classic  usage,  it  is  true,  would  require 
through  thenigJtt,  its  entire  extent,  audit  would  then  follow  strangely 
enough  that  the  doors  of  the  prison  must  have  stood  open  for 
hours,  before  the  apostles  went  forth  from  their  confinement. 
Meyer  insists  on  that  as  the  true  meaning  here.  It  is  more  rea- 
sonable to  ascribe  to  Luke  a  degree  of  inaccuracy  in  the  use  of 
the  preposition.  See  W.  h  47.  i.  An  extreme  purism  in  some  cases 
is  one  of  Meyer's  faults  as  a  critic. —  -^voifc  rhi  ^vpa?,  opened  the 
doors  (see  12,  10),  which  were  Tlien  closed  again;  see  v.  23. — 
cfayaywv  avrov^,  having  hrought  them  forth,  while  the  keepers  were 
at  their  post  (v.  23),  but  were  restrained  by  a  divine  power  from 
seeing  them  (see  on  12,  10),  or  at  all  events  from  interposing  to 
arrest  them. 

V.  20.  7ro/3€i;€cr^€  and  XaXetre  are  present  because  they  denote 
acts  already  in  progress.  The  prisoners  were  to  proceed  on  their 
way  to  the  temple,  and  to  persist  there  in  proclaiming  the  offen- 
sive message.  See  on  3,  6.  —  to,  pry/Aara  rijs  C^ij^  TavTrjs,  the  U'ords 
of  this  life,  eternal  life  which  you  preach,  comj).  13,  26.  W.  ^  34. 
2.  b.  Olshausen  refers  TavT-rjs  to  the  angel :  this  life  of  which  I 
speak  to  you  ;  Lightfoot  to  the  Sadducees  :  this  life  which  they 
deny.  According  to  some  -rauTiys  belongs  to  the  entire  expression, 
these  words  of  If e ;  agreeing  as  a  Hebraism  vni\\  the  dependent 
noun,  instead  of  the  governing  one.  See  Green's  Gr.,  p.  265.  An 
adjective  may  be  so  used,  but  not  the  pronoun. 

V.  21.  vTTo  rov  opSpov,  at  early  daivn.  The  temple  had  already 
opened  its  gates  to  the  worshippers  and  the  trafiickcrs  (John  2, 
14  sq.)  accustomed  to  resort  thither.  Hence  the  apostles  could 
begin  their  work  of  instruction,  as  soon  as  they  an-ived.  The 
people  of  the  East  commence  the  day  much  earlier  than  is  cus- 

1  Fritzscliioram  Opusciila  Academica,  p.  165. 

14 


106  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  V,  22-26 

tomaiy  with  us.  The  arrangements  of  life  there  adjust  them- 
selves to  the  character  of  the  climate.  During  a  gi-eat  part  of  the 
year  in  Palestine,  the  heat  becomes  oppressive  soon  after  sun- 
rise, and  the  inhabitants,  therefore,  assign  their  most  important 
duties  and  labors  to  the  early  hours  of  the  day.  Nothing  is  more 
common  at  the  present  lime  than  to  see  the  villagers  going  forth 
to  their  employment  in  the  fields,  while  the  night  and  the  day  are 
still  struggling  with  each  other.  "Worship  is  often  performed  in  the 
synagogues  at  Jerusalem  before  the  sun  appears  above  Ohvet.  — 
Trapayevofjievos,  having  come,  i.  e.  to  the  place  of  assembly,  which 
was  probably  a  room  in  the  temple  (see  6, 14  ;  Matt.  27,  3  sq.),  and 
whence  apparently  the  chief  priest  and- his  coadjutors  sent  out  a 
summons  {a-weKaXeaav)  tO'  their  colleagues  to  hasten  together.  On 
some  occasions  the  Sanhcdrists  met  at  the  house  of  the  high-priest, 
see  Matt.  26,  57.  —  koI  n-ao-av  rrjv  yepovaLav,  and  all  the  eldership,  sen- 
ate connected  with  the  Sanhedrim  ;  comp.  4, 5  ;  22,  5.  The  promi- 
nence thus  given  to  that  branch  of  the  council  exalts  our  idea  of 
its  dignity.  The  term  reminds  us  of  men  who  were  venerable 
for  their  years  and  wisdom.  Kuinocl  would  emphasize  iraaav,  as 
if  the  attendance  of  that  order  was  full  at  this  time,  but  w^as  not 
always  so.  Some  (Lightf  Olsh.  Str.  Mey.)  think  that  this  was 
not  an  ordinary  session  of  the  Sanhedrim,  but  that  the  elders  of 
the  nation  at  large  were  called  upon  to  give  their  advice  in  the 
present  emergency. 

V.  22.  01  vTTfjpiTai,  the  servants  who  executed  the  orders  of  the 
Sanhedrim,  see  v.  26.  Seme  of  the  temi)le  guard  may  have 
acted  in  this  capacity.     See  on  4,  1. 

V.  24.  6  lepcv's,  the  priest  by  way  of  eminence  (1  Mace.  15.  1 ; 
Jos.  Antt.  6.  12.  1),  hence  =  dpxiepei's,  as  the  same  functionary  is 
termed  in  v.  17,  and  4,  6.  —  On  ot  d/ap^iepet?,  see  4,  6.  —  h-qiropow 
TTcpi  avTOiVy  icerc  picrplexed  concerning  them, '\.  e.  the  words  reported, 
not  the  apostles  (Mey.  Alf ).  Aoyovs  is  the  more  obvious  antece- 
dent, and,  besides,  nothing  would  embarrass  the  rulers  so  much  as 
the  circulation  of  such  reports  at  this  precise  moment.  —  tL  av  ykv- 
otTo  TovTo,  xchat  this  xcould  become,  how  it  would  affect  the  public 
mind  in  regard  to  the  Christians  and  their  doctrine.  toOto  refers 
to  the   miraculous   liberation,   and  confirms  what  was  said   of 


Verses  26-28.      They  are  arrested  again  and  brongU  before  the 
Council. 
V.  26.     For  <TTpaT77yd<?,  see  on  4,  1.  —  iva  /x^  Xi^ao-^wo-iv  we  are  to 
connect  probaljly  with  ov  /actu  )8tas :   They  brought  them  without  vio- 


Chap.  V,  28. 29.  COMMENTARY.  107 

lence  that  they  might  not  be  stoned.  icfio^ovvTo  yap  tov  Xaov,  for  they 
feared  the  people,  furms  a  parenthetic  remark,  the  logical  force 
of  which  is  the  same  as  if  it  had  stood  at  the  close  of  the  sen- 
tence. The  E.  versions  generally  (also  Mey.)  attach  the  last 
clause  to  icf)o(^ovvTo  instead  of  rjyayev,  but  the  proper  connectives 
after  verbs  of  fearing  are  yar;,  /xt/ttw?,  and  the  like,  and  not  iva  /xr). 
See  W.  ^  56.  2.  R.  Tischendorf  puts  a  comma  after  jSias,  instead 
of  a  colon,  as  in  some  editions. 

V.  28.      7rapayy€A.ta  TrapTjyyet'Aa/tev.       See   the   note  on  4,  17.  —  iirl 

T(3  ovofxart  tovtw,  iipon  (as  their  authority,  see  4,  18)  this  name, 
which  they  left  unspoken  as  well  known,  or  perhaps  disdained 
to  mention.  —  eVayayeiv  ....  aljua,  i.  e.  fix  upon  us  the  guilt  of  hav- 
ing shed  his  blood  as  that  of  an  innocent  person ;  comp.  Matt. 
23,35.  —  Tou  avSp(s)Trov  tovtov,  this  man,is  not  of  itself  contemptu- 
ous (comp.  Luke  23,  47  ;  John  7,  46),  but  could  have  that  turn 
given  to  it  by  the  voice,  and  was  so  uttered  probably  at  this  time. 

Verses  29-32.  The  Answer  of  Peter,  and  its  Effect. 
V.  29.  Kat  01  airoarToXoi,  and  the  other  apostles.  Peter  spoke  in 
their  name,  see  2,  14.  —  iru^ap^Civ  ....  avSpioTroL?.  The  Jews, 
though  as  a  conquered  nation  they  were  subject  to  the  Romans, 
acknowledged  the  members  of  the  Sanhedrim  as  their  legitimate 
rulers  ;  and  the  injunction  which  the  Sanhedrim  imposed  on  the 
apostles  at  this  time  emanated  from  the  highest  human  authority 
to  which  they  could  have  felt  that  they  owed  allegiance.  The 
injunction  which  this  authority  laid  on  the  apostles  clashed  with 
then-  religiou^^s  convictions,  their  sense  of  the  rights  of  the  infinite 
Ruler,  and  in  this  conflict  between  human  law  and  divine,  they 
declared  that  the  obhgation  to  obey  God  was  paramount  to  every 
other.  The  apostles  and  early  Christians  acted  on  the  principle, 
that  human  governments  forfeit  their  claim  to  obedience  when 
they  require  what  God  has  plainly  forbidden,  or  forbid  wbat  he 
has  required.  They  claimed  the  right  of  judging  for  themselves 
what  was  right  and  what  was  wrong,  in  reference  to  their  re- 
ligious and  their  political  duties,  and  they  regulated  their  conduct 
by  that  decision.  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that,  in  4,  19,  they  pro- 
pound this  principle  as  one  which  even  their  persecutors  could 
not  controvert,  i.  e.  as  one  which  commends  itself  to  every  man's 
reason  and  unperverted  moral  feelings.-'      In  applying  this  princi- 

'  Socrates  avowed  this  principle,  when  in  his  defence  he  said  to  his  judges 
■n-fi(rofj.ai  5e  fxciWov  tw  St^tS  -^  vfuv  (Plat.  Apol.  29  D)  :  and  unless  the  plea  be  valid, 
he  died  as  a  felon  and  not  as  a  martyr.  See  other  heathen  testimonies  to  the 
same  eti'ect  in  Wetstein's  Novum  Tcstamentum,  Vol.  II.  p.  478. 


108  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  V,  30-32. 

pie,  it  will  be  found  that  the  apostles  in  eveiy  instance  abstained 
from  all  forcible  resistance  to  the  public  authorities.  The}'^  re- 
fused utterly  to  obey  the  mandates  which  required  them  to  vio- 
late their  consciences,  but  they  endured  quietly  the  penalties 
which  the  executors  of  the  law  enforced  against  them.  They 
evaded  the  pursuit  of  their  oppressors  if  they  could  (2  Cor.  11, 
32.  33),  secreted  themselves  from  arrest  (12,  19),  left  their  prisons 
at  the  command  of  God,  yet  when  violent  hands  were  laid  upon 
them,  and  they  were  dragged  before  magistrates,  to  the  dungeon, 
or  to  death,  they  resisted  not  the  wrong,  but  "  followed  his  steps, 
who,  when  he  suffered,  threatened  not,  but  committed  himself  to 
Him  that  judgeth  righteously"  (1  Pet.  2,  22.  23). 

V.  30.  Twv  Traxepwv  recalls  to  mind  the  series  of  promises  which 
God  had  made  to  provide  a  Saviour,  comp.  3,  25.  —  •^eipev,  raised 
up,  sent  into  the  world  ;  comp.  3,  22  ;  13,  23.  So  Calvin,  Bengel, 
De  Wette,  and  others.  Some  supply  Ik  vi.Kpwv,  raised  vp  from  the 
dead;  but  that  idea  being  involved  in  vij/uxre  below,  would  intro- 
duce a  repetition  at  variance  with  the  brevity  of  the  discourse. — 
ov  v/Aets,  K.  T.  X.,  ivhom  ye  slew  (26,  21)  by  hanging ;  not  slew  and 
hung  (E.  v.). —  fu'Aov  =:  (TTo-vpov,  a  Hebraism.  It  occurs  especially 
where  the  Jews  are  spoken  of  as  having  crucified  the  Saviour 
(10,  39;  13,  29). 

V.  31.  6.pyiYf)v  Kox  (nsyrr]p<x\)Q\.o\ig  as  predicates  to  tovtov  :  this 
oMe  (as,  who  is)  a  prince  and  a  Saviour;  not  to  the  verb  :  exalted 
to  he  ajnince,  etc.,  (E.  V.).  —  ttj  Se^ia  avrov,  to  his  right  hand;  see 
note  on  2,  33.  —  hovvai  ^^ravoiav,  to  give  repentance,  i.  e.  the  grace 
or  disposition  to  exercise  it;  comp.  3,  16;  18,  27;  John  16,  7.  8. 
Some  understand  it  of  the  opportunity  to  repent,  or  the  pro- 
vision of  mercy  which  renders  repentance  available  to  the  sinner 
(De  Wet.).  The  expression  is  too  concise  to  convey  naturally 
that  idea, and  tottov  /Aeruiotas  is  enn)loyed  for  that  purpose  in  Heb. 
12,  17.  In  both  cases  the  exaltation  of  Christ  is  represented  as 
securing  the  result  in  question,  because  it  was  the  consummation 
of  his  work,  and  gave  effect  to  all  that  preceded. 

V.  32.  fidpTvp€<:  governs  here  two  genitives,  one  of  a  person, 
the  other  of  a  thing;  see  Phil.  2,  30 ;  Hob.  13,  7.  W.  i  30.  3.  R. 
3 ;  K.  ^  275.  R.  6.  Since  their  testimony  was  true,  they  must 
declare  it;  no  human  authority  could  deter  them  from  it,  comp. 
4,  20.  —  Kttt  ....  uyioj',  and  the  Holy  Spirit  (Se)  too  (so.  airov 
fidprvp)  is  his  A^ntncss.  —  tois  ireiSap^^ovaLV  avrw,  to  those  who 
obey  him,  i.  e.  by  receiving  the  gospel,  comp.  6,  7.  Many  suppose 
the  apostle  to  refer  chiefly  to  the  sjjccial  gifts  which  the  Spirit 
conferred  on  so  many  of  the  first  Christians,  in  order  to  confirm 


Chap.  V,  33-35.  COMMENTARY.  109 

their  faith  as  the  truth  of  God.  What  took  place  on  the  day  of 
Pentecost  was  a  testimony  of  this  nature,  and  that  or  some 
equivalent  sign  was  repeated  on  other  occasions  ;  comp.  10,  45  ; 
19,  6  ;  Mark  16,  20.  But  to  that  outward  demonstration  we  may 
add  also  the  inward  witness  of  the  Spirit,  which  believers  re- 
ceive as  the  evidence  of  their  adoption;  comp.  Rom.  8,  16;  Gal. 
4,  6 ;  1  John  3,  24.  Neander  interprets  the  language  entirely  of 
this  internal  manifestation.  Since  the  Holy  Spirit  testified  to  the 
gospel  in  both  ways,  and  since  the  remark  here  is  unqualified, 
we  have  no  reason  to  consider  the  expression  less  extensive  than 
the  facts  in  the  case. 

V.  33.  herrpiovTo,  ivere  convulsed  with  rage,  lit.  ivere  saivn  asunder, 
torn  in  pieces.  The  E.  V.  mipplies  "  to  the  heart,"  after  the  verb 
(see  7,  54),  but  the  Greek  text  has  no  such  reading.  Some 
render  saived  their  teeth,  gnashed  them ;  which  would  require  tovs 
oSovras  as  the  expressed  object  of  the  verb. — i/SovXevovro,  re- 
solved, determined,  see  27,  39,  and  John  12,  10  ;  but  on  the  repre- 
sentation of  Gamaliel  they  recalled  their  purpose.  The  issue 
was  averted,  and  hence  the  tense  is  imperfect.  Instead  of  pass- 
ing a  formal  vote,  it  is  more  probable  that  they  declared  their  in- 
tention by  some  tumultuous  expression  of  their  feelings.  The  verb 
may  denote  the  act  as  well  as  the  result  of  deliberation,  took 
counsel,  consulted ;  but  men  exasperated  as  they  were  would  not 
be  likely  to  pay  much  regard  to  parliamentary  decorum. 

Verses  34-39.     Tlie  Advice  of  Gamaliel. 

V.  34.  Tt/i-tos  governs  Xaw  as  alhed  to  words  denoting  judg- 
ment, estimation.  See  W,  S  31.  6.  b. ;  Mt.  ^388.  The  character 
which  Luke  ascribes  to  Gamaliel  in  this  passage  agrees  with 
that  which  he  bears  in  the  Talmud.  He  appears  there,  also,  as 
a  zealous  Pharisee,  as  unrivalled  in  that  age  for  his  knowledge 
of  the  law,  as  a  distinguished  teacher  (see  22,  3),  and  as  pos- 
sessing an  enlarged,  tolerant  spirit,  far  above  the  mass  of  his 
countrymen.  He  is  said  to  have  lived  still  some  fifteen  years  or 
more  after  this  scene  in  the  council.  See  Hertz.  Encyk.  Vol. 
IV.  p.  656.^ — ySpax^'  refers  evidently  to  time  (in  Wicl.,yo;-  a  ichile), 
not  to  space  (E.  V.). 

V.  35.  eiTTc.  What  follows  is  probably  an  outline  of  the 
speech. —  kin  rot?  avd^pw-n-oL?  tovtois  some  join  with  7rpocre;^£Te,  take 
heed  unto  yourselves  in  respect  to   these   men    ( E.  V.)  ;    others 

1  Ilei-tzog's'Real-Ency^klopaclie  fiii-  die  protestantische  Tlieologic  unci  Kirche. 


110  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  V,  36. 

with  Ti  fjiiXXerc  Trpacro-civ,  what  ye  are  about  to  do  in  respect  to 
these  men  (Knin.  De  "Wet.  Mey.).  Both  constructions  are  ad- 
missible (W.  ^  55.  4),  but  as  Trpao-o-ctv  Tt  Ittl  Tivi  is  not  uncommon 
in  Greek  (see  examples  in  Wctst.  N.  T.),  it  is  l)ctter  to  recog- 
nize an  instance  of  that  expression  here. 

V.  36.  Trpo  TovTUiv  Twv  r)fjiepC)v,  Before  these  times.  TMs  is  not 
the  first  time  that  zealots  or  seclitionists  have  appeared;  they 
may  have  come  forth  with  great  pretensions,  but  ere  long  have 
closed  their  career  with  defeat  and  ignominy.  For  the  sake  of 
effect  (obsei've  yap),  Gamaliel  puts  the  case  as  if  the  prisoners 
would  turn  out  to  be  persons  of  tlris  stamp ;  but  before  closing 
he  is  careful  to  remind  his  associates  that  there  was  another  pos- 
sibility; see  V.  39.  —  ©euSas.  Josephus  mentions  an  insur- 
rectionist, named  Theudas,  who  appeared  in  the  reign  of  Clau- 
dius, some  ten  years  after  the  delivery  of  this  speech.  Ga- 
maliel, therefore,  must  refer  here  to  another  man  of  this  name  ; 
and  this  man,  since  he  preceded  Judas  the  Galilean  (v.  37),  could 
not  have  lived  much  later  than  the  reign  of  Herod  the  Great. 
The  year  of  that  monarch's  death,  as  Josephus  states,  was  re- 
markably turbulent ;  the  laud  was  overrun  with  belhgerent  par- 
ties, under  the  direction  of  insurrectionary  chiefs,  or  fanatics. 
Josephus  mentions  but  three  of  these  disturbers  by  name  ;  he 
passes  over  the  others  with  a  general  allusion.  Among  those 
whom  the  Jewish  historian  has  omitted  to  name,  may  have  been 
the  Theudas  whom  Gamaliel  has  here  in  view.  The  name  was 
not  an  uncommon  one  ( Win.  Realw.  Vol.  II.  p.  609)  ;  and  it  can 
excite  no  surprise  that  one  Theudas,  who  was  an  insurgent, 
should  have  appeared  in  the  time  of  Augustus,  and  another,  fifty 
years  later,  in  the  time  of  Claudius.  Josephus  gives  an  account 
of  four  men  named  Simon,  who  followed  each  other  within  forty 
years,  and  of  three  named  Judas,  within  ten  years,  who  were  all 
instigators  of  rebellion.  Tins  mode  of  reconciling  Luke  with 
Josephus  is  approved  by  Lardner,  Bengel,  Kuinocl,  Olshauscn, 
Anger,  Winer,  and  others. i  Another  veiy  plausiijle  su})position 
is,  that  Luke's  Theudas  may  have  been  identical  with  one  of  the 
three  insurgents  whom  Josephus  designates  by  name.  Sonntag, 
who  agrees  with  those  who  adopt  this  view,  has  supported  it 
with  much  learning  and  ability."    He  maintains  that  the  Theudas 

'  Jost,  the  Jewish  historian  (Geschichte  dcr  Isracliten,  Band  II.  Anh.  p.  76) 
assents  to  this  explanation,  and  admits  the  credibility  of  Luke  as  well  as  of 
Josephus. 

*  In  the  Theologische  Studicn  und  Krifikcn,  1837,  p.  622  sq.,  tianshitod  by  the 
writer  in  the  Bibliotheca  Sacra,  1848,  p.  409  sq. 


Chap.  V,  37.  COMMENTAEY.  HI 

mentioned  by  Gamaliel  is  the  individual  who  occurs  in  Josephus 
under  the  name  of  Simon,  a  slave  of  Herod,  who  attempted  to 
make  himself  king,  in  the  year  of  that  monarch's  death.  He 
urges  the  following  reasons  for  that  opinion :  first,  this  Simon,  as 
he  was  the  most  noted  among  those  who  disturbed  the  public 
peace  at  that  time,  would  be  apt  to  occur  to  Gamaliel  as  an  illus- 
tration of  his  point ;  secondly,  he  is  described  as  a  man  of  the 
same  lofty  pretensions  (eTvat  afio?  cATrio-as  Trap'  ovrtvow  =  Ae'ywi/  etvat 
Tiva  iavTov) ;  thirdly,  he  died  a  violent  death,  which  Josephus  does 
not  mention  as  true  of  the  other  two  insurgents;  fourthly,  he 
appears  to  have  had  comparatively  few  adherents,  in  conformity 
with  Luke's  wo-ei  TcxjoaKocnW ;  and,  lastly,  his  having  been  origi- 
nally a  slave  accounts  for  the  twofold  appellation,  since  it  was 
very  common  among  the  Jews  to  assume  a  different  name  on 
changing  their  occupation  or  mode  of  life.  It  is  very  possible, 
therefore,  that  Gamaliel  speaks  of  him  as  Theudas,  because, 
having  borne  that  name  so  long  at  Jerusalem,  he  was  best  known 
by  it  to  the  members  of  the  Sandedrim ;  and  that  Josephus,  on 
the  contrary,  who  wrote  for  Romans  and  Greeks,  speaks  of  him 
as  Simon,  because  it  was  under  that  name  that  he  set  himself  up 
as  king,  and  in  that  way  acquired  his  foreign  notoriety.  (Tacit. 
Hist.  5.  9.)  —  There  can  be  no  valid  objection  to  either  of  the 
foregoing  suppositions ;  both  are  reasonable,  and  both  must  be 
disproved  before  Luke  can  be  justly  charged  with  having  com- 
mitted an  anachronism  in  this  passage.  —  c'vat  nva,  was  some  one 
of  importance,  rts  has  often  that  emphatic  force.  W.  §  25.  2.  c. 
V.  37.  'lovStts  6  raXiXatos,  k.  t.  A.  Josephus  mentions  this  Ju- 
das the  Galilean,  and  his  account  of  him  either  confirms  or  leaves 
undenied  every  one  of  the  particulars  stated  or  intimated  by 
Luke.  See  Bell.  Jud.  2.  8.  1  ;  Antt.  18.  1.6;  20.  5.  2.  He  calls 
him  twice  6  raXiXato?,  though  he  terms  him  also  6  FavAovtrT??  in 
Antt,  18.  1.  1.,  from  the  fact  that  he  was  born  at  Gamala,  in  lower 
Gaulonitis.  He  was  known  as  the  Galilean,  because  he  lived 
subsequently  in  Galilee  (De  Wet.),  or  because  that  province 
may  have  included  Gaulonitis.  The  epithet  sei-ved  to  distin- 
guish him  from  another  Judas,  a  revolutionist  who  appeared 
some  ten  years  earlier  than  this. —  Iv  rats  rj/xipai'i  r^?  a,7roypa<^7ys,  in 
the  days  of  the  registration,  i.  e.  in  this  instance,  of  persons  and 
property,  with  a  view  to  taxation  (Jos.  Antt.  15.  1.  1).  The 
d.Troypa<j>i]  in  Luke  2,  2,  which  is  so  carefully  distinguished  from 
this  tumult  and  which  took  place  at  the  birth  of  Christ,  is  sup- 
posed generally  to  have  been  a  census  merely  of  the  population. 
We  learn  from  Josephus,  that  soon  after  the  detln-oncment  of 


112  COMMENTARY.  Ciiap.V,  38. 39. 

Archclaus,  about  the  year  A,  D.  6  or  7,  the  Emperor  Augustus 
ordered  a  tax  to  be  levied  on  the  Jews.  The  payment  of  that 
tax  Judas  instigated  the  people  to  resist,  on  the  ground  of  its 
being  a  violation  of  their  allegiance  to  Jehovah  to  pay  tribute  to 
a  foreign  power ;  comp.  Matt.  22,  17.  He  took  up  arms  in  defence 
of  this  principle,  and  organized  a  powerful  opposition  to  the 
Roman  government.  —  Ka.Ketvo';,  k.  t.  \.  Josephus  relates  that 
this  rebellion  was  effectually  suppressed,  and  that  many  of  those 
who  had  taken  part  in  it  were  captured  and  crucified  by  the  Ro- 
mans. He  says  nothing  of  the  fate  of  Judas  himself  SteaKup- 
Tvia-^yja-av,  ivere  dispersed,  describes  very  justly  such  a  result  of 
the  enterprise.  Coponius  was  then  procurator  of  Judea,  and 
Quirinus,  or  Cyrenius  (Luke  2,  2),  was  proconsul  of  Syria. 

V.  38.  Kol  ra  vvv,  and  note,  in  the  light  of  such  examples.  — 
ctto-arc  avTous,  let  them  alone ;  not  sc.  d-TreX^etv,  suffer  them  to  depart.  — 
l^  avSpwTTwv,  from  men  in  distinction  from  God  (v.  39),  comp  Matt. 

21,  25.  —  r]  /3ovXr) TovTo,  this  j^lan,  enterprise,  or  (more  correctly) 

work,  since  it  was  already  in  progress. —  KaTaXvSriaeTai,  will  be 
frustrated,  i.  e.  without  any  interference  on  your  part. 

V.  39.  In  €1  ...  .  IcTTLv  (comp.  lav  77  just  before),  the  speaker 
reveals  his  sympathy  with  the  prisoners.  See  on  4,  9,  Without 
declaring  the  truth  to  be  on  their  side,  he  at  least  argues  the 
question  from  that  point  of  view.  —  /at^ttotc  ....  evpeSrjre.  Critics 
differ  as  to  the  dependence  of  this  clause.  Some  supply  before 
it  opare  or  an  equivalent  word  (see  Luke  21,  34)  :  Take  heed  lest 
1JC  he  found  {in  the  end)  also  fighting  against  God,  as  well  as  men 
(Grot.  Kuin.  Rob.).  Others  find  the  elhpsis  in  ov  hvvaa-^e.  KaraXvaai 
avTovs,  thus :  Ye  cannot  destroy  them  (more  correct  than  avro)  and 
therefore,  I  say,  should  not  attempt  it,  lest  ye  also,  etc.,  (Bug.  Mey.). 
Ktti,  in  both  cases,  includes  naturally  the  idea  both  of  the  impiety 
and  the  futility  of  the  attempt.  De  Wette  assents  to  those  who 
connect  the  words  with  ida-are  avrovs,  in  the  last  verse.  Tiiis  is 
the  simplest  construction,  as  /A^Trore  follows  appropriately  after 
such  a  vcrl),  and  the  sense  is  then  complete  without  su[)plying 
anything.  In  this  case  some  editors  would  put  what  intervenes 
in  1)rackets ;  but  that  is  incorrect,  inasmuch  as  the  caution  here 
presupposes  the  alternative  in  ci  8k  iK^eov  icmv.  —  The  advice  of 
Gamahel  was  certainly  remarkable,  and  some  of  the  early  Chris- 
tian fathers  went  so  far  as  to  ascribe  it  to  an  unavowed  attach- 
ment to  the  gospel.  The  supposition  has  no  historical  sup})ort ; 
and  there  are  other  motives  which  explain  his  conduct.  Gama- 
liel, as  Neander  remarks,  was  a  man  who  had  discernment 
enough  to  see  that,  if  this  were  a  fanatical  movement,  it  would 


Chap.  Y,  40-42.  COMMENTARY.  113 

be  rendered  more  violent  by  opposition ;  that  all  attempts  to  sup- 
press what  is  insignificant  tend  only  to  raise  it  into  more  im- 
portance. On  the  other  hand,  the  manner  in  which  the  apostles 
spoke  and  acted  may  have  produced  some  impression  upon  a 
mind  not  entirely  prejudiced,  and  so  much  the  more,  since  their 
strict  obseivance  of  the  law,  and  their  hostile  attitude  towards 
Sadduceeism,  must  have  rendered  him  favorably  disposed  towards 
them.  Hence  the  thought  may  have  arisen  in  his  mind  that, 
possibly,  after  all,  there  might  be  something  divine  in  their  cause. 

Verses  40-42.      Tlie  Apostles  suffer  joyfully  for  Christ,  and  cUpart 
to  preach  him  aneio. 

V.  40.  iTreLoSrjcrav  avria,  were  persuaded  by  him,  i.  e.  to  sj)are 
the  lives  of  the  apostles,  whom  they  had  (see  v.  33)  resolved  to 
put  to  death.  They  could  not  object  to  the  views  of  GamaHel, 
they  were  so  reasonable  ;  they  were  probably  influenced  still 
more  by  his  personal  authority.  Still  their  rage  demanded  some 
satisfaction ;  they  must  punish  the  heretics,  if  they  could  not  slay 
them.  —  Sctpavre?,  having  scourged.  The  instrument  frequently 
used  for  this  purpose  was  a  whip,  or  scourge,  consisting  often 
of  two  lashes  "  knotted  with  bones,  or  heavy  indented  circles  1 
of  bronze,  or  terminated  by  hooks,  in  which  case  it  was  aptly  I 
denominated  a  scorpion.''  Diet,  of  Antt.,  art.  Flagrum.  The 
punishment  was  inflicted  on  the  naked  back  of  the  sufferer  : 
comp.  16,  22.  A  single  blow  would  sometimes  lay  the  flesh  open 
to  the  bones.  Hence,  to  scourge  a  person  (Setpoj)  meant  properly 
to  excoriate,  flay  him.  Paul  says  that  he  suffered  this  punish- 
ment five  times  (2  Cor.  14,  24.).  It  is  .affecting  to  remember  that 
the  Saviour  was  subjected  to  this  laceration; 

V.  41.  01 /xe'v.  The  antithesis  does  not  follow.  —  ow,  illative, 
i.  e.  in  consequence  of  their  release.  —  on,  because,  appends  an 
explanation  of  ;)(atpovTes,  rejoicing,  not  of  the  verb.  —  vitlp  tov 
6voyu,aT05,  in  behalf  of  the  name,  i.  e.  of  Jesus,  which  is  omitted, 
either  because  it  has  occurred  just  before,  or  more  properly  be- 
cause "  the  name"  was  a  familiar  expression  among  the  disciples, 
and  as  such  required  no  addition  (comp.  3  John  v.  7).  It  is  a 
loss  to  our  religious  dialect  that  the  term  in  this  primitive  sense 
has  fallen  into  disuse.  The  common  text,  indeed,  reads  airov 
after  ovo/xaro?,  but  \vithout  sufficient  authority.  —  KaTrjiud^rjaav 
aTLixaa-^rjvai, —  a  bold  Qxymorpn,  —  were  accounted  icorthy  to  be 
disgraced.  For  an  explanation  of  the  paradox,  see  Luke  16,  15. 
The  verbs  refer  to  different  standards  of  judgment. 

V.  42.     Kar  oIkov,  from  house  to  house,  or  at  home,  refers  to  their 
15 


114  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  VI,  1.  2. 

private  assemblies  in  difTerent  parts  of  the  city  as  distinguished 
from  their  labors  in  the  temple.  Those  who  reject  the  distributive 
sense  in  2,  46,  reject  it  also  here.  —  ovk  iiravovTo  StSao-Koi'Tes,  ceased 
not  to  teach,  in  defiance  of  the  prohibition  which  blows  as  well 
as  words  had  just  now  enforced  on  them  (v.  40).  The  Greek  in 
such  a  case  employs  a  participle,  not  the  infinitive,  as  the  com- 
plement of  the  verb.  K.  ^  310.  4.  f  ;  W.  ^  45.  4.  —  cvayycXi^o'/Aevot, 
K.  T.  X.,  announcing  the  glad  tidings  of  the  Christ  (first  as  em- 
phatic) Jestcs;  the  latter  the  subject  here,  the  former  the  predi- 
cate (comp.  9,  20.  22).     This  clause  defines  the  preceding  one. 


fk_ JS'^j, 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Verses  1-7.     Appointment  of  Alms- Distributers  in  the  Cliurch  at 
Jerusalem. 

V.  1.  iv  Tol^  7//Ae/3ai5  raurat?,  in  these  days.  See  on  1,  15.  We 
may  assign  the  events  in  this  chapter  to  the  year  A.  D.  35.  They 
relate  more  or  less  directly  to  the  history  of  Stephen,  and  must 
have  taken  place  shortly  before  his  death,  which  was  just  before 
Paul's  conversion.  —  TrXT^^vvoi/rwi',  becoming  numerous.  —  ruiv  'EXX-rj- 
vLo-Twv  should  be  rendered,  not  Greeks  =''EX\rjv£s,  but  Bellcjiists. 
They  were  the  Jewish  members  of  the  church  who  spoke  the 
Greek  language.  The  other  party,  the  Hebrews,  were  the  Pales- 
tine JcAvs,  who  spoke  the  Syro-Chaldaic,  or  Aramaean.  See 
Win.  Chald.  Gr.  p.  10  sq.  —  7rape3^€u>povvTo,  icere  overlooked,  is  im- 
perfect, because  the  neglect  is  charged  as  one  that  was  common. 
—  Slukovlo.,  ministration,  distribution  of  alms,  i.  e.  either  of  food  or 
the  money  necessary  to  jjrocure  it.  Olshausen  argues  for  the 
former  from  -rrj  KaS-q/jiepivfj. 

V.  2.  01  SojSeKtt,  the  twelve.  Mattliias  must  have  been  one  of 
them,  and  the  validity  of  his  choice  as  an  ajiostle  is  placed  here, 
beyond  doubt.  See  on  1,  26.  —  to  irXrjSo^  twv  fxaS-qrCiv,  the  multi- 
tude, mass,  of  the  disciples.  ■  It  has  been  objected,  that  they  had 
become  too  numerous  at  this  time  to  assemble  in  one  jjlace.  It 
is  to  be  recollected,  as  De  Wette  suggests,  that  many  of  those 
who  had  been  converted  were  foreign  Jews,  and  had  left  the  city 
ere  this. —  rj/xa-;  KaTaActi/zavra?,  k.  t.  A.,  that  we,  forsaking  the  word 
of  God,  etc.  It  is  not  certain,  from  the  narrative,  1o  what  extent 
this  labor  of  providing  for  tlie  poor  had  been  performed  by  the 


Chap.  VI,  3.  4.  COMMENTARY.  115 

apostles.  The  followang  remarks  of  Ptothe  present  a  reasonable 
view  of  that  question.  "  The  apostles,  at  first,  appear  to  have 
applied  themselves  to  this  business  ;  and  to  have  expended  per- 
sonally the  common  funds  of  the  church.  Yet,  occupied  as  they 
were  with  so  many  other  more  important  objects,  they  could  have 
exercised  only  a  general  oversight  in  the  case,  and  must  have 
committed  the  details  of  the  matter  to  others.  Particular  indi- 
viduals may  not  have  been  appointed  for  this  purpose  at  the 
beginning ;  and  the  business  may  have  been  conducted  in  an 
informal  manner,  without  any  strict  supervision  or  immediate 
direction  on  the  part  of  the  apostles.  Under  such  circumstances, 
especially  as  the  number  of  believers  was  increasing  every  day, 
it  could  easily  happen  that  some  of  the  needy  were  overlooked  ; 
and  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  Hellenistic  Christians  had  occa- 
sion to  complain  of  the  neglect  of  the  widows  and  other  poor 
among  them."i  The  complaint,  therefore,  implied  no  censure  of 
the  a])Ostles,  but  was  brought  naturally  to  them,  both  on  account 
of  their  position  in  the  church,  and  the  general  relation  sustained 
by  them  to  the  system  under  which  the  grievance  had  arisen. — 
SiaKovetv  rpairet,aL<;,  to  serve  tables,  provide  for  them,  comp.  Luke  4, 
39 ;  8,  3.  Some  render  the  noun  money -tables,  counters,  as  in 
John  2,  15;  but  the  verb  connected  with  it  here  forbids  that 
sense.  The  noun  is  plural,  because  several  tables  were  support- 
ed. "  Locutio  indignitatem  aliquam  exprimit ;  antitheton  minis- 
terium  verbi"  CBng.). 

V.  3.  iTrta-Keij/aaSe,  k.  t.  A..,  look  ye  out,  etc.  The  selection, 
therefore,  was  made  by  the  body  of  the  church ;  the  apostles 
confirmed  the  choice,  as  we  see  from  Karacm^o-o/Aev,  ive  will  ap- 
point, and  from  the  consecration  in  v.  6.  Karacrr^/o-w^cv  (T.  l^,.),we 
may  appoint  (E.  V.),  is  a  spurious  form.  —  fj^apTvpovfj-ivovs,  testified 
to,  of  good  repute,  see  10,  22  and  16,  2. — XP^''^^,  business,  lit.  an 
affair  which  is  held  to  be  necessary. 

V.  4.  ttJ  -n-poaevxri,  the  (service  of)  prayer.  The  article  points 
out  the  importance  of  the  duty  (1,  14).  Prayer,  evidently  in  this 
connection  for  the  success  of  the  word,  is  recognized  as  their 
legitimate  work,  as  much  as  preaching.  —  Trpoa-KapTep^crofiev,  ice 
will  give  ourselves.  This  remark  does  not  imply  that  they  had 
been  diverted  already  from  their  proper  work,  but  that  they 
wished  to  guard  against  that  in  future,  by  committing  this  care 
to  others.  They  now  saw  that  it  required  more  attention  than 
they  had  bestowed  upon  it. 

'  Die  Anfiinge  der  Cliristlidien  Kirchc  unci  ilu-er  Vcrfassung,  p.  164. 


116  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  VI,  5-7. 

V.  5.  avSpa,  K.  T.  X.,  a  man  full  of  faith  and  of  the  Holy  Spirit. 
"We.  may  retain  dyioi;,  but  the  \vord  is  uncertain.  The  same 
terms  describe  the  character  of  Barnabas  in  11,  24. —  OfP/«7?/?, 
we  read  again  in  8,  8  sq.  ;  21,  8.  The  others  are  not  kno^vn 
out  of  this  passage.  Tliat  Nicolaus  was  the  founder  of  the 
sect  mentioned  in  Rev.  2,  6,  is  a  conjecture  without  proof. 
Many  have  supposed  that  the  entire  seven  were  chosen  from  the 
aggrieved  party.  Gieseler  thinks  that  three  of  them  may  have 
been  Hebrews,  three  Hellenists,  and  one  a  proselyte.  Ch.  Hist. 
h  25.  Their  Greek  names  decide  notliing ;  see  on  1,  23.  The 
distributers  would  be  taken  naturally  from  both  sides,  but  in 
what  proportion  we  cannot  tell.  It  would  depend  on  their  per- 
sonal traits,  after  all,  more  than  on  their  nationality,  whether  thoy 
were  able  to  satisfy  the  disaffected.  —  Luke  does  not  term  the 
men  liaKovoi,  though  we  have  an  approach  to  that  appellation  in 
V.  2.  In  21,  8,  they  are  called  the  Seven.  Some  of  the  ancient 
writers  regarded  them  as  the  first  deacons ;  others,  as  entirely  dis- 
tinct from  them.  The  general  opinion  at  present  is,  that  this 
order  arose  from  the  institution  of  the  Seven,  but  by  a  gradual 
extension  of  the  sphere  of  duty  at  fii-st  assigned  to  them. 

V.  6.  eTreSrjKav,  viz.  the  apostles.  The  nature  of  the  act  dic- 
tates this  change  of  the  subject.  The  imposition  of  hands,  as 
practised  in  appointing  persons  to  an  office,  was  a  symbol  of  the 
impartation  of  the  gifts  and  graces  which  they  needed  to  qualify 
them  for  the  office.  It  was  of  the  nature  of  a  prayer  that  God 
would  bestow  the  necessary  gifts,  rather  than  a  pledge  that  they ' 
were  actually  conferred. 

V.  7.  The  prosperity  related  here  is  a  proof  that  harmony  had 
been  restored,  and  that  the  prayers  and  labors  of  the  apostles 
had  suffered  no  interruption.  —  6  Adyos,  k.  t.  \.,  the  %oord  of  God 
grew,  spread  and  strengthened  itself  as  a  system  of  belief  or 
doctrine.  The  next  clause  repeats  the  idea  concretely  by  stating 
how  rapidly  the  recipients  of  this  faith  were  multiplied.  See 
note  on  12,  24. —  ttoXu's  tc,  k.  t.  A.,  and  a  great  multitude  of  j^riests. 
According  to  Ez.  2,  36-38,  the  priests  amounted  to  4,289  at  the 
time  of  the  return  from  Babylon.  They  must  have  been  still 
more  numerous  at  this  period.  Such  an  accession  of  such  con- 
verts was  a  signal  event  in  the  early  history  of  the  church.  — 
T]7  TTio-Tci,  tJie  faith,  faith-system,  i.  e.  the  gospel;  comj).  Rom.  1, 
5  :  Gal.  1,  23,  etc.  This  mode  of  epitomizing  the  plan  of  salva- 
tion confirms  the  Protestant  view  of  it,  in  opposition  to  that  of 
the  Catholics.     See  Rom.  11,  6. 


Chap.  Aa,  8.  9.  COMMENTARY.  117 

Verses  8-15.    The  Zeal  of  Stephen  and  Ids  Yioknt  Apprehension. 

V.  8.  ■7rXrip'q<i  ;(aptro?,  fall  of  grace,  i.  e.  by  metonymy,  of  gifts 
not  inherent,  but  conferred  by  divine  favor,  see  v.  3.  This  is  the 
correct  word  rather  than  Trto-retos,  wliich  some  copies  insert  from 
V.  5. — Swa/Acws,  ^;ozre/-,  efficiency  (1,  8)  which  was  one  of  the  gifts, 
and  as  indicated  by  the  next  words,  inchided  an  abihty  to  work 
miracles.  —  I-oUl  (iraperf )  shows  that  he  repeated  the  mhacles. 

V.  9.  Ttves  ....  At^cprtVojv,  certain  from  the  synagogue  so 
called  of  the  Libertines,  i.  e.  libertini,  f reed-men,  viz.  Jews,  or  the 
sons  of  Jews,  who  having  been  slaves  at  Rome,  had  acquired 
their  freedom,  and,  living  now  at  Jerusalem,  maintained  a 
separate  synagogue  of  their  own.  When  Pompey  overran  Ju- 
dea,  about  B.  C.  63,  he  carried  a  vast  number  of  the  Jews  to 
Rome,  where  they  were  sold  into  slavery.  Most  of  these,  or 
their  childi-en,  the  Romans  afterwards  liberated,  as  they  found  it 
inconvenient  to  have  servants  who  Avere  so  tenacious  of  the  pe- 
culiar rites  of  their  religion.  The  Jews  usually  named  their 
spiagogues  from  the  countries  whence  those  who  attended  them 
had  come,  and  hence  Luke  inserts  here  r^s  Aeyoju,eV7ys,  the  so  called, 
in  order  to  reconcile  the  ear  as  it  were  to  this  ahnost  unheard  of 
designation.  Some  contend  that  At/SeprtVwi/  is  also  a  patrial 
name,  Libertinians,  i.  e.  Jews  from  a  place  named  Libertum. 
Not  only  lias  the  participle  no  apparent  force  in  this  case,  but  the 
existence  of  such  a  to\vn  is  altogether  uncertain. — Koi  Kvp-qvaiwu, 
K.  T.  A.  The  construction  here  is  doubtful.  The  simplest  view 
is  that  which  repeats  Ttve9  before  each  of  the  genitives  with  the 
implication  that  the  Cyreneans,  Alexandrians,  Cilicians  and 
Asiatics  formed  so  many  distinct  synagogues,  i  e.  including  the 
Libertines,  five  different  assemblies  in  all  (De  Wet.  Mey.).  The 
Rabbinic  writers  say,  with  some  exaggeration,  no  doubt,  that  Je- 
rusalem contained  four  hundred  and  eighty  synagogues.  twv 
would  be  proper  before  Kvprjvatwv  and  'AAefavSpewv,  but  as  they 
refer  to  towns  well  known,  could  be  omitted  as  before  Ai-yuTn-iajv 
in  7,  22  and  QeaaaXovLKewv  in  20,  4.  —  tS)v  oltto  KiXi/ciaj  may 
be  simply ^Kt/ViKes,  and  the  article  does  not  arise,  necessarily,  out 
of  a  different  relation  to  nves.  Some  repeat  Ik  r^s  crwaywy^s  as  well 
as  Ttv€s  before  the  successive  genitives  with  the  same  result,  of 
course,  as  to  the  number  of  synagogues.  It  is  awkward  to  suji- 
ply  so  many  words,  and  also  to  shut  up  r^s  Xeyo/xevr]?  to  the  first 
clause,  as  we  must  in  that  case,  since  it  is  so  plainly  inappropri- 
ate to  the  other  names.  According  to  others  we  are  to  connect 
KvprjvaiiDv  koL  'AXe$avSpiu)v  with  Ai/SeprtVtov,  understanding  these 


118  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  TI,  10-13. 

tltree  classes  to  constitute  one  synagogue,  and  the  Cilicians  and 
Asiatics  to  constitute  another.  See  W.  H9.  5,  marg.  It  maybe 
objected  to  this,  (though  no  interpretation  is  wholly  unencum- 
bered) that  it  unites  Xeyofxevr}?  too  closely  (for  the  reason  given 
above)  with  the  second  and  third  noun,  and  also  that  so 
large  a  number  of  foreign  Jews  as  the  populous  cities  referred 
to  would  be  likely  to  send  to  Jerusalem,  could  not  meet  con- 
veniently in  a  single  place  of  worship.  Wieseler,  (Chrouologie, 
p.  63)  in  support  of  his  opinion  that  Paul  acquired  his  Roman 
citizenship  (22,  28)  as  libertimis  or  the  descendant  of  a  Kbertimis, 
would  take  Kai  before  Kvp^/vatwv  as  explicative,  namely,  to 
u-it ;  so  that  they  were  all  libertini,  and  belonged  to  one  syna- 
gogue. This  is  extremely  forced  and  arbitrary.  —  Among  the 
Cilicians  who  disputed  with  Stephen  may  have  been  Saul  of 
Tarsus,  see  7,  58.     For  the  extent  of  Asia,  see  on  2,  9. 

V.  10.  T(3  irvtvii-aTL,  the  Spirit,  see  v.  5.  —  In  <S  iXaXei,  loith  ivhich 
he  spake,  the  relative  belongs  in  sense  to  both  nouns,  but  agrees 
with  the  nearest;  comp.  Luke  21,  15.  Stephen  experienced  the 
truth  of  the  promise  recorded  in  that  passage. 

Y.  11.  vrri^aXov,  secrethj  instnicted,  suborned.  It  was  con- 
certed between  them  what  should  be  said,  and  to  what  point  it 
should  be  directed. — /3Aacr^r//Aa,  hlasphcmous  in  the  judicial  sense, 
which  made  it  a  capital  offence  to  utter  such  Avords.  Contempt 
of  Moses  and  his  institutions  was  contempt  of  Jehovah,  and 
came  witliin  the  scope  of  the  law  against  blasphemy  as  laid  down 
in  Deut.  13,  6-10.  It  was  on  this  charge  that  the  Jews  pro- 
nounced the  Saviour  worthy  of  death  ;  see  Matt.  26,  60  sq. 

V.  12.  Toi)s  TT/DccrySurcpovs  kclL  tous  ypajnyxarct?,  the  elders  and  tJie 
scribes,  i.  e.  those  of  these  classes  who  belonged  to  the  Sanhe- 
drim. The  appeal  was  made  more  especially  to  them,  because, 
ii  addition  to  their  influence,  they  were  mostly  Pharisees,  and 
the  present  accusation  M-as  of  a  nature  to  arouse  especially  the 
spirit  of  that  sect.  Hence  they  take  the  lead  at  this  time,  rather 
than  the  Sadducees.  —  (rvvripiraaav.  The  subject  here  is  strictly 
Tiv^s  (see  V.  9),  but  we  think  of  them  naturally  as  acting  in  con- 
cert with  those  whom  they  had  instigated  to  join  \\\W\  them. 

"V.  13.  icrrqaav,  placed  before  them,  introduced  (see  4,  7) ; 
others,  set  up,  procured.  —  fxdpTvpa'i  i/zcv-Sfi?,  false  witnesses.  They 
accused  Stephen  of  having  spoken  contemptuously  of  the  law 
and  the  temple,  and  of  having  blasphemed  Moses  and  God. 
Their  testimony  in  that  form  was  grossly  false.  It  was  opposed 
to  ( very  thing  which  Ste})hen  had  said  or  meant.  Yet,  as  Mean- 
der and  others   suggest,   he  had  undoubtedly  taught  that   the 


CiiAP.  VI,  14.  15.  COMMENTARY.  119 

Christian  dispensation  was  superior  to  that  of  Moses ;  that  the 
gospel  was  designed  to  supersede  Judaism ;  that  the  law  was 
unavailing  as  a  source  of  justification ;  that,  henceforth,  true 
worship  would  be  as  acceptable  to  God  in  one  place  as  another. 
In  the  clearness  with  which  Stephen  apprehended  these  ideas, 
he  has  been  justly  called  the  forerunner  of  Paul.  His  accusers 
distorted  his  language  on  these  points,  and  thus  gave  to  their 
charge  the  only  semblance  of  justification  which  it  possessed.  — 
For  av^ptoTTos  ouTos,  see  5,  28.  —  ov  iraverai,  does  not  cease,  betrays 
the  exaggerating  tone  of  a  "  swift  witness."  —  tov  tottov  tov  ayiov, 
the  lioly  place,  is  the  temple  (21,  28;  Ps.  24,  3,  etc.),  in  some  part 
of  which  they  were  assembled,  as  appears  from  tovtov  in  the 
next  verse. 

V.  14.  Ae'yoi^os,  k.t.X.  They  impute  to  Stephen  these  words,  as 
authorizing  the  inference  in  v.  13.  —  ovTo<i,tlds  one,  repeats  'It^o-oCs, 
with  a  tone  of  contempt. —  KaraXvau,  will  destroy,  etc.  It  is  not 
impossible  that  he  had  reminded  them  of  the  predictions  of 
Christ  respecting  the  destruction  of  the  city  and  the  temple.  — 
TOTTOV  Tovrov,  thls  place,  because  the  present  session  was  held  in 
some  room  or  court  of  the  temple.  —  l^-q,  customs  required  to  be 
observed,  hence  laws,  as  in  15,  1;  21,  21,  etc.  —  Trape8wK£v  may 
apply  to  what  is  written  as  well  as  what  is  oral  (R.  and  P. 
Lex.  s.  v.). 

V.  15.  drevto-avT-es  eh  avrov,  k.  t.  k.  They  were  all  gazing  upon 
him,  as  the  })rincipal  object  of  interest  in  the  assembly,  and  so 
much  the  more  at  that  moment  in  expectation  of  his  rei)ly  to  so 
heinous  a  charge.  The  radiance,  therefore,  which  suddenly 
lighted  up  the  countenance  of  Stephen,  was  remarked  by  every 
one  present.  That  what  they  saw  was  merely  a  natural  expres- 
sion of  the  serenity  which  pervaded  his  mind,  can  hardly  be  sup- 
posed. u)o-£t  Trpoo-wTTov  dyjiWov,  as  if  the  face  of  an  angel,  seems 
to  overstate  the  idea,  if  it  be  reduced  to  that;  for  the  comparison 
is  an  unusual  one,  and  the  Jews  supposed  the  visible  a})pearance 
of  angels  to  correspond  with  their  superhuman  rank;  comp.  1, 
10  ;  Matt.  28,  3  ;  Luke  24,  4  ;  Rev.  18,  1,  etc.  The  countenance 
of  Stephen,  like  that  of  Moses  on  his  descent  from  the  mount, 
shone  probably  with  a  preternatural  lustre,  proclaiming  him  a 
true  witness,  a  servant  of  Him  whose  glory  was  so  fitly  sym- 
bolized by  such  a  token.  The  occasion  was  worthy  of  the 
miracle. 


120  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  VU. 

CHAPTER    YII. 

Discourse  of  Stephen  before  the  Sanhedrim. 

The  speaker's  main  object  maybe  considered  as  twofold;  — 
fij-st,  to  show  that  the  charge  against  him  rested  on  a  false  view 
of  the  ancient  dispensation,  —  not  on  his  part,  but  on  that  of  his 
accusers ;  and,  secondly,  that  the  Jews,  instead  of  manifesting  a 
true  zeal  for  the  temple  and  the  law  in  their  opposition  to  the 
gospel,  were  again  acting  out  the  unbelieving,  rebellious  spirit 
which  led  their  fathers  so  often  to  resist  the  will  of  God,  and 
reject  his  greatest  favors.  It  appears  to  me  that  the  latter  was 
the  uppermost  idea  in  Stephen's  mind,  both  because  it  occupies 
so  much  space  in  the  body  of  the  address  (v.  27.  39-44),  and 
because,  near  the  close  of  what  is  said  (v.  51  sq.),  it  is  put 
forward  very  much  as  if  he  regarded  it  as  the  conclusion  at 
which  he  had  been  aiming.  It  may  be  objected,  that  this  view 
renders  the  discourse  aggressive,  criminatoiy,  in  an  unusual  de- 
gree ;  but  we  are  to  remember  that  Stephen  (see  on  v.  54),  was 
interrupted,  and  but  for  that,  in  all  probabilty,  after  having  ex- 
posed the  guilt  of  his  hearers,  he  Avould  have  encouraged  them 
to  repent  and  believe  on  the  Saviour  whom  they  had  crucified. 
(Bmg.  has  a  remark  to  the  same  effect.)  Yet  both  parts  of  the 
speech,  as  so  understood,  converge  to  one  point,  viz.,  that  the 
speaker  was  not  guilty  of  maligning  the  ancient  economy  ;  first, 
because  even  under  that  dispensation  the  divine  favor  was  be- 
stowed independently  of  the  law;  and,  secondly,  because  the 
teachers  of  that  economy  held  up  the  same  view  of  its  spiritual 
nature,  and  encountered  a  similar  opposition. 

In  the  interpretation  of  the  speech,  I  proceed  on  the  principle 
that  most  of  Stephen's  hearers  were  so  well  acquainted  with  his 
peculiar  views,  with  his  arguments  in  support  of  them,  and  his 
mode  of  illustration,  that  they  had  no  occasion  to  be  distinctly 
reminded  of  his  doctrine  at  this  time.  See  the  iSIote  on  6,  13. 
Hence  Stephen  could  assume  that  the  bearing  of  the  different 
remarks  or  occuiTences  brought  forward  in  the  address  would 
suggest  itself  to  the  minds  of  his  judges ;  without  pausing  to 
tell  them  this  means  that,  or  thai  means  this,  he  could  leave  them 
to  draw  silently  the  conclusions  which  he  wished  to  establish. 
Stephen  illustrates  his  subject  historically.     That  mode  of  argu- 


Chap.  VII.  COMMENTARY.  121 

ment  was  well  chosen.  It  enabled  him  to  show  the  Jews  that 
their  own  history,  in  which  they  gloried  so  much,  condemned 
them ;  for  it  taught  the  inefficacy  of  external  rites,  foreshadowed 
a  more  perfect  spiritual  system,  and  warned  them  against  the 
example  of  those  who  resist  the  will  of  God  when  declared  to 
them  by  his  messengers.  Stephen  pursues  the  order  of  time  in 
his  narrative ;  and  it  is  important  to  remark  that  feature  of  the 
discourse,  because  it  explains  two  peculiarities  in  it ;  first,  that 
the  ideas  which  fall  logically  under  the  two  heads  that  have  been 
mentioned  are  intermixed,  instead  of  being  presented  separately ; 
and,  secondly,  that  some  circumstances  are  introduced  which  we 
are  not  to  regard  as  significant,  but  as  serving  merely  to  maintain 
the  connection  of  the  history. 

But  the  address  is  so  discursive  and  complex,  and  the  purport 
of  it  has  been  so  variously  represented,  that  it  is  due  to  tlie  sub- 
ject to  mention  some  of  the  other  modes  of  analysis  that  have 
been  proposed. 

The  follo\ving  is  Neancler's  view  of  it.  Stephen's  primary  ob- 
ject was  certainly  apologctical,  but  as  he  forgot  himself  in  the 
subject  with  which  he  was  inspired,  his  apologetic  efforts  relate 
to  the  truths  maintained  by  him,  and  impugned  by  his  adversa- 
ries, rather  than  to  himself  Hence,  not  satisfied  with  defending, 
he  developed  and  enforced  the  truths  he  had  proclaimed ;  and  at 
the  same  time  reproved  the  Jews  for  their  unbelief  and  their  op- 
position to  the  gospel.  Stephen  first  refutes  the  charges  made 
against  him  of  enmity  against  the  people  of  God,  of  contempt  of 
their  sacred  institutions,  and  of  blaspheming  Moses.  He  traces 
the  procedure  of  the  divine  providence,  in  guiding  the  people  of 
God  from  the  times  of  their  progenitors ;  he  notices  the  promises 
and  their  progressive  fidfilment  to  the  end  of  all  the  promises,  — 
the  advent  of  the  Messiah,  and  the  work  to  be  accomplished  by 
him.  But  with  this  narrative  he  blends  his  charges  against  the 
Jewish  nation.  He  shows  that  their  ingratitude  and  unbelief 
became  more  flagrant  in  proportion  as  the  promises  were  fulfilled, 
or  given  with  greater  fulness ;  and  their  conduct  in  the  various 
preceding  periods  of  the  development  of  God's  kingdom  was  a 
specimen  of  the  disposition  they  now  evinced  towards  the  publi- 
cation of  the  gospel.^ 

According  to  Olshausen,-  the  speaker  recapitulated  the  JcAvash 


1  Quoted  from  Rylaud's   Translation  of  The   rianting  and   Training  of  the 
Christian  Churcli. 
*  Commentar  uber  das  Neuc  Testament,  Vol.  U.  p.  719. 

16 


122  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  VII. 

history  at  such  length,  sim})ly  in  order  to  testify  his  regard  for  the 
national  institutions,  to  conciliate  his  hearers,  and  show  indirectly 
that  he  could  not  have  uttered  the  blaspltemous  icords  imputed  to 
him.  (See  6,  11.)  That  those  addressed  saw  their  own  moral 
image  reflected  so  distinctly  from  the  narrative  results  from  the 
subject,  not  from  the  speaker's  intention. 

Luger  dcveloj)s  the  course  of  thought  in  this  way.  Stephen 
is  accused  of  blaspheming  the  temple  and  the  law.  He  vindi- 
cates himself  by  exhibiting  the  true  significance  of  the  temple 
and  the  law.  The  main  })oints  are,  first,  that  the  law  is  not  some- 
thing complete  by  itself,  but  was  added  to  the  promise  given  to 
Abraham,  yea,  contains  in  itself  a  new  promise,  by  the  fulfilment 
of  which  the  law  is  first  brought  to  completion.  Secondly,  the 
temple  cannot  be  exclusively  the  holy  place ;  it  is  one  in  a  series 
of  places  which  the  Lord  has  consecrated,  and  by  tliis  very  act 
foreshadowed  that  future  completion  of  the  temple,  to  which 
Solomon  and  the  prophets  point.  Thirdly,  it  being  a  cause  of 
special  offence  to  the  Jews  that  the  Jesus  rejected  by  them 
should  be  represented  as  the  Perfecter  of  the  law  and  the  tem- 
ple, Stephen  showed  that  no  objection  against  him  could  be 
derived  from  that  fact,  since  the  messengers  of  God  had  been 
treated  with  the  like  contempt  at  all  periods.  Fourthly,  these  | 
three  topics  are  presented,  not  after  each  other,  but  in  each  other. 
The  history  of  Israel  forms  the  thread  of  the  discourse,  but  tliis 
is  related  in  such  a  manner  that  examples  of  the  different  points 
come  into  view  at  every  step.^ 

Baur's  exposition  of  the  plan  has  been  highly  commended. 
The  contents  of  the  discourse  divide  themselves  into  two  paral- 
lel parts :  on  the  one  side  are  presented  the  benefits  which  God 
from  the  earliest  times  conferred  on  the  Jewish  nation :  on  the 
other  side  is  exhibited  in  contrast  their  conduct  towards  him. 
Hence  the  main  thought  is  this :  the  greater  and  more  extra- 
ordinary the  favors  which  God  from  the  beginning  bestowed  on 
the  Jews,  the  more  unthankful  and  rebellious  from  the  beginning 
was  the  spirit  which  they  manifested  in  return  ;  so  that  where  a  f 
perfectly  harmonious  relation  should  have  been  found,  the  great- 
est alienation  appeared.  The  greater  the  cflbrt  which  God  made  ^ 
to  elevate  and  draw  the  nation  to  himself,  the  more  the  nation 
turned  away  from  him.  In  presenting  this  view  of  the  Jewish 
*  character,  the  speaker  defended  indirectly  his  own  cause.     He 


'  Uclicr  Zwcck,  Iiihalt  uiul  Eigcutliuiiiliclikcit  dcr  Kcde  dcs  Stephanus.     Von 
Friedrich  Luycr. 


Chap.  VII,  1.  2.  COMMENTAKY.  123 

was  accused  of  having  spoken  reproachfully,  not  only  against 
the  law,  but  in  particular  against  the  temple.  Hence  the  direc- 
tion which  he  gave  to  the  speech  enabled  him  to  show  that  the 
idolatrous  regard  of  the  Jews  for  the  temple  exemplified  in  the 
highest  degree  that  opposition  between  God  a^id  themselves, 
which  had  been  so  characteristic  of  them  from  the  first.^ 

It  may  be  added,  that  the  peculiar  character  of  the  speech  im- 
presses upon  it  a  seal  of  authenticity,  for  no  one  would  think  of 
framing  a  discourse  of  this  kind  for  such  an  occasion.  Had  it 
been  composed  ideally,  or  after  some  vague  tradition,  it  would 
have  been  thrown  into  a  different  form ;  its  relevancy  to  the 
charge  which  called  it  forth  would  have  been  made  more  obvi- 
ous. As  to  the  language  in  which  Stephen  delivered  it,  opinions 
are  divided.  His  disputing  with  the  foreign  Jews  (6,  9)  would 
indicate  that  he  was  a  Hellenist  (comp.  9,  29),  and  in  that  case 
he  spoke  prolmbly  in  Greek.  The  prevalence  of  that  language 
in  Palestine,  and  especially  at  Jerusalem,  would  have  rendered 
it  intelligible  to  such  an  audience.^  The  manner,  too,  in  which 
the  citations  agree  with  the  Septuagint,  favors  this  conclusion. 

Verses  1-16.    History  of  the  Patriarchs,  or  Age  of  the  Promises.^ 

V.  1.  Se,  then,  binds  tliis  verse  to  C,  14.  —  d  .  .  .  .  ex"^  -^''^  ^^'^^^ 
these  tilings  so,  as  the  witnesses  testify  ?  Hence  this  was  the 
question  to  which  Stephen  replied,  and  must  furnish  the  key  to 
his  answer.  We  must  construe  the  speech  so  as  to  find  in  it  a 
refutation  of  the  charge  in  6,  13.  ct  is  direct  here,  as  in  1,  6. 
a/3a  =  "  rebus  ita  comi)aratis,"  under  these  circumstances.  See 
Klotz  ad  Devar.  Vol.  11.  p.  176.  The  question  is  asked  in  view 
of  the  accusation.  The  particle  is  not  to  be  struck  out  of  the 
text,  as  in  some  editions. 

V.  2.  dSeA^oi  are  the  spectators,  Trarcpes  the  members  of  the 
council,  like  our  "civil  fathers;"  comp.  22,  1.  d'vSpes  qualifies 
both  nouns;  see  on~l,  16.  The  Enghsh  version  makes  three 
distinct  classes,  instead  of  two.  —  6  ^eos  t-^s  8of>;?7  tJie  God  of  the 
glory  (tij?,  because  peculiar  to  him)  =  liasti  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, or  among  the  later  Jews  nrs  'djn ,  i.  e.  the  light,  or  visible 
splend(n-  amid  which  Jehovah  revealed  himself,  the  symbol, 
therefore,  of  his  presence  (Mey.  De  Wet.  Blmf ).  Compare 
Ex.  25,  22;  40,  34  ;  Lev.  9,  6  ;  Ezek.  1,  28  ;  3,  23  ;  Heb.  9,  5,  etc. 


'  Paulas,  Sein  Leben  untl  Wirkcn,  seine  Briefe  und  seine  Lchre,  p.  42. 
*  III  proof  of  this,  sec  Hug's  Einleitung  in  das  Neue  Testament,  Vol.  II.  p.  27 
sq.,  fourth  edition  ;  and  the  Biblical  Repository,  1832,  p.  530. 


1 24  C  0  M  M  E  N  T  A  E  Y .  Chap.  YII,  2-4. 

w(/)^77  points  to  that  sense  here  ;  see  also  v.  55.  Paul  speaks  of 
this  symbol  in  Rom.  9,  4  as  one  of  the  peculiar  distinctions  with 
which  God  honored  the  Hebrew  nation.  Those  miss  the  sense 
who  resolve  the  genitive  into  an  adjcctive  =  cvSofo?,  the  glorious 
God  ( Kuin.  Ilmph.).  —  ovtl  iv  rrj  Meo-oTroTa/xta,  ivhen  he  teas  in 
Mesojjotamia ;  imperf  as  often  in  narration.  W.  H6.  6.  Abraham 
resided  first  in  Ur  of  the  Chaldees  (Gen.  11,  28),  which  lay 
probably  in  the  extreme  north  of  Mesopotamia,  near  the  sources 
of  the  Tigris.  The  Chaldee  branch  of  Pcleg's  family,  to  which 
Terah  and  his  sons  belonged,  spread  themselves  originally  in 
that  region. '  Xonophon  found  Chaldeans  here  in  his  retreat 
from  Babylonia  with  the  Ten  Thousand.  See  further,  on  v.  4. — 
€v  Xappdv.  Char>-anz=)'^n  (Gen.  11,  31),  was  also  in  the  north 
of  Mesopotamia,  but  south  of  Ur.  It  was  the  later  Carta  of 
the  Greeks  and  Romans,  where  Crassus  was  defeated  and  slain 
by  the  Parthians.  Its  position  tallies  remarkably  with  the  sacred 
narrative.  The  ruins  have  been  identified  a  few  miles  south  of 
Urfa,  on  a  road  from  the  north  to  the  southern  ford  of  the  Euphra- 
tes. It  is  a  perversion  of  the  text  to  suppose  Stephen  so  ignorant 
of  the  geography  here,  as  to  place  Cbarran  on  the  west  of  the 
Euphrates.  His  meaning  evidently  is  that  Abraham's  call  in  that 
city  was  not  the  first  which  he  received  during  his  residence  in 
Mesopotamia.  We  have  no  account  of  this  first  communication 
to  the  patriarch  in  the  Old  Testament,  but  it  is  implied  distinctly 
in  Gen.  15,  7  and  Neh.  9,  7.  Philo  and  Josephus  relate  the  liis- 
tory  of  Abraham  in  accordance  with  the  statement  here,  that  he 
was  called  twice. 

V.  3.  cTttc  Trpos  oMTov,  said  unto  him  m  Ur  before  the  migration 
to  Charran.  —  e^eX^e,  k.  t.  X.,  go  fortli.from  thy  country,  etc.  This 
is  quoted  from  Gen.  12,  1  sq.,  where^  it  appears  as  the  language 
addressed  to  Abraham  when  God  appeared  to  him  at  Charran. 
But  bis  earlier  call  had  the  same  object  precisely  as  the  later ; 
and  hence  Steplien  could  emi)loy  the  terms  of  the  second  com- 
munication, in  order  to  characterize  the  import  of  the  first. — SeCpo, 
hither,  with  an  imperative  force ;  tlie  term  adapted  to  the  speaker's 
position,  like  to-vt-^v  in  v.  4.  —  y]v  av,  tchichcvcr  (see  on  2, 21)  ;  since 
he  "went  forth  not  knowing  whither  he  gogs"  (Heb.  11,  6). 

v.  4.  TOT€,  then,  after  this  command.  —  i£c\%)v,  k.  t.  A..,  having 
gone  forth  from  the  land  of  the  Chxddecs ;  which,  therefore,  did 
not  extend  so  far  south  as  to  include  Charran.     It  is  barely  pos- 


'  For  the  cthiiognxpliy   of  the  subject,  sec  Kiiobcl's  Volkcrtafel  dcr  Genesis, 
p.  170  sq. 


Chap.  VII,  4.  C  0  M  M  E  N  T  A  E  Y .  125 

sible  that  i^eXSwv  may  reach  forward  to  fieTi^Kicrev  (the  change  of 
subject  there  is  against  it),  and  in  that  case  the  second  removal 
would  have  been  a  part  of  the  journey  from  Chaldea.  Compare 
Gen.  n,  31.  The  early  history  of  the  Chaldees  is  too  obscure 
to  allow  us  to  define  the  limits  of  their  territory.  See  Hertz. 
Encyck.  Vol.  II.  p.  617.  —  yrj<;  XaASatW  siiggests  a  region  rather 
than  a  city,  and  Ur  (for  which  the  Sept.  renders  "  country "  in 
Gen.  11,  28)  was  probably  the  name  of  a  district  among  the 
steppes  of  northern  Mesopotamia.  Some  would  identify  Ur  with 
the  modern  Urfa,  the  Edessa  of  the  Greeks ;  but  though  the  name 
(dropping  the  last  syllable)  may  seem  to  favor  that  combination, 
the  surer  etymology  derives  Urfa  (as  a  corruption)  from  the 
Syriac  Urhoi,  and  thus  destroys  all  connection  between  Ur  and 
Urfa.  See  Tuch  (p.  284)  and  Delitzsch  (p.  407)  uber  die  Gen- 
esis. Had  Ur  either  as  a  city  or  region  been  in  Babylonia  as 
some  conjecture,  Charran,  so  far  to  the  west,  would  have  been 
out  of  the  way  in  a  migration  to  Canaan. — fxera  to  dTro^ai/eiv, 
K.  T.  A.,  af/.er  his  falher  icas  dead.  According  to  Gen.  11,  32,  Terah 
died  at  Haran,  at  the  age  of  two  hundred  and  five ;  and,  accord- 
ing to  the  usual  inference  drawn  from  Gen.  11,  26,  he  was  only 
seventy  years  old  at  the  birth  of  Abraham ;  so  that  since  Abra- 
ham left  Charran  at  seventy-five  (Gen.  12,  4),  Terah  instead  of 
being  dead  at  that  time,  must  have  lived  (205 — 70-f-75^  sixty 
years  after  his  son's  departure  from  Charran.  Here  again  some 
writers  insist  that  Stephen  has  shown  a  gross  ignorance  of  the 
patriarchal  history.  But  tliis  apparent  disagreement  admits  of  a 
ready  solution  if  we  suppose  that  Abraham  was  not  the  oldest 
son,  but  that  Haran,  who  died  before  the  first  migration  of  the 
family  (Gen.  11,  28),  was  sixty  years  older  than  he,  and  that 
Terah,  consequently,  was  one  hundred  and  thirty  years  old  at  the 
birth  of  Aliraham  (130+75=205).  The  relation  of  Abraham  to 
the  Hebrew  history  would  account  for  his  being  named  first  in 
the  genealogy.  We  have  other  instances  entirely  parallel  to 
this.  Thus,  in  Gen.  5,  32,  and  elsewhere,  Japheth  is  mentioned 
last  among  the  sons  of  Noah ;  but,  according  to  Gen.  9,  24  and 
10,  21,  he  was  the  oldest  of  them.  Lightfoot  has  shown  that 
even  some  of  the  Jewish  writers,  who  can  be  suspected  of  no 
desire  to  reconcile  Stephen  with  the  Old  Testament,  concede 
that  Abraham  was  the  youngest  son  of  Terah.  The  learned 
Usher  founds  his  system  of  chronology  on  this  view.  The  other 
explanations  are  less  probable.  It  appears  that  there  was  a 
tradiliou  among  some  of  the  Jews  that  Terah  relajjsed  into 
idolatry  during  the  abode  at  Haran,  and  that  Abraham  left  him 


126  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  VII,  5. 

on  that  account,  i.  e.  as  the  Talmudists  express  it,  after  his  spirit- 
ual death.  Kiiinoel,  Olshausen,  and  others,  think  that  Stephen 
may  have  used  dTro^avetv  in  that  sense  ;  so  that  the  notice  of 
Terah's  natural  death  in  Gen.  11,  32  would  be  prolcjjtic,  i.  e.  in 
advance  of  the  exact  order  of  the  histoiy.  The  tradition  of 
Terah's  relapse  into  idolatry  may  have  been  well  founded.  Ben- 
gel  offers  this  suggestion :  "  Abram,  dum  Thara  visit  in  Haran, 
domum  quodamniodo  paternam  habuit  in  Ilaran,  in  terra  Canaan 
duntaxat  peregrinum  agens ;  mortuo  autem  patre,  plane  in  terra 
Canaan  domum  unice  habere  coepit."  Tlie  Samaritan  Codex 
reads  one  hundred  and  forty-five  in  Gen.  11,  32,  which  would 
remove  the  difficulty,  had  it  not  been  altered  probably  for  that 
very  purpose.  The  Samaritan  text  has  no  critical  autliority  when 
opposed  to  the  Masoretic.  ^  —  /AerwKicrev,  sc.  ^cos,  caused  him  to  re- 
move, to  migrate  by  a  renewed  command,  see  Gen.  12,  1  sq.  —  cis 
Tjv,  into  u'hich,  because  KaroiKetrc  implies  an  antecedent  motion. — 
ifMCLs,  you,  instead  of  ijiaers,  xcc ;  because  as  a  foreign  Jew  Stephen 
excludes  himself 

V.  5.  Kat  ovK  .  .  .  .  iv  aurrj,  and  he  gave  to  him  (during  liis  life) 
no  inheritance  in  it,  no  actual  possession,  but  a  promise  only  that 
his  posterity  should  occupy  it  at  some  future  period.  It  is  not  at 
variance  wath  this  that  he  subsequently  purchased  the  field  of 
Ephron  as  a  burial-place  (Gen.  23,  3  sq.);  for  he  acquired  no 
right  of  settlement  by  that  purchase,  but  permission  merely  to 
buiy  "  his  dead,"  which  he  sought  as  a  favor  because  he  was  "  a 
stranger  and  a  sojourner"  in  the  land.  Lest  the  passage  should 
seem  to  conflict  with  that  transaction,  some  (Kuin.  Olsh.)  would 
render  ovk  as  ovttw,  not  yet,  and  ISwko/  as  pluiierfcct.  De  Wette 
agrees  with  Meyer  in  restricting  the  remark  to  tlie  period  of 
Abraham's  first  arrival  in  Canaan.  He  purchased  the  field  of 
Ephron  near  the  close  of  his  life. — oiSe  /37}/xa  iroSos,  not  even  a 
foot-breadth,  a  single  foot,  comp.  Dent.  2,  5.  —  aiVo)  ....  avri^v, 
that  he  ivould  give  it  to  him  for  a  possession,  not  necessarily  in  his 
own  person,  but  in  that  of  his  descendants.  The  countiy  might 
be  said  to  be  Abraham's  in  prospect  of  that  rc"\';ersion.  So  in 
Gen.  46,  4,  God  says  to  Jacob  on  his  descent  into  Egy[>t :  "  I  will 
bring  thee  up  again,"  i.  e.  him  in  his  posterity.  Others  under- 
stand Karafrxccriv  of  Abraham's  own  residence  in  the  land  of 
promise. — ovk  6vto<;  avr^  TCKvov,  when  Jie  had  no  child.  This  clause 
as  well  as  the  general  connection,  recalls  to  mind  the  strength  of 
Abraham's  faith.     It  was  in  that  way  that  he  pleased  God  and 

1  See  Gesenius  de  Pentateuclii  Samaritam  Origiue,  Lidolc,  et  Aiuloritate. 


CnAP.  VII,  6.  COMMENTARY.  127 

obtained  the  promise,  and  not  by  legal  observances ;  for  circum- 
cision had  not  yet  been  instituted,  or  the  law  given.  Paul  reasons 
in  that  manner  from  Abraham's  history,  both  in  Rom.  4,  9  sq.  and 
in  Gal.  3,  17  sq.  Stephen  may  have  expanded  his  speech  at  this 
point  so  as  to  have  presented  distinctly  the  same  conclusion;  or, 
as  remarked  in  the  first  analysis,  most  of  his  hearers  may  have 
been  so  familiar  with  the  Christian  doctrine  on  the  subject,  that 
they  perceived  at  once  that  import  of  his  allusions. 

V.  6.  The  speaker  quotes  here  the  passage  to  which  he  had 
merely  alluded.  —  8e',  noio,  subjoins  this  fuller  account  of  the 
promise;  not  but,  although  he  was  childless  (Mey.,  taken  back 
in  his  last  ed.).  —  ovtws,  thus,  to  this  effect,  viz.  in  Gen.  15,  13-16, 
—  co-rat,  shall  be;  not  should  (E.  V.).  The  citation  mingles  the  in- 
direct form  with  the  direct.  — SovXwa-ovaLv,  strangers  shall  enslave,  sc. 
aXkorpLoi  as  the  subject,  involved  in  iv  yfj  aXXorpia.  See  W.  ^  64.  3. 
b.  —  err]  Te.TpaK6(Tia,four  hundred  years,  in  agreement  with  Gen.  15, 
13 ;  but  both  there  and  here  a  round  number,  since  in  Ex.  12,  40 
"  the  sojourning  of  Israel  who  dwelt  in  Egypt "  is  said  to  have 
been  four  hundred  and  thirty  years.  But  here  arises  a  chrono- 
logical question,  to  which  it  is  necessary  to  advert.  In  Gal.  3, 
17,  Paul  speaks  of  the  entire  period  from  Abraham's  arrival  in 
Canaan  until  the  giving  of  the  law  as  embracing  only  four  hun- 
dred and  thirty  years ;  a  calculation  which  allows  but  two  hun- 
dred and  fifteen  years  for  the  sojourn  in  Egypt ;  for  Isaac  was 
born  twenty-five  years  after  that  arrival,  was  sixty  years  old  at 
the  birth  of  Jacob,  and  Jacob  was  one  hundred  and  thirty  years 
old  when  he  went  to  reside  in  Egypt  (130— 25-|-60-|-130=215). 
The  Seventy,  in  Ex.  12,  40,  and  Josephus,  in  Antt.  2.  15.  2,  follow 
the  same  computation.  There  are  two  solutions  of  this  difficulty. 
One  is,  that  the  Jews  had  two  ways  of  reckoning  this  period, 
which  were  current  at  the  same  time ;  that  it  is  uncertain  which 
of  them  is  the  correct  one,  and  for  all  practical  purposes  is  wholly 
unimportant,  since,  when  a  speaker  or  writer,  as  in  this  case  of 
Stephen,  adopted  this  mode  or  that,  he  was  understood  not  to 
propound  a  chronological  opinion,  Init  merely  to  employ  a  familiar 
designation  for  the  sake  of  definiteness.  The  other  solution  is, 
that  the  four  hundred  and  thirty  years  in  Ex.  12,  40  embrace  the 
period  from  Al)raham's  immigration  into  Canaan  until  the  depar- 
ture out  of  Egypt,  and  that  the  sacred  writers  call  this  the  period 
of  sojourn  or  servitude  in  Egypt  a  potiori,  i.  e.  from  its  leading 
characteristic.  ^     They  could  describe  it  in  this  manner  with  so 

^  Baumf^arten  in  common  with  others  inclines  to  this  view  in  his  Thcologischer 
Commcntar  zniu  Pentateuch,  Vol.  I.  p.  190. 


126  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  VII,  7-1 0. 

much  the  more  propriety,  because  even  during  the  rest  of  the 
time  the  condition  of  the  patriarchs  was  tliat  of  exiles  and  wan- 
derers. The  current  chronology,  Usher's  system,  adopts  215 
as   the  number  of  years  during  which  the  Hebrews  dwelt  in 

Egy-pt- 

V.  7.  Kpivw  iyw,  I  (emphatic  as  one  able  to  punish)  ivill  judge 
(Hebraistic),  im})lying  the  execution  of  the  sentence. — fiera 
ravra,  after  these  things,  after  both  so  long  a  time  and  such  events. 
ravra  refers  to  Kptvw,  as  well  as  to  the  other  verbs. — koI  Xarpevo-ovai 
.  .  .  TouTO),  and  shall  worship  me  in  this  place.  This  clause  is  taken 
from  a  different  passage  ;  viz.  Ex.  3,  12,  which  records  the  declara- 
tion that  God  would  bring  the  Israelites  where  Moses  then  was. 
But  as  the  words  there  also  relate  to  the  deliverance  from  Egypt, 
Stephen  could  use  them  to  express  more  fully  the  idea  in  Gen. 
15,  16.  In  the  communication  to  Moses,  tottw  refers  to  Sinai  or 
Horeb,  but  is  applied  here  very  properly  to  Canaan,  since  the 
worship  in  the  desert  was  a  pledge  of  its  performance  in  the 
promised  land.  Xarpecdovcri  may  intimate  that  God  accepted 
their  worship  before  they  had  any  temple  in  which  to  offer  it.        ' 

V.  8  Sia^7;Kvyv  Treptrop'js,  the  covenant  of  circumcisioji,  i.  e.  the 
one  of  wliich  circumcision  is  the  sign ;  comp.  arjfxelov  Trcpirofi-^s  in 
Rom.  4,  11.  —  Kol  ovTw<;,  and  thus,  i.  e.  agreeably  to  the  covenant  f) 
God  gave  the  promised  child,  and  Abraham  observed  the  ap-  ' 
pointed  rite.  Such  briefly  were  the  contents  of  the  covenant 
(see  Gen.  17,  2  sq.),  and  iyevvrja-c  and  Trepierefxe  very  naturally 
recall  them  here,  ovtw?  as  merely  then  (Mey.),  in  lieu  of  Be  or  kul 
in  this  speech  elsewhere,  expresses  too  little  in  such  a  place.  — 
r^  rjfj'^po.,  K.  T.  X.     See  Gen.  21,  4. 

V.  9.  aTTc'SovTo,  sold  (5,  8)  iitto  Egypt,  i.  e.  to  be  earned  thither; 
thus  concisely  in  Gen.  45,  4  (Heb.  and  Sept.).  —  6  Seos  /xct  auroS, 
God  'ivas  ivith  him,,  though  he  was  exposed  to  such  envy  and 
injustice.  It  Avas  a  memorable  instance  in  which  the  rejected 
of  men  was  approved  of  God  and  made  the  preser\-er  of  his 
people ;  see  on  v.  37.  The  analogy  between  Josejjh's  history  in  I 
this  respect  and  that  of  Christ  must  have  forced  itself  on  Ste-  1 
phcn's  hearers. 

V.  10.  x^P'-^  '^"^'- ^'^4>'^'^^>  f'-''^'o>'  (with  the  king)  and  ivisdom ;  both 
the  gifts  of  God,  but  the  latter  helping  in  part  to  secure  the  for- 
mer. Meyer,  contraiy  to  his  fir.st  ojjinion,  understands  x"P'»'  of 
the  divine  favor  towards  Joseph ;  but  the  two  nouns  belong  alike 
to  evavriov  <^apaw,  and  associate  themselves  readily  as  cause  and 
effect.  The  icisdotn  was  that  which  Joseph  disj)layed  as  an  in- 
terpreter of  dreams,  as  the  king's  counsellor  and  minister.  — tov 


'J'- 


Chap.  VII,  12-14.  COMMENTARY,  129 

otKov  avTov,  his  house ;  the  palace  of  the  sovereign,  from  wliieh, 
in  the  East,  all  the  acts  of  government  emanate.  In  other 
woids,  Joseph  was  raised  to  the  office  of  vizier,  or  prime  min- 
ister. 

V.  12.  For  the  history,  see  Gen.  42,  1  sq.  —  ovra,  instead  of 
the  infinitive  after  d/couo-as,  represents  the  plenty  in  Egypt  as  in- 
dubitable, notorious.  K.  ^  311.  1.  The  place  of  the  abundance 
was  well  known,  and  eV  klyxmrta  after  the  participle  ( T.  E,.)  is  a 
needless  corruption  for  ecs  Aiyi^Trrov,  which  belongs  to  the  next 
verb.  —  i^aTrecTTeiXe  k.  t.  A.,  sent  our  fathers  first,  while  Jacob  him- 
self remained  still  in  Canaan.     See  v.  15. 

V.  13.  dveyv-Mpla-Sr],  was  recognized  by  his  brethren  (De  Wet. 
Mey.),  on  declaring  his  name  to  them;  comp.  Gen.  45,  1.  The 
reflexive  sense,  made  himself  knoivn  (Rob.),  would  be  excep- 
tional, and  is  not  required  here. — koX  (f)av€pov  ....  'Iwa-qff),  <^nd  the 
race  of  Joseph  ivas  truide  known  to  Pharaoh,  i.  e.  the  fact  of  their 
presence,  their  arrival.  See  Gen.  45,  16.  It  does  not  mean  that 
the  king  ascertained  now  Joseph's  Hebrew  origin,  for  he  knew 
that  already  (Gen.  41,  12);  nor  that  Joseph's  brethren  were  pre- 
sented to  him.  The  introduction  took  place  at  a  later  period ; 
see  Gen.  47,   2. 

V.  14.  €v  ij/vxat'i  e/3So/A^Kovra  Trevre,  (consisting)  in  seventy -five 
souls.  For  kv,  see  W.  k  48.  3.  From  so  feeble  a  beginning  the 
Hebrews  soon  grew  to  a  mighty  nation ;  see  v.  17.  Stephen 
would  suggest  to  the  mind  that  contrast.  According  to  Gen.  46, 
27,  Ex.  1  5,  and  Deut.  10,  22,  Jacob's  family  at  this  time  con- 
tained seventy  persons  ;  but  the  Septuagint  has  changed  that 
number  in  the  first  two  passages  to  seventy -five.  In  Gen.  46, 
26,  the  Hebrew  says  that  Jacob's  descendants,  on  his  arrival  in 
Egypt,  were  sixty-six,  and  in  the  next  verse  adds  to  these  Jacob 
himself,  Joseph,  and  his  two  sons,  thus  making  the  number  sev- 
enty. On  the  other  hand,  the  Septuagint  interpolates,  in  v.  27, 
viol  h(.  'Ici)o-^(^  01  y^vojif-voi  aurw  ev  yy  AlyvirrM  ij/vxai-  ivvea,  and  adding 
these  nine  to  the  sixty-six  in  v.  26  makes  the  number  seve?ity-fivc. 
It  is  evident  from  this  interpolation  that  the  Seventy  did  not 
obtain  their  number  by  adding  the  five  sons  of  Ephraim  ami 
Manasseh  (1  Chron.  7,  14-23)  to  the  seventy  persons  mentioned 
in  the  Hebrew  text.  That  mode  of  accounting  for  their  compu- 
tation has  frequently  been  assigned.  If  mot  be  taken  in  its  wider 
sense,  those  sons  and  grandsons  of  Joseph  may  have  been  among 
the  nine  whom  they  added  to  tlie  sixty-six,  but  it  is  not  known 
how  they  reckoned  the  other  two.  They  may  have  included 
some  of  the  third  generation,  or  have  referred  to  other  sons  oi' 

17 


130  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  VII,  16. 

Joseph,  of  whom  we  have  no  account.  But  in  whatever  way 
the  enumeration  arose,  its  existence  in  the  Greek  version  shows 
that  it  was  current  among  the  Jews.  That  it  was  an  erroneous 
one,  is  incapable  of  proof ;  for  we  do  not  know  on  what  data  it 
was  founded.  At  all  events,  Stephen  could  adapt  himself  to  the 
popular  way  of  speaking  with  entire  truth  as  to  the  idea  which 
he  meant  to  convey;  for  his  object  was  to  affirm,  not  that  the 
family  of  Jacob,  when  he  went  down  to  Eg^^pt,  consisted  of  just 
seventy-five  persons,  in  distinction  from  seventy-six,  or  seventy, 
or  any  other  precise  number,  but  that  it  was  a  mere  handful  com- 
pared with  the  increase  which  made  them  in  so  short  a  time  "as 
the  stars  of  heaven  for  multitude ; "  see  Deut.  10,  22.  That 
among  those  whom  Joseph  is  said  to  have  called  into  Egyi)t 
were  some  who  were  already  there,  or  were  born  at  a  subsequent 
period,  agrees  with  Gen.  46,  27  ;  for  it  is  said  that  "  the  sons  of 
Joseph  "  were  among  "  the  souls  of  the  house  of  Jacob  that  came 
into  Egypt"  with  him.  That  representation  springs  from  the 
Hebrew  view,  which  regarded  the  descendants  as  existing  al- 
ready in  their  progenitor ;  comp.  Gen.  46,  15  ;  Heb.  7,  9.  10.  It 
is  equivalent  here  to  saying,  that  the  miUions  to  which  Israel  had 
grown  on  leaving  Egypt  were  all  comprised  in  some  seventy-five 
persons  at  the  commencement  of  the  residence  thcre.^ 

V.  16.  It  is  mentioned  in  Gen.  50,  13,  that  Jacol)  was  buried 
in  Abraham's  sepulchre,  at  Hebron  (see  Gen.  23,  19),  and  in 
Josh.  24,  32,  that  the  bones  of  Joseph  were  laid  in  Jacob's  tomb 
at  Shechem,  or  Sychem ;  as  to  the  burial  of  Jacob's  other  sons, 
the  Old  Testament  is  silent.  In  this  passage,  therefore,  ot  ■n-aripe's 
rjiMwv  may  be  taken  as  the  subject  of  /ACTcrc'^T^a-av  without  avros. 
Such  brevity  was  natural  in  so  rapid  a  sketch,  and  not  obscure 
where  the  hearers  were  so  familiar  with  the  subject  inji^nd. 
That  Joseph's  brothers  were  buried  with  him  at  Sychem  rests, 
.doubtless,  on  a  well-known  tradition  in  Stephen's  time.  "  Ac- 
cording to  Josephus  (Antt.  2.  8.  2)  the  sons  of  Jacob  were  buried 
at  Hebron.  According  to  the  Rabbins  (Light.  Wetst.),  the  Isra- 
elites took  the  bones  of  their  fathers  witli  them  to  Talestine,  but 
say  nothing  of  Sychem ;  since,  however,  they  do  not  include  the 
eleven  patriarchs  among  those  who  wei-e  buried  at  Hebron,  they 
probably  regarded  Syc.hen\  as  the  place  of  their  burial."  (Do  Wet.). 
.Jerome,  who  lived  but  a  day's  journey  from  Sychem,  says  that 
the  tombs  of  the  twelve  were  to  be  seen  there  in  his  time.  — 
ev  T(3  ixvrjfjiaTi,  k.  t.  X.,  in  the  ?ow25,  etc., presents  a  more  serious  dif- 

'  See  Hengstcnbcrg's  Authentic  dcs  Pcntateuches,  Vol.  II.  p.  3.57  sq. 


Chap.  VII,  16.  COMMENTARY.  131 

ficulty.  It  is  clear  from  Gen.  33,  19,  that  Jacob  purchased  the 
family  tomb  at  Sychem,  and  from  Gen.  23,  1  sq.,  that  Abraham 
purchased  the  one  at  Hebron.  On  the  other  hand,  according  to 
the  present  text,  Stephen  appears  to  have  confounded  the  two 
transactions,  representing,  not  Jacob,  but  Abraham,  as  having 
purchased  the  field  at  Sychem.  It  is  difficult  to  resist  the  im- 
pression that  a  single  word  of  the  present  text  is  wrong,  and 
that  we  should  either  omit  'A(3padfji  or  exchange  it  for  'la/cwyS.  — 
d)v^aaTo  without  a  subject  could  be  taken  as  impersonal :  one  pur- 
chased=.ioas  purcJiascd.  See  W.  k  58.  9.  That  change  would 
free  the  passage  from  its  perj)lexity.  It  is  true,  manuscripts  con- 
cur in  the  present  reading,  but  this  may  be  an  instance  where 
the  internal  evidence  countervails  the  external.  The  error  lies 
in  a  single  word ;  and  it  is  quite  as  likely,  judging  a  priori,  that 
the  word  producing  the  error  escaped  from  some  early  copyist,  as 
that  so  glaring  an  error  was  committed  by  Stephen ;  for,  as  a 
Jew,  he  had  been  brought  up  to  a  knowledge  of  the  Scriptures, 
had  proved  himself  more  than  a  match  for  the  learned  disputants 
from  the  synagogues  (6,  10),  and  is  said  to  have  been  "full  of 
the  Holy  Spirit"  (6,  5).  Some  attribute  the  difficulty  to  the  con- 
cise, hurried  style  of  the  narrative.  Biscoe  states  that  opinion 
in  the  follo\ving  terms :  —  "  The  Hebrews,  when  reciting  the  his- 
tory of  their  forefathers  to  their  brethren,  do  it  in  the  briefest 
manner,  because  it  was  a  thing  well  known  to  them.  For 
which  reason  they  made  use  of  frequent  ellipses,  and  gave 
but  hints  to  bring  to  their  remembrance  what  they  aimed  at. 
This  may  be  the  case  here  ;  and  as  nothing  is  more  easy  than  to 
supply  the  words  that  are  wanting,  so,  when  supplied,  the  narra- 
tion is  exactly  agreeable  to  history  delivered  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment :  'And  were  carried  into  Sychem,  and  were  laid,'  i.  e.  some  of 
them,  Jacob  at  least,  '  in  the  sepulchre  that  Abraham  bought  for 
a  sum  of  money,'  and  others  of  them  'in  that  (bought)  from  the 
sons  of  Emmor,  the  father  of  Sychem.'  Here  we  repeat  merely 
Kox  iv  Tw  (or  eKcivw)  before  Trapa  twv  ntcov;  "which  words  were  easily 
understood  and  supplied  by  those  to  whom  Stephen  addressed 
himself"  '  Again,  some  have  deemed  it  sufficient  to  say  that 
Stephen  was  not  an  inspired  teacher,  in  the  strict  sense  of  the 
expression,  and  that,  provided  we  have  a  true  record  of  the  dis- 
course on  the  part  of  Luke,  we  may  admit  an  error  in  the  dis- 
course itself,  without  discrediting  the  acccuracy  of  the  sacred 
writers.     Dr.  Da\ddson  thinks  that  Luke  must  have  been  aware 

1  The  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  confirmed  from  other  Authors,  p.  395,  cd.  1840. 


132  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  VII,  1 7-1 9. 

of  the  cliscrepency,  and  has  exhibited  liis  scrupulous  regard  for 
the  truth  by  allowing  it  to  remain,  instead  of  correcting  it.  Cal- 
vin sanctions  a  still  freer  view :  "  In  nomine  Abrahae  erratum  esse 
palam  est ;    quare  hie  locus  corrigendus   est."  —  'E/x/Awp,  sc.  tov 

TrarpoV,  Emmor,  the  father  of  Sychem.     See  on  1,  13.      , ^  '^      .u  /^ipw 

r^  /  O  ^'' 

Verses  17-46.      TJie  Age  of  Moses,  or  the  Jews  under  the  Law. 

V.  17.  Ka^ws,  not  when,  but  as,  in  the  degree  that;  hence 
rjyyit,i.v,  icas  apiiroacking.  —  6  ypova,  k.  t.  X.,  the  time  of  the  (fulfil- 
ment of  the)  promise  (v.  7);  see  on  1,  4.  —  Instead  of  il^iLoatv 
(T.  R.),  sivare,  we  are  to  read  probably  tb/AoAdyrjo-ev,  declarcl 
(Lchm.  Tsch.  Mey.). — -qv^rjarev  and  e7r\r]Svv&r]  represent  the 
growth  in  power  as  consequent  on  the  increase  of  numbers ;  not 
a  citajion,  but  reminiscence  probably  of  Ex.  1,  7.  20. 

V.  18.  a)(pi<;  ov,  until ;  for  this  signal  prosperity  had  its  limit. 
Though  baffled  in  his  first  scheme,  Pharaoh  tried  other  meJtns 
more  effectual;  see  on  v.  19.  —  os  .  .  .  .  'Iwo-r;</),  ivho  knew  not  Jo- 
seph, had  no  regard  for  his  memory  or  services ;  not  was  ignorant 
that  such  a  person  had  lived  (Mey.).  How  could  the  author  of 
such  important  reforms  have  been  forgotten  among  a  people  ad- 
dicted like  the  Egyptians  to  recording  their  national  events  I  It 
has  been  supposed  that  a  new  dynasty  may  have  ascended  the 
throne  at  this  time.  According  to  Sir  J.  G.  Wilkinson,^  this  "  new 
king "  was  Amosis,  or  Ames,  first  of  the  eighteenth"  dynasty,  or 
that  of  the  Diospolitans  from  Thebes.  Some  hold  (e.  g.  Heeren, 
Jost)  that  the  Hyksos  or  shepherd  kings  had  just  been  expelled 
from  Eg}^pt,  and  that  the  oppressor  of  the  Hebrews  was  the  first 
native  prince  who  reigned  after  that  event.  The  present  knowl- 
edge of  Egyptian  history  is  too  imperfect  to  admit  of  any  posi- 
tive conclusion  on  such  a  point.  For  the  later  views  and  lit- 
erature, see  on  Ancient  Egypt  in  Hertz.  Encyck.  Vol.  I.  p.  138  sq. 

V.  19.  KaTacro<^io-a/x,ej/os  to  yeVos  t]\jmv,  treating  subtly  our  race,  see 
Ex.  1,  10;  Ps.  115,  25.  His  policy  is  characterized  in  this  man- 
ner, because  his  object,  without  being  avowed,  was  to  compel 
the  Hel)rews  to  destroy  their  children,  that  they  might  not  grow 
up  to  experience  the  wretched  fate  of  their  parents.  —  tKaKwo-c, 
K.  T.  A.,  cqjpressed  our  fathers  in  order  that  they  shoukl  cast  out  their 
infants,  that  these  might  not  be  preserved  alive.  Both  infinitives 
hre  telic;  the  first  states  the  king's  object  in  the  oppression,  the 
second  the  object  of  the  exposure  on  the  part  of  the  parents.     It 

'  Manners  end  Customs  of  the  Ancient  Egyptians,  Vol.  I.  p.  42  bq.,  2d  cd. 


Chap.  VII,  19-22.  COMMENTARY.  133 

was  using  the  parental  instinct  for  destroying  the  child  ;  it  was 
seething  the  kid  in  the  mother's  .blood.  For  rov  Troteti/,  see  on  3, 
2.  The  plan  of  the  Egyptians  failed ;  for  "  the  more  they  afflicted 
the  Hebrews,  the  more  they  multiphed  and  grew"  (Ex.  1,  12)  ; 
i,  e.  they  spared  their  children,  instead  of  putting  them  to  death, 
and  continued  to  increase.  Pharaoh,  after  tliis,  took  a  more  di- 
rect course  to  accomplish  his  object ;  he  issued  a  decree  that  all 
the  male  children  of  the  Hebrews  should  be  killed  at  birth,  or 
thrown  into  the  Nile  ;  see  Ex.  1,  16.  22.  The  sense  is  different 
if  we  make  rov  ttouIv  ecbatic  :  so  that  tJicy  cast  out  their  infants, 
etc.  According  to  this  view,  the  king's  policy  was  in  part  suc- 
cessful ;  the  Hebrews  exposed  their  children  of  their  own  accord, 
that  they  might  not  see  them  doomed  to  so  hopeless  a  bondage. 
But  the  infinitive  construction  with  rov  is  rarely  ecbatic ;  and, 
fnrther,  had  the  Hebrews  destroyed  their  children  as  a  voluntary 
act,  a  subsequent  decree  for  murdering  them  would  have  been  un- 
necessary (Ex.  1, 16. 22).  It  is  harsh  to  make  tov  itoiCw  epexegetical: 
oppressed  them  (viz.  by  a  decree)  that  they  must  cast  out,  etc.  It  is 
difficult  with  this  sense  to  see  the  force  of  Ka.Ta.(TOf^i(ja.^(.vo<i.  Be- 
sides, the  history  shows  that  the  Egyptians  were  to  execute  the 
inhuman  order  (Ex.  1,  22),  not  the  Hebrews.  The  object  of 
putting  Moses  in  the  ark  was  to  save,  not  destroy  liim. 

V.  20.  Iv  w  Katpw,  in  ivJdch  time,  viz.  tliis  season  of  oppression. 
—  da-retos  t(S  ^ew,  fair  for  God,  i.  e.  in  his  view,  who  judges  truly ; 
comp.  TToXis  /xeyaXiy  tw  ^€(5  in  Jon.  3,  3  (Sept.).  It  is  a  form  of  the 
Hebrew  superlative.  W.  ^  36.  3 ;  Green' s_Gi\_p^77.  For  the 
dative,  see  on  5,  34.  Josephus  (Antt.  2.  9.  7)  speaks  of  the  ex- 
■fee«le  beauty  of  Moses.  See  also  Heb.  11,  23.  —  rov  Trarpus,  his 
father,  named  Amram  (Ex.  6,  20). 

V.  21.  avTov,  \vith  the  participle,  is  not  an  accusative  absolute, 
but  depends  on  the  verb,  and  is  then  repeated ;  comp.  Mark  9, 
28.  It  is  changed  in  some  of  the  best  copies  to  airov.  —  dvetXaro, 
took  UJ3,  not  from  the  water  or  the  ark,  but  like  tollere  liberos, 
adopted.  This  use  both  of  the  Greek  and  the  Latin  word  is  said 
to  have  arisen  from  the  practice  of  infanticide  among  tlie  an- 
cients. After  the  birth  of  a  child,  the  father  took  it  up  to  his 
bosom,  if  he  meant  to  rear  it ;  otherwise,  it  was  doomed  to  per- 
ish. —  €ts  vlov,  as  a  son,  appositional  like  b  before  that  which  a 
person  or  thing  becomes  (W.  ^  32.  4.  b.) ;  not  telic,  to  be  a  son 
(Mey.),  since  the  relation  was  an  immediate  one  and  not  pros- 
pective merely. 

V.  22.  €7rai8ei;.9i7  Traa-Q  cro(f>ia,  was  instructed  in  all  the  wisdom, 
made  familiar  with  it;  dative  of  the  respect  or  manner.     Tis- 


r\ 


134  C  0  M  M  E  N  T  A  E  Y .  Chap.  VII,  23-26. 

cliendorf  reads  tV  before  o-o^ta.  Some  render  wa.<i  trained  hy  \ 
the  icisdom  as  the  means  of  culture  ;  dative  of  the  instrument 
(De  Wet.  Mey.).  This  may  be  easier  grammatically,  but  looks 
like  modernizing  the  idea.  The  accusative  would  be  the  ordi- 
nary case  after  this  ])assive  {ivcts  taught  the  ivisdom)  ;  but  it  could 
be  interchanged  with  the  dative.  See  W.  k  32.  4.  —  hvvaTo<s  ev 
Xoyot?,  mighty  in  words.  In  point  of  mere  fluency,  he  was  infe- 
rior to  Aaron  (Ex.  4,  10),  but  excelled  liim  in  the  higher  mental 
attributes  on  which  depends  mainly  the  orator's  power  over  the 
minds  of  others.  His  recorded  speeches  justify  Stephen's  enco- 
mium. —  For  £/ayot?,  comp.  v.  36. 

V.  23.  avTia,  by  him,  dative  of  the  agent ;  see  on  5,  9.  —  Tf.fT- 
crapaKovraeTrj'i  xpovo^,  a  fortieth  annual  time,  i.  e.  when  he  was  forty 
years  old.  See  the  note  on  v.  30.  —  avifi-q  lin  Tr]v  Kap8iav=2^-^s  n^s, 
see  Jer.  3,  16.  —  eTrto-Ke't/^ao-^ai,  K.  T.  X.,  to  visit  his  brethren  in  or- 
der to  show  his  sympathy  for  them  and  minister  to  their  relief. 
I  The  Hebrews  Jived  apart  from  the  Egyptians,  and  Moses  as  a 
I  member  of  the  royal  family  may  have  had  hitherto  but  little  in- 
tercourse with  his  countrymen. 

V.  24.  aSiKovfjievov,  wronged,  injured,  viz.  by  blows,  which  the 
Hebrew  was  then  receiving,  as  stated  in  the  history  ;  see  Ex.  2, 
11.  —  tVoiijcrev  iKUKYjaiv,  torought  redress,  avenged;  see  Luke  18,7.  j 
—  Tw  KaraTTovovfxivio,  tlie  one  overpowered,  lit.  exhausted,  worn  out;\/ 
implying  a  hard  contest,  and  (the  participle  is  present)  a  rescue 
just  in  time  to  ward  off^  the  fatal  blow.  —  Trara^as  tov  AtyvTmoi/,  by 
smiting  the  Egyptian  (who  did  the  Avi-ong)  so  as  to  kill  him,  see 
V.  28. 

V.  25.     cVd/At^€,  ivas  supposingjn.  this  interposition,  and  as  the 
reason  for  it.     This  use  of  Si,  for  (E.  V.),  is  one  of  its  metabatic 
offices.    Hart.  Partkl.  Vol.  I.  p.  167.     On  what  ground  Moses  ex- 
pected to  be  known  so  readily,  we  are  not  informed.     He  may  / 
have  thought  that  his  history,  so  full  of  providential  intimations, 
had  pointed  him  out  to  the  Israelites  as  their  predestined  deliv-, 
erer.     Stephen  makes  the  remark  evidently  for  the  purpose  of ' 
reminding  the  Jews  of  their  own  similar  blindness  in  regard  to 
the  mission  of  Christ ;  comp.  v.  35. — St^wo-iv,  not  icouhl give  (E.  V.), 
hni  gives ;  present  either  because  the  event  was  so  near  (see  on  ^ 
1^         1,  6),  or  because  the  deliverauce  begins  with  this  act  (Mey.).         \^ 
.  V.  26.     oj<^^7;,  aj)pearcd,  sliowed  himself,  with  the  involved  idea, 

•  perhaps,  that  it  was  unexpected.  —  aurors,  to  them,  i.  e.  two  of  his     / 
countrymen  (Ex.  2,  13).     The  exi)ression  is  vague,  because  the/ 
facts  are  supposed  to  be  familiar.  —  o-wT^Aacrcv,  k.  t.  A.,  urged  them 
ww^o  ^jmce,  reconciliation.  —  v/icis  after  eore  should  be  lelt  out. — 

/ 


\)  .\'\   (^cv^6YVwf|<^J^^ 


A 


CiiAP.  VII,  29-31.  COMMENTARY.  135 

For  ivttTi,  see  on  4,  25.  —  ai^S/je?  belongs  to  dSeX^ot,  men  related  as 
brethren  are  ye  (comp.  1,  16;  2,  29.  37) ;  not  =  Kup6ot  as  the  nomi- 
native~of  address  (E.  V.).  The  relationship  aggravated  the  out- 
rage. It  was  more  unseemly  than  when  the  combatants,  as  on 
the  day  before,  had  been  Hebrew  and  Egyptian.  With  the  same 
appeal  Abraham  says  to  Lot,  "  Let  there  be  no  strife,  I  pray  thee, 
between  thee  and  me,  and  between  my  herdmen  and  thy  herd- 
men ;  for  we  are  men  brethren"  (Gen.  13,  8  in  Heb.  and  Sept.). 

V.  29.  ev  T(3  Xoyo)  Toi;Ta),  afthis  ivord,  which  showed  that  his 
attempt  to  conceal  the  murder  had  failed ;  see  Ex.  2,  12.  His 
flight  was  now  necessary  to  save  his  life  ;  for  "  when  Pharaoh 
heard  this  thing,  he  sought  to  slay  Moses."  —  Iv  yfj  Mahd/x,  in  the 
land  of  Madiam,  or  Midian.  "This  would  seem,"  says  Gesenius, 
"  to  have  been  a  tract  of  country  extending  from  the  eastern  shore 
of  the  Elanitic  <5ulf  to  the  region  of  Moab  on  the  one  hand,  and 
to  the  vicinity  of  Mount  Sinai  on  the  other.  The  people  here 
were  nomadic  in  their  habits,  and  moved  often  from  place  to 
place."  It  is  common  for  yrj  to  omit  the  article  before  the  name 
of  a  country  ;  see  v.  36  ;   13,  19.     W.  ^  19. 

V.  30.  irXrjpw^ivTOiv,  k.  t.  A.,  fortij  years  having  been  completed. 
Stephen  foUows  the  tradition.  It  was  said  that  Moses  lived  forty 
years  in  Pharaoh's  palace,  dwelt  forty  years  in  Midian,  and  gov- 
erned Israel  forty  years.  That  he  was  one  hundred  and  twenty 
years  old  at  the  time  of  his  death,  we  read  in  Deut.  34,  7.  — 
ev  TTj  ep^fui)  .  .  .  .  ^Lva,  in  the  desert  of  the  mou7it  Slnai,.^  the  des- 
ert where  this  mount  was  situated.  According  to  Ex.  3,  1,  this 
appearance  of  the  angel  took  place  at  Horeb.  Both  names  are 
given  in  the  Pentateuch  to  the  same  locaUty.  Of  this  usage  the 
common  explanation  has  been,  that  Sinai  designated  a  range  of 
mountains,  among  which  Horeb  was  the  particular  one  from 
which  the  law  was  given.  Dr.  Robinson  assigns  reasons  for 
thinking  that  Horeb  was  the  general  name,  and  Sinai  the  spe- 
cific one.  See  his  Bil)l.  Res.  Vol.  I.  p.  120,  ed.  1856.  Heng- 
stenberg,  Winer,  Ewald,  and  others,  reject  the  old  opinion.  —  iv 
^A,oyt  TTvpos  (SaTov,  in  the  fiery  flame  of  a  bash.  —  Tru/aos  supplies  the 
place  of  an  adjective  ;  comp.  9,  15  ;  2  Tliess.  1,  8.  W.  ^  34.  3.  b ; 
S.  k  117.  6. 

V.  31.  Karavo'^o-ai,  to  observe,  contemplate  viz.  the  vision  (see 
V.  32) ;  not  to  understand,  learn  the  cause,  which  would  be  unsuit- 
able in  the  next  verse.  —  <^wi/^  Kvpiov,  the  voice  of  the  Lord.  It 
will  be  seen  that  the  angel  of  Jehovah  in  v.  30  (comp.  Ex.  3,  2) 
is  here  called  Jehovah  himself  Examples  of  a  similar  transition 
from  the  one  name  to  the  other  occur  often  in  the  Old  Testament. 


136  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  VII,  32-35. 

It  has  been  argued  from  this  usage,  as  well  as  on  other  grounds, 
that  the  Revealer,  under  the  ancient  dispensation,  was  identical 
with  the  Revealer  or  Logos  of  the  new  dispensation.^ 

V.  32.  eyw  6  ^eo'?,  k.  t.  X.  In  this  way  Jehovah  declares  him- 
self to  he  the  true  God,  in  opposition  to  the  idols  of  the  heathen, 
and  especially  the  author  of  those  promises  to  the  patriarchs 
which  were  now  on  the  eve  of  being  fulfilled.  —  ovk  iroXfi-a  Karp.- 
voTJaai,  sc.  TO  opa/xa.  In  Ex.  3,  6,  it  is  said  further,  that  "  Moses 
hid  his  face ; "  an  act  prompted  by  his  sense  of  the  holiness  of 
Him  in  whose  presence  he  stood;  comp.  1  Kings  19,  13. 

Y.  33.  Xvarov,  K.  T.  X.,  loose  the  sandal  of  thy  feet,  vwo^rjixa  is  a 
distributive  singular,  for  the  plural.  W.  ^  27.  1.  It  was  a  mark 
of  reverence  in  the  East  to  take  off  the  shoes  or  sandals  in  the 
presence  of  a  superior,  so  as  not  to  approach  him  with  the  dust 
which  would  otherwise  cleave  to  the  feet.  On  this  princijile  the 
Jewish  priests  officiated  barefoot  in  the  tabernacle  and  the  tem- 
ple. Hence,  too,  none  enter  the  Turkish  mosques  at  present/ 
except  with  naked  feet,  or,  in  the  case  of  foreigners,  with  slip- 
pers ^worn  for  the  occasion.  —  In  yrj  dyta  ia-riv,  Luger  fuids  a 
special Teference  to  w.  30.  32.  The  God  of  Abraham,  Isaac,  and 
Jacob  was  present,  and  where  he  appears  the  place  is  holy, 
though  it  be  in  the  wilderness. 

V.  34.  iSwv  €iSov  =  •^n'^xn  nx'^,  Tnilij  I  saiv ;  and  so  in  the  fol- 
lowing verbs  the  tense  is  aorist :  I  heard  when  they  groaned  and 
came  doivn  (not  am  come)  when  I  saw  and  heard.  In  Hebrew 
the  infinitive  absolute  before  a  finite  verb  denotes  the  reality  of 
the  act,  or  an  effect  of  it  in  the  highest  degree ;  after  the  verb,  it 
denotes  a  continuance  or  repetition  of  the  act.  See  Gesen.  Heb. 
Gr.  H  28.  3  ;  W.  ^  45.  8.  The  easier  Greek  construction  for  this 
idiom  is  that  noticed  on  4,  17.  For  aTrooTeXw  (T.  R.),  read  diroa-- 
TuXuy  (Tsch.   Mey.),  but  with  a  future   sense.      See  W.  k  13.  1. 

V.  35.  TovTov  is  here  emphatic,  ouros  introduces  the  next  three 
verses  with  the  same  effect.  —  r^pvrjo-avTo,  denied.  The  verb  is 
plural,  because,  though  the  rejection  was  one  person's  act  (v.  27), 
it  revealed  the  spirit  of  the  nation.  —  ap;(OKra  kcu  Xm-poiT-qv,  as  a 
ruler  and  redeemer;  comp.  5,  31.  Stephen  selects  the  words  ' 
evidently  with  reference  to  the  parallel  which  he  would  institute  j 

'  The  siilijcct  is  an  iiXcrcsting  one;  l)ut  docs  not  fjill  properly  witliiii  our  prcs- 
qnt  limits.  The  reader  will  find  it  discussed  in  Smith's  Scri[)turc  Testimony  to 
the  Messiah,  Vol.  I.  p.  482  sq.,  and  in  IIenfi;stenl)er;;'s  Christolo<ry,  Vol.  I.  p. 
165  sq.  Valuahle  supj)lementary  matter  (for  the  ohject  is  to  deal  only  with  the 
later  oiijections)  will  be  found  in  Kurtz's  article,  "Der  Enfjel  des  Ilerrn,"  in 
Tholuck's  Littcrarischer  Anzci<;cr,  1846,  Nos.  11-14,  and  inserted  for  substance, 
in  the  author's  Gcschichte  des  altcn  Bundes,  Vol.  I.  ]>]>.  121-120.  ~-^ 


\J 


h> 


Chap.  VII,  36-38.  COMMENTARY.  137 

i  between  Moses  and  Christ.  —  iv  x"/3t  stands  for  l^a,  b?/  the  hand, 
agency  (comp.  Gal.  3,  19),  since  it  was  through  the  angel  in  the 
bush  that  God  called  Moses  to  deliver  his  people.  Tischendorf 
reads  (jvv  x^ipi  (unusual  but  well  supported),  with  the  hand,  i.  e. 
attended  by  the  angel's  aid  and  power,  an  adjunct  of  tovtov 
rather  than  the  verb.  — r^  /Jarw  is  feminine  here  and  in  Luke  20, 
37,  but  masculine  in  Mark  12,  26.        '  .-.-'C.    . 

V.  36.     i^'jyayev  avTovs,  led  them  forth  out  of  Egypt.    Hence  we 
cannot  render  TrotT^cras,  after  he  had  shown,  performed  (E.  V.),  be- 
cause the  miracles  in  the  desert  were  not  antecedent  to  the 
exodus.      The  participle   expresses  here  an  accompanying  act 
of  lirjyaycv,  performing  (Vulg.,  faciens)  ;  since  the  leading  forth 
formed  a   general    epoch    with    wliich  the    associated   events, 
whether  historically  prior  or  subsequent,  could  be  viewed  as  coin-  / 
cident  in  point  of  time.     On  the  force  of  the  participle  in  such  a 
C(n*^       case,  see  on  21,  7, — For  the  difference'  between  ripara  and  a-qpLela, 
f  n  4  see  on  2,  2^.     Lachmann  inserts  rfj  before  yrj,  but  on  slight  evi- 
''        dence.  —  AtyuTn-w  is  more  correct  than  Alyvirrov  (T.  Pv.). 

V.  37.  irpocjiriTqv,  k.  t.  A,  For  the  explanation  of  this  prophecy, 
see  on  3,  22.  No  one  can  doubt  that  Stephen  regarded  Christ 
as  the  prophet  announced  by  Moses  ;  yet,  it  will  be  observed,  he 
leaves  that  unsaid,  and  relies  on  the  intelligence  of  his  hearers 
to  infer  his  meaning.  Here  is  a  clear  instance  in  which  the 
speech  adjusts  itself  to  those  su2:>pressed  relations  of  the  siffiject, 
on  which,  as  I  suppose,  its  adaptation  to  the  occasion  so  largely 
depended.  By  quoting  this  prediction  of  Moses,  Stephen  tells 
the  Jews  in  effect  that  it  was  tlmj  who  were  treating  the  law- 
giver with  contempt ;  for  while  they  made  such  pretensions  to 
respect  for  his  authority,  they  refused  to  acknowledge  the  prophet 
whom  he  foretold,  and  had  commanded  them  to  obey.  —  Kiyatos 
before  and  17/xtov  after  ^fds  (T.  R.)  are  doubtful.  —  avTov  dKovo-ecr-^e, 
him  shall  ye  hear,  was  inserted  probably  from  3,  22  (Lchm.  Tsch. 
May.). 

V.  38.  6  y€vo/Aevos  ....  twv  Trarepwy  rjfjiwv,  loho  ivas  (lit.  became, 
entered  into  connection)  ivith  the  angel  and  with  our  fathers.  The 
meaning  is,  that  he  brought  the  parties  into  association  with 
each  other,  acted  as  mediator  between  God  and  the  people ; 
see  Gal.  3,  19.  This  fact  is  mentioned  to  show  how  exalted  a 
service  Moses  performed,  in  contrast  with  the  indignity  which  he 
experienced  at  the  hands  of  his  countrymen.  He  was  a  type, 
Sle])hen  would  say,  of  the  Jesus  despised,  crucified  by  those 
whom  he  would  reconcile  unto  God.  —  iv  rrj  iKKX-qa-ia,  in  the  con- 
gregation, i.  e.  of  the'Hebrews  assembled  at  Sinai  at  the  time  of 
18 


%.  rLi^ 


138  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  VII,  39-41. 

the  promulgation  of  the  law.     So  all  the  best  critics  and  the 
older  E.  versions  (Tynd.  Cran.  Gen.  Rhem.)  translate  this  word. 
'-  It  is  evident  that  iKKk-qaia  here  affords  no  countenance  to  the  idea 
I   that  the  Hebrew  nation  as  such  constituted  the  church  under  the 
'   ancient  economy.  —  ^aivra  characterizes  Ao'yta  with  reference,  not 
to  tlieir  effect  (comp.  Rom.  6,  3;  Gal.  3,  21),  but  their  nature  or 
design :  life-gicing  oracles,  commands ;  comp.  Rom.  7,  12.     The 
inadequacy  of  the  law  to  uiipart  life  does  not  arise  from  any  in- 
herent defect  in  the  law  itself,  but  from  the  corruption  of  human 
nature. 

V.  39.  i.aTpdcf)r](Tav  .  .  .  .  €is  AiyvTrrov,  turned  icith  their  hearts 
unto  Egypt,  i.  e.  longed  for  its  idolatrous  worship,  and  for  the  sake 
of  it  deserted  that  of  Jehovah  (Calv.  Kuin.  De  Wet.  Mey.). 
The  next  words  are  epexegetical,  and  require  tliis  explanation. 
Some  have  understood  it  of  their  wishing  to  return  to  Eg^^pt ; 
but  that  sense,  though  it  could  be  expressed  by  the  language,  not 
only  disregards  the  context,  but  is  oi)posed  to  Ex.  32,  4  and  Xeh. 
9,  1 8.  The  Jews  are  there  represented  as  worsliipping  the  golden 
calf  for  having  brought  them  out  of  Egypt,  and  not  as  a  means 
of  enabling  them  to  return  thither. 

V.  40.  ^£oi)s,  oi  irpoTTopevaovTaL  ijjxwv,  gods  U'Jio  shall  go  before  us, 
to  wit,  as  guides,  protectors.  Tliis  is  a  literal  translation  from 
Ex.  32,  1.  The  plural  is  best  explained  as  that  of  the  2)luralis 
excellentia,  since  Aaron  made  but  one  image  in  compliance  with 
this  demand  of  the  people  (called  SeoC,  c-n?N  in  Ex.  32,  6),  and 
since  the  Hebrews  would  naturally  enough  transfer  the  name  of 
the  true  God  to  the  object  of  their  idolatrous  worship.  De  Wette 
hesitates  between  tliis  view  and  that  of  ^cov's  as  abstract,  deity, 
divine  power.  The  latter  is  better  perhaps  than  Meyer's  categor- 
ical plural :  gods  such  as  the  calf  represented.  —  6  yap,  k.  t.  >^,for 
as  to  this  Moses  who  led  usfotth,  etc.  ovtos  is  contemptuous,  like 
iste.  The  nominative  absolute  strengthens  the  sarcasm.  W.  § 
29.  1.  -yap  alleges  the  disappearance  of  Moses  as  a  reason  why 
they  should  change  their  worship  ;  possibly,  because  it  freed 
them  from  his  opposition  to  their  desires,  but  more  probably 
because,  whether  he  had  deserted  them  or  had  peri.shed,  it 
showed  that  the  God  whom  he  professed  to  serve  was  unworthy 
of  their  confidence. 

V.  4 1.   Ifjioa-xoTroLrjaav  is  elsewhere  unkno\\Ti  to  the  ^tant  Greek. 
•  They  selected  the  figure  of  a  calf,  or  more  correctlyTniilqi;k,  as 
their  idol,  in  imitation,  no  doubt,  of  the  Egyptians,  who  worship- 
ped an  ox  at  Memphis,  called  Apis,  and  another  at  Heliopolis, 
called  ]Mnevis.     Win.  Realw.  I.  p.  644 ;  Hertz.  Encyck.  Vol."Vn. 


Chap.  Vn,  42.  43.  COMMENTARY.  139 

p,  214.  Mummies  of  the  animals  so  worshipped  are  often  found 
in  the  catacombs  of  Egypt.  —  ev^patVovro,  rejoiced,  made  merry, 
refers  doubtless  to  the  festive  celebration  mentioned  in  Ex.  32,  6. 

—  Tois  epyots  is  plural,  because  the  idol  was  the  product  of  their 
joint  labors.  Meyer  supposes  it  to  include  the  various  imple- 
ments of  sacrifice,  in  addition  to  the  image  ;  (in  his  last  edition  : 
works  such  as  this.) 

V.  42.  eo-Tp€{j/e,  turned  aivay,  withdrew  his  favor.  —  TrapeSomev, 
gave  up  (Rom.  1,  24),^€iacrf  in  14,  16  ;  he  laid  for  the  present  no 
check  upon  their  inchnations.  In  consequence  of  this  desertion 
they  sunk  into  still  grosser  idolatry.  —  rfj  o-TpaTia  rov  ovpavov,  the 
host  of  heaven,  i.  e.  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars.  This  form  of  wor- 
ship is  called  Sabaism,  from  X3S,  as  apphed  to  the  heavenly 
bodies.  —  cv  yS/'^Au  twv  7rpocf>rjT(l)v,  in  the  hook  of  the  prophets,  i.  e. 
the  twelve  minor  prophets,  whom_the  Jews  reckoned  as  one  col- 
lection. The  passage  is  Amos  5,  25-27.  —  /xi)  o-^ayta,  k.  t.  X. 
This  sign  of  a  question  requires  a  negative  answer,  and  that  an- 
swer is  to  be  understood  in  a  rektive  sense.  See  W.  §  57.  3. 
Did  ye  offer  unto  me  sacrifices  and  offerings  ?  i.  e.  exclusively.  The 
reply  is  left  to  their  consciences.  Even  during  the  eventful 
period  in  the  wilderness,  when  the  nation  saw  so  much  of  the 
power  and  goodness  of  God,  they  deserted  his  worship  for  tly^t 
of  other  gods,  or,  while  they  professed  to  sei-ve  him,  united  his 
service  with  that  of  idols.     The  question  ends  here. 

V.  43.     Kttt  dveA.a/3€T£,  K.  T.  X.     The  tacit  answer  precedes :  No, 

—  ye  apostatized,  and  took  up  the  tabernacle  of  Moloch,  i.  e.  to 
cany  it  with  them  in  their  marches,  or  in  rehgious  processions. 
This  tabernacle  was  intended,  no  doubt,  to  resemble  the  one  con- 
secrated to  Jehovah.  Stephen  follows  the  Septuagint.  MoXox 
stands  there  for  tDSslsTg,  i.  e.  the  idol  worshipped  as  your  king,  which 
was  the  Moloch  of  the  Amorites.  The  Seventy  supply  the  name 
of  the  idol  as  well  known  from  tradition.  But  there  is  almost 
equal  authority,  says  Baiir,i  for  reading  n'sb^,  Milkom,  a  })roper 
name.  That  variation  would  bring  the  Greek  into  still  closer 
conformity  with  the  Hebrew.  —  t6  aa-rpov  tov  ^eov,  the  star  of  tJie 
god,  i.  e.  an  image  resembling  or  representing  a  star  worshipped 
by  them  as  a  god.  —  By  'PcjiK^av  (also  written  'P€<^av,  'Pefiffxi, 
'Fofji(f)a)  the  Seventy  express  lii'S,  which,  like  most  of  the  an- 
cient translators,  they  took  to  be  a  proper  name.  Some  of  the 
ablest  modern  scholars  defend  the  coiTectness  of  that  transla- 

'  Der  Prophet  Amos  crklart,  von  Dr.  Gustav  Baur,  p.  362. 


140  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  Vn,  44. 

tion.J  In  this  case  the  Greek  name  must  have  sprung  from  a 
corrupt  pronunciation  of  the  Hebrew  name  ;  see  Gesen.  Lex.  p. 
463.  According  to  others,  'i^'S  should  be  rendered  statue,  or  stat- 
ues, and  the  idol  would  then  be  umiamejd  in  the  Hebrew.  So 
Gesenius,  Robinson  (N.  T.  Lex.  s.  v.),  and  others.  Admitting 
that  sense,  it  was  unnecessary  for  Stephen  to  correct  the  current 
version ;  for  he  adduced  the  passage  merely  to  establish  the 
charge  of  idolatry,  not  to  decide  what  particular  idol  was  wor- 
shipped. Whether  the  star-god  to  which  they  paid  their  homage 
was  Saturn,  Venus,  or  some  other  planet,  cannot  be  determined. 
—  Tous  TVTTovs,  the  figures,  in  apposition  "with  a-Krjvi'/v  and  aarpov. 
The  term  was  so  much  the  more  appropriate  to  the  taVjernacle, 
as  it  contained  probably  an  image  of  Moloch.  —  /xeroiKiw  is  the 
Attic  future.  —  eTreKciva  Ba/5i;XaJvos,  heijond  Babijlon,  where  the  He- 
brew and  Septuagint  have  hcyond  Damascus.  The  idea  is  the 
same,  for  the  prediction  turned  not  upon  the  name,  but  the  fact, 
viz.  that  God  would  scatter  them  into  distant  lands.  The  Bab- 
ylonian captivity  was  the  one  best  known,  and,  besides,  in  being 
exiled  to  the  remoter  place  the  Jews  were  transported  beyond 
the  nearer. 

V.  44.  r]  cTK-qvy]  tov  [jiapTvpLcv  =  rn::ti  brik  (Numb.  9,  15;  17, 
23),  the  tabernacle  of  the  testimony,  or  law,  so  called,  because  it 
contained  the  ark  in  which  the  tables  of  the  decalogue  were 
kept.  The  law  is  termed  a  testimony,  because  it  testifies  or  de- 
clares the  divine  will.  Biihr's  explanation  ( Symbolik,  Vol.  I.  p. 
80)  is  different:  the  tabernacle  was  a  testimony  or  witness  of  the 
covenant  between  God  and  his  people.  —  Troi^o-ai  ....  ioipaKei, 
that  he  should  make  it  according  to  the  j)Cittcrn  ivhich  he  had  seen, 
viz.  on  Mount  Sinai ;  see  Ex.  25,  9.  40.  By  this  reference,  Ste- 
phen reminds  the  Jews  of  the  emblematical  import,  consequently 
the  subordinate  value,  of  the  ancient  worshi}).  Moses,  under  the 
divine  guidance,  constructed  the  earthly  tabernacle  so  as  to  have 
it  image  forth  certain  heavenly  or  spiritual  realities  that  were  to 
DC  accomplished  under  "  the  better  covenant  of  which  Jesus  is 
the  Mediator."  Here  we  have  the  rudiments  of  the  view  which 
pervades  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews ;  see  especially  Heb.  8,  5 
What  was  true  of  the  tabernacle  was  true  also  of  the  first  and 
the  second  temple ;  they  were  built  after  the  same  model,  and 
were  in  like  manner  dvTtrrTroi,  or  o-Kial  tZw  iTrovpaviwv.  That  appli- 
"cation  of  the  remark  could  be  left  to  suggest  itself 


1  See  especially  Movers  ul)cr  die  Phiinitzicr,  Vol.  I.  p.  289  sq.     He  maintains 
that  T^^a  may  be  traced  as  a  proper  name  in  various  Oriental  languages. 


CiiAP.  VII,  45-47.  COMMENTARY.  141 

,  V.  45.  (cai'  adds  ela-qyayov  tO  Troi^crat.  —  StaSe^ajLccvot,  having 
received  (the  tabernacle),  viz.  from  Moses  or  his  contempora- 
ries, since  those  who  entered  Canaan  were  a  later  generation ; 
not  inherited  (Alf.),  a  false  meaning;  and  not  tvho  came  after, 
successors  (E.  V.,  retained  from  Cranm.),  since  that  substan- 
tive  construction  would   require   the   article   (see   Pape  s.  v.). 

—  /xera  'IiycroS,  with  Joshua  as  their  leader,  under  his  guidance. 

—  kv  rri  KaTacr)(ia-u  twv  e^vwv,  into  the  possession  of  the  heathen,  the 
territory  inhabited  by  them  ;  comp.  lo^rinM  y]  -fy  rjijuv  iv  KaTaax^a-ei, 

in  Numb.  32,  5.  iv  shows  that  the  idea  of  rest  predominates  v 
over  that  of  motion.  Meyer  and  De  Wette  translate  on  taking 
possession  of  the  heathen,  on  their  subjugation.  The  other  mean- 
ing is  better,  because  it  supplies  an  indirect  object  after  elariyayov, 
and  adheres  to  the  prevalent  passive  sense  of  Karacrxeo-ts ;  see 
Rob.  Lex.  s.  v.  —  etos  twv  rjixepwv  Aavt8  belongs  to  ela-qyayov,  em- 
ployed suggestively :  brought  the  tabernacle  into  the  land,  and  , 
retained  it  until  (inclusive)  the  days  of  David.  Some  join  the 
words  with  wv  liaifrev,  which  exalts  a  subordinate  clause  above 
the  principal  one,  and  converts  the  aorist  into  an  imperfect :  was 
expelling  from  Joshua  until  David. 

V.  46.  OS  ...  .  ToC  ^eou,  who  found  favor ,  etc.  Compare  13,  22. 
The  tacit  inference  may  be,  that,  had  the  temple  been  so  impor- 
tant as  the  Jews  supposed,  God  would  not  have  withheld  this 
honor  from  his  servant.  —  Tjr^o-aro,  asked  for  himself  ^s  a  privilege. 
We  have  no  record  of  this  prayer,  though  it  is  implied  in  2  Sam. 
7,  4  sq.,  and  in  1  Chron.  22,  7.  In  the  latter  passage  David  says  : 
"  As  for  me,  it  was  in  my  mind  to  build  an  house  unto  the  name 
of  the  Lord  my  God."  In  that  frame  of  spirit  he  indited  the 
hundred  and  thirty-second  Psalm.  —  ^vpelv  ....  'IaKwj3  coincides 
with  Ps.  132,  5  (Sept.).  To  express  the  object  of  David's  re- 
quest, Stephen  avails  himself  of  the  language  contained  in  that 
passage.  Translate,  a  habitation  (=  oXkcv  in  v.  48,  place  of  abode, 
temple)  yor  ^Ae  God  of  Jacob;  not  tabernacle  (z=aK7]v^  in  v.  44), 
as  in  the  E.  version.  The  tabernacle  existed  already,  and  it  was 
not  that  structure,  but  a  temple,  which  David  was  anxious  to 
build.  The  confusion  arises  from  rendering  the  different  Greek 
terms  by  the  same  word. 

« 
Verses  47-53.     Period  of  the  Temple  and  the  Prophets. 

V.  47.  8c,  adversative.  What  was  denied  to  David  was 
granted  to  Solomon  ;  see  2  Chron.  6,  7.  8.  Yet  even  the  builder 
of  the  temple  acknowledged  (2  Chron.  6,  18)  that  God  is  not 


J/] 2  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  VII,  48-53. 

confined  to  any  single  place  of  worship.  The  tenor  of  tlie  speech 
•\jroivld  be  apt  to  remind  the  hearers  of  that  admission. 

V.  48.  ciAA'  ovx  .  •  .  .  KaTOLKeZ  The  temple  was  at  length  built ; 
but  was  never  designed  to  circumscribe  the  presence  of  the  in- 
finite Architect  (see  v.  50),  or  to  usurp  the  homage  that  belongs 
to  him  alone.  The  remark  here  was  aimed,  doubtless,  at  the 
superstitious  reverence  with  which  the  Jews  regarded  the  tem- 
ple, aiid  at  their  proneness  in  general  to  exalt  the  forms  of  reli- 
gion above  its  essence.  For  ovx  ^^  ^'^^^  position,  see  on  2,  7.  mois 
is  probably  a  gloss  from  17,  24.  —  Ka^ws,  k.  t.  A.  To  give  greater 
effect  to  his  reproof,  Stephen  quotes  the  testimony  of  the  proph- 
et, viz.  Is.  66,  1.  2. 

V.  51.  There  is  no  evidence  that  Stephen  was  interrupted 
at  this  point.  Many  critics  assume  that  without  reason.  The 
sharper  tone  of  reprehension  to  which  the  speaker  rises  here 
belongs  to  the  place  ;  it  is  an  application  of  the  course  of  remark 
which  precedes.  We  have  no  right  to  ascribe  it  to  Stephen's 
irritation  at  percei\ang  signs  of  impatience  or  rage  on  the  part  of 
his  hearers.  —  ctTrcptr/AT/Tot  ....  o>aLv,  imcircunicised,  etc.,  i.  e.  des- 
titute of  the  disposition  to  hear  and  love  the  truth,  of  which  their 
circumcision  should  have  been  the  sign  ;  comp.  Lev.  26,  41 ;  Jer. 
6,  10;  Rom.  2,29.  For  rrj  KapUa  see  2,37. — ^et?  dei,  k.  r.  \., 
Ye  do  cdways  resist  the  Holy  Spirit,  under  whose  influence  the 
messengers  of  God,  e.  g.  Christ  and  the  apostles,  spoke  to  them. 
To  reject  their  testimony  was  to  reject  that  of  the  spirit  himself. 
What  follows  appears  to  restrict  the  language  to  that  meaning.  — 
Koi  r/Aets,  also  you,  where  owws  would  state  the  com})arison  more 
exactly.     See  W.  k  53.  5. 

V.  52.  TtVa  Twv  7rpo<f>r]Twv,  k.  t.  X.,  whom  of  th.e  prophets,  etc. 
Stephen  would  describe  the  general  conduct  of  the  Jews  tow- 
ards their  prophets ;  he  does  not  affirm  that  there  were  no  ex- 
ceptions to  it.  Other  passages,  as  2  Chron.  36,  15.  16  ;  Matt. 
23,  37,  and  Luke  13,  33.  34,  make  the  same  representation. — 
Toiis  TrpoKaTayydXavTa<;,  k.  t.  X.,  those  icho  announced  hcforehand,  etc., 
designates  the  prophets  with  reference  to  the  leading  subject  of 
their  predictions.  See  on  3,  21.24. — tov  SiKatov,  the  Just  one, 
{3,  14)  slain  by  them  as  a  malefactor.  —  vit,  noiv,  as  the  climax 
of  the  nation's  guilt.  —  irpoSoTai,  traitors.     Sec  3,  13. 

V.  53.  Those  who  were  thus  guilty  (v.  52)  acted  in  the 
character  of  those  who  (oiTii/es,  such  as)  received,  etc.  —  tov  vofxov 
....  ayyiWwv,  the  law  as  (cts  predicative  sign,  see  on  v.  21)  ordi- 
nances (plural  with  reference  to  vo/aov  as  ^h  aggregate  of  single 
acts)  of  angels ;  the  latter  not  as  the  authors  of  them,  in  which 


Chap.  YII,  53-55.  COMMENTARY.  143 

sense  they  were  God's,  but  as  communicated  through  them ; 
comp.  o  8l  ayyeXtiiv  XaXi^-Jet;  in  Heb.  2,  2,  the  loord  spoken  through 
angels,  and  especially  Siarayets  8i'  dyyeXwv  in  Gal.  3,  19,  ordained 
on  the  part  of  God  through  angels.  The  elliptical  exi)lanation, 
reckoned  imto  ordinances,  as  of  that  rank  or  class,  affords  the 
same  meaning,  but  is  not  so  simple.  See  W.  ^  32.  4.  b.  Some 
translate  unon  the  ministrations,  agency  of;  but  that  both  strains 
the  use  of  the  preposition  (not  necessary  even  in  Matt.  12,  41) 
and  employs  the  noun  differently  from  Rom.  13,  2  (s{iot  elsewhere 
in  N.  T.).  The  presence  of  angels  at  the  giving  or^the  law  is 
not  expressly  stated  in  the  Old  Testament,  but  is  alluded  to  in 
Gal.  3,  19,  and  Heb.  2,  2.  Philo  and  Josephus  testify  to  the  same 
tradition.  The  Seventy  translate  Deut.  33,  2  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  assert  the  same  fact.  It  is  implied  perhaps  in  Ps.  68,  18. 
The  Jews  regarded  this  angelic  mediation  as  both  ennobling  the 
law,  and  as  conferring  special  honor  on  themselves,  to  whom  the 
law  was  given.  For  a  striking  proof  of  this  Jewish  feeling,  see  \/ 
Jos.  Antt.  15.  5.  3.  From  another  point  of  view,  viz.  that  of  Christ's 
superiority  to  angels,  this  angelic  intervention  showed  the  inferi- 
ority of  the  law  to  the  gospel ;  which  is  the  view  taken  in  Heb. 
2,  2,  and  probably  in  Gal.  3,  19.  —  kclI  ovk  i(f>vXdiaTe,  and  yet  ye 
kept  it  not.  voiiov  as  the  principal  word  supplies  the  object,  and  not 
Siarayas  (E.  V.).  In  this  verse,  therefore,  we  have  the  apostle's 
idea  in  Rom.  2,  23,  where  he  says  that  the  Jews  gloried  in  the 
law,  while  they  dishonored  God  by  their  violations  of  it. 

Verses  54-60.     The  Death  of  Stephen. 

v.  54.  It  is  disputed  whether  Stephen  finished  his  speech  or 
not.  The  abrupt  manner  in  which  he  closes,  and  the  exaspera- 
tion of  the  Jews  at  that  moment,  render  it  probable  that  he  was 
inteiTupted.  aKovovT^<i  as  present  favors  the  same  view,  but  is 
not  decisive  (see  5,^;  13,  48). —  For  SieTrptovro,  see  on  5,  33. 

V.  55.  TrX-^prj^  TTveujaaros  ayuw.  The  Spirit  revealed  to  his  soul 
this  scene  in  heaven.  It  was  not  a  vision  addressed  to  the 
senses.  It  is  needless,  therefore,  to  inquire,  as  Meyer  now  ad- 
mits, whether  our^  martyr  could  see  the  opened  sky  through  the 
roof  or  a  window.  —  For  86iav  Seov,  the  glory  of  God,  see  on  v.  2. 
—  etTTwra,  standing,  instead  of  sitting,  as  at  other  times.  The 
Saviour  had  risen  in  order  to  intimate  his  readiness  to  protect  or 
sustain  his  servant  (Bug.  Kuin.  Mey.).  It  appears  to  me  doubt- 
ful whether  we  are  to  attach  that  or  any  other  significancy  to  the 
particular  attitude  in  which  he  appeared. 


144  COMMENTARY.  Cii.vp.  YH,  56-5S. 

V.  56.  iSov,  K.  T.  \.  This  declaration  would  tend  to  exasperate 
theiii  still  more.  Tliey  are  now  told  that  He  w^hom  they  had 
crucified,  and  whom  they  were  ready  to  slay  anew  in  the  person 
of  his  followers,  was  exalted  to  supreme  dominion  at  the  right 
hand  of  God.     See  remarks  on  2,  34. 

V.  57.  Kpa^avreg,  crijing,  among  other  things,  perhaps  that  he 
should  be  silent,  or  that  he  should  be  put  to  death ;  comp.  1 9,  32 ; 
Matt.  27,  23 ;  John  19,  12.  —  <jvvi(Jxov  to.  S)Ta  airCov.  They  affected 
to  regard  his  words  as  blasphemous,  and  stopped  their  ears  as  an 
expression  of  their  abhorrence.  —  koL  Mpjxrjo-av,  k.  t.  X.  Under  the 
Roman  laws,  the  Jews  had  no  power  to  intiict  capital  punishment 
"without  the  sanction  of  the  procurator  or  his  proxy;  see  John  18, 
31.  Nearly  all  critics,  at  present,  concur  in  that  view.  Hence 
the  stoning  of  Stephen  was  an  illegal,  tumultuous  proceeding. 
The  Roman  governors  connived  often  at  such  irregularities,  pro- 
vided the  Roman  interest  or  })ower  suffered  no  detriment.  As 
Pilate  was  deposed  in  A.  D.  35,  or  36,  some  have  thought  that 
his  office  may  have  been  still  vacant  (see  on  6,  1),  and  that  the 
Jews  took  greater  hberty  on  that  account. 

V.  58.  efo)  TTJ's  TToXews,  out  of  the  city,  because  a  place  so  holy 
was  not  to  be  defiled  with  blood ;  see  Lev.  24,  14.  Compare  the 
note  on  14,  19.  —  /cat  ol  fxaprvpes,  K.  T.  X.,  and  the  witnesses  laid  off 
their  garments,  that  they  might  have  the  free  use  of  their  arms  in 
hurling  the  stones.  The  law  of  Moses  required  the  witnesses  in 
the  case  of  a  capital  offence  to  begin  the  work  of  death ;  see 
Deut.  13,  10  ;  17,  7.  The  object  of  the  law,  it  has  been  suggested, 
may  have  been  to  prevent  inconsiderate  or  false  testimony.  Many 
would  be  shocked  at  the  idea  of  shedding  blood,  who  would  not 
scruple  to  gain  a  private  end,  or  to  gratify  their  malice,  by  misrep- 
resentation and  falsehood.  —  Traph.  tov<;  TrdSa?,  at  his  feet  for  safe- 
keeping; comp.  22,  20.  Their  selecting  Saul  for  this  purpose 
shows  that  he  was  already  kno\vn  as  a  decided  enemy  of  the 
Christians.  His  zeal  and  dialectic  skill  in  the  controversy  with! 
Stephen  (see  on  6,  9)  could  not  have  failed  to  establish  his  claim/ 
to  that  character.  —  veaviov,  a  young  man;  a  designation  wliich 
the  Greeks  pould  apply  to  a  person  till  he  was  forty  years 
old,  but  jierhaps  in  common  speech  would  rarely  extend  be- 
yond tlie  age  of  thirty.  This  term,  therefore,  is  very  indefinite, 
as  an  indication  of  Saul's  age  at  the  time  of  this  occurrence.  In 
all  probability  he  was  not  far  from  thirty  when  he  was  converted; 
not  much  less,  as  the  Sanlicdrira  would  hardly  have  entrusted 
so  important  a  commission  to  a  mere  youth  (see  9,  1  sq.),  and 


Chap.  VIII,  1 .  C  0  M  M  E  N  T  A  K  Y .  145 

not  more,  as  his  recorded  life  (closing  about  A.  D.  61)  would 
otherwise  be  too  short  for  the  events  of  his  history.^ 

V.  59.  sTTLKaXovixevov,  calling  upon,  viz.  Christ.  Kupte  'Ir/o-oi)  just 
before  supplies  the  only  natural  object  after  this  participle.  "  That 
the  first  Christians  called  on  Jesus,"  says  De  Wette,  i.  e.  ad- 
dressed prayer  to  him,  "is  evident  from  9,  14.  21;  22,  16;  comp. 
2,  21;  Rom.  10,  12  sq."  See  further,  on  9,  14.  — As  the  dying 
Saviour  said  to  the  Father,  "  Into  thy  hands  I  commend  my  spirit," 
so  the  dying  Stephen  said  now  to  the  Saviour,  hi^ai  to  ttvcv/xci 

V.  60.  fxy]  (TTriari<i  .  .  .  .  ravTrjv,  establish  not  this  shi  to  them,  reck- 
on or  count  it  not  to  them  (Rob.  De  Wet).  Christ  had  set  an 
example  of  this  duty,  as  well  as  enjoined  it  by  precept.  No  par- 
allel to  this  prayer  of  Stephen  can  be  found  out  of  Christian  his- 
tory. The  Greeks  expressed  a  dehortatory  command  or  wish  by  fxrj 
with  the  subjunctive  aorist,  when  the  act  was  one  not  yet  com- 
menced;  comp.  on  10,  15.  This  is  Hermann's  rule.  See  Mt.  ^ 
511.  3  ;  K.  ^  259.  5.  —  Uoiii-q^,  fell  asleep,  died;  comp.  13,  36;  1 
Cor.  15,  18,  etc.  Heathen  writers  employed  the  verb  occasionally 
in  that  sense ;  bnt  its  derivative,  KOLjxrjTi/jpLov,  cemetery,  i.  e.  a  iilace 
where  the  body  sleeps  in  the  hope  of  a  resurrection,  was  fii-st 
used  by  Christians.  It  marks  the  introduction  of  the  more  cheer- 
ful ideas  which  the  gospel  has  taught  men  to  connect  with  the 
ei-ave. 


C5UX:o _)  %'S<\ 


CHAPTER    YIII. 

Verses  1-3.     The  Burial  of  Stephen. 

V.  1.  The  first  sentence  here  would  have  closed  more  properly 
the  last  chapter.  —  (rweuSoKojv,  consenting,  aj^proving  with  them,  viz. 
the  murderers  of  Stephen,  so  that  he  shared  their  guilt  without 

1  For  information  in  regard  to  the  early  life  and  training  of  the  apostle  Paul 
(a  topic  important  to  a  just  view  of  his  character  and  history),  the  student  may 
consult  Dr.  Davidson's  Introduction  to  the  New  Testament,  Vol.  II.  p.  122  sq. ; 
Conybeare  and  Ilowson's  Life  and  Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  Vol.  I.  p.  40  sq.  (2d  ed.) ; 
Selections  from  German  Literature  (Edwards  and  Park),  p.  31  sq. ;  Schrader's  Der 
Apostel  Paul.Zweiter  Thcil,  p.  14  sq. ;  Hemsen's  DaaJLeben  dcs  Apostels  u.s.  w., 
erstes  Kapitel ;  and  Tholuck's  Vcrraischte  Schriften,  Baud  II.  p.  272  sq. 
19 


146  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  VIII,  1-3. 

participating  so  directly  in  the  act.  In  Rom.  1,  32,  Paul  lays  it 
down  as  one  of  the  worst  marks  of  a  depraved  mind  that  a  per- 
son can  bring  himself  to  api)laud  thus  coolly  the  sins  of  others, 
and  in  22,  20,  he  says  that  he  himself  had  exhibited  that  mark 
of  depravity  in  relation  to  the  death  of  Stephen.  Luke  here 
records  probably  a  confession  which  he  had  often  heard  from  the 
lips  of  the  apostle.  For  rjv  with  the  participle,  see  on  1,  10.  —  ev 
kKuvTf  rfj  rjiJ-^pa.,  on  that  day  (conip.  11,  19)  ;  not  indefinite  at  that 
time,  which  would  require  the  noun  to  be  plural.  The  stoning 
of  Stephen  was  the  signal  for  an  immediate  and  universal  per- 
secution.—  Travres  need  not  be  pressed  so  as  to  include  every 
individual ;  see  on  3,  18.  Zeller  clings  to  the  letter,  and  then 
argues  against  the  truth  of  the  narrative  from  the  improbability 
of  such  a  panic.  Many  of  those  who  fled  returned,  doubtless, 
after  the  cessation  of  the  present  danger.  It  is  not  to  be  sup-\ 
posed  that  the  church  which  we  find  existing  at  Jerusalem  after! 
this  was  made  up  entirely  of  new  members.  —  Kara  ras  x^P"-^, 
K.  T.  /\.  They  fled  at  first  to  different  places  in  Judea  and  Sama- 
ria ;  but  some  of  them,  probably  the  foreign  Jews,  went  after- 
wards to  other  countries  (see  v.  4  and  11,  19). 

V.  2.  (TweKo/xtcrav,  bore  away  together  (i.  e.  to  the  grave),  joined 
to  bury  ;  or  simply  buried,  as  the  force  of  the  preposition  is  not 
always  traceable  in  this  verb  (see  Pape  s.  v.).  —  hi,  now,  cwcnes 
back  the  mind  to  Stephen  after  the  digression  in  v.  1 ;  not  but,  in 
spite  of  the  persecution,  for  it  was  not  only  permitted  among  the 
Jews,  but  required,  that  the  bodies  of  those  executed  should  be 
buried.  —  avSpes  ciAaySeis  are  pious  Jews  (see  on  2,  5),  who  testi- 
fied in  this  way  their  commiseration  for  Stephen's  fate,  and  their 
conviction  of  his  innocence.  The  Christians  would  not  have 
been  allowed  to  perform  such  an  office ;  they,  too,  would  have 
been  designated  as  disciples  or  brethren.  —  kott^tov,  hmicntation, 
as  expressed  in  the  Oriental  way  by  clapping  the  hands  or  smit- 
ing on  the  breast. 

V.  3.  hi,  note,  presents  Saul  again  as  the  principal  person  ;  or 
possibly  but  (E.  V.),  contrasting  liis  conduct  with  that  of  the 
cvXajSeis.  —  Kara  tovs  olkov;,  into  the  houses  one  after  another.  The 
preposition  marks  both  direction  and  succession.  —  (rvpwv,  drag- 
ging, bearing  off  with  violence  ;  comp.  14,  19  ;  17,  6.  See  Tittm. 
Synm.  p.  57  sq.  We  see  the  man's  ferocious  spirit  in  his  man* 
ner.  "  Haling,"  in  the  English  translation,  is  an  old  word  for 
hotuling  or  hqivling.  —  tc  avSpas,  k.  t.  A.,  not  only  men  but  women  ; 
repeated  also  in  9,  2  and  22,  4  as  a  great  aggravation  of  his 
cruelty. 


Chap.  VIII,  4-7.  COMMENTARY.  147 


Verses  4-8.     The  Gospelis  preackedin  Samaria. 

V.  4.  01  fxev  ovv  Stao-Trapevres,  Those  therefore  dispersed,  taken  as 
a  substantive;  comp.  1,  6.  The  clause  is  Illative  as  well  as  re- 
sumptive, since  it  was  in  consequence  of  the  persecution  (v.  1) 
thanhe  disciples  were  led  to  new  fields  of  labor.  —  8t^A.^ov,  went 
abroad,  lit.  through,  i.  e.  different  places,  Luke  intimates  the  cir- 
cuit of  their  labors  more  fully  in  11,  19. 

V.  5.  This  is  the  P]dlip  mentioned  in  6,  5  and  21,8;  not  the 
apostle  of  that  name,  for  he  remained  still  at  Jerusalem,  see  v.  1. 
—  KareXSdyv,  having  come  down,  because  he  journeyed  from  Jeru- 
salem (v.  15)  ;  to  go  to  that  city  was  ava^aivuv. —  eh  7roA.tv  rr}?  5a/xa- 
pcta?,  unto  the  city  of  Samaria,  genitive  of  apposition  (Grot.  Kuin. 
"Win.  Rob.),  or  a  city  in  that  country  (Olsh.  Neand.  De  Wet. 
Mey.).  That  the  capital  was  called  Samaria  at  this  time,  as 
well  as  Sebaste,  we  see  from  Jos.  Antt.  20.  6.  2.  ttoXlv,  with  that' 
reference,  may  omit  the  article  because  2a/>tapeia?  defines  it ; 
comp.  2  Pet.  2,  6,  W.  M9.  2.  It  would  be  most  natural  to  repair 
at  once  to  the  chief  city,  and  it  was  there  that  such  a  man  as 
Simon  Magus  (see  v.  9)  would  be  most  apt  to  fix  his  abode.  — 
ox^ob,  in  V.  6,  indicates  a  populous  city.  If  it  was  not  the  capital, 
it  may  have  been  Sychar,  where  the  Saviour  preached  with  so 
much  effect  (Olsh.)  ;  see  John  4,  5  sq.  —  awrois,  unto  them.  The 
antecedent  Kes  in  ttoAiv,  comp.  18,  11;  Matt.  4,  23;  Gal.  2,  2. 
W.  h  67.  1.  d. 

V.  6.  Trposetxov,  attended,  listened  with  eager  interest ;  not  be- 
lieved (Kuin.),  which  anticipates  the  result  in  v.  12. — eV  t<3  Lkovuv, 
K.  T.  X.,  when  theij  heard,  and  saiv,  etc.  Iv  with  the  infinitive  de- 
notes here,  not  the  cause,  but  the  time  or  occasion.  K.  k  289. 
1.  2. 

V.  7.  TToXXwv  yap,  K.  T.  \.,  For  from  mamj  who  had  unclean  spir- 
its, they  (the  spirits)  ivent  forth,  etc.  iroXkwv  depends  on  k^  in  the 
verb  (Mey.  De  Wet.),  comp.  16,  39  ;  Matt.  10,  14.  Some  (Bug. 
Kuin.)  make  TrvevfxaTa  the  subject  of  the  verb,  and  supply  aura 
after  c;(ovTa)v.  The  other  is  the  more  natural  order.  —  jSoHivra, 
K.  T.  X.,  crying  with  a  loud  voice,  and  testifying  to  the  Messiahship 
of  Jesus,  or  the  truth  of  the  gospel ;  comp.  Mark  3,  11  ;  Luke  4, 
41.  The  expression  would  suppose  the  reader  to  be  acquainted 
with  the  fuller  account  of  such  cases  in  the  history  of  Christ. 
Some  understand  the  cry  here  to  have  been  an  exclamation  of 
rage  or  indignation  on  the  part  of  the  demons,  because  they 
were  compelled  to  release  their  victims.  — rroXXol  8c,  k.  t.  X.    Here, 


148  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  YIII,  9-11. 

too  (see  on  5,  16),  ordinary  diseases  are  distinguished  from  de- 
moniacal possession. 

Verses  9-13.      Simon  the  Sorcerer,  and  his  Professed  Belief. 

Y.  9.  2i/Awv.  For  the  history  of  this  impostor,  his  character, 
and  the  traditions  of  the  church  respecting  him,  the  reader  is  re- 
ferred to  Neander's  Church  History,  Vol.  I.  p.  454,  or  his  Planting 
of  the  Church,  p.  46  sq.  See  note  on  v.  24.  —  irpovTrripx^v,  tvtis 
there  before,  i.  e.  the  aiTival  of  Philip,  and  had  been  for  a  long 
time,  see  v.  11. — /tayevwv,  k.  t.  A.,  states  in  what  character  and  by 
what  arts  he  secured  so  much  power.  —  e^to-Twv  to  I^os,  beicitch- 
ingjJie  nation;  either  because  he  traversed  the  country,  or  drew 
to  himself  crowds  in  the  city  where  he  dwelt. 

V.  10.  diro  fjiLKpov  ew^  fxeydXov,  frojn  small  wito  great,  i.  e.  both 
young  and  old,  see  Heb.  8,  11 ;  Jon.  3,  5  (Sept.).  The  expression 
has  been  called  a  Hebraism,  but  examples  of  it  occur  in  Greek 
^vriters  (Mey.).  —  oStos,  k.  t.  A.,  This  one  is  the  great  poiver  of  God, 
i.  e.  through  him  is  exhibited  that  power ;  they  supposed  liim  to 
perform  wonders  which  evinced  his  possession  of  superhuman 
gifts.  The  language  is  similar  to  that  in  Rom.  1,  16,  where  the 
gospel  is  said  to  be  8wa/xts  ^^ov  ets  a-cjTrjpcav,  i.  e.  an  instrumental- 
ity exhibiting  the  power  of  God  in  the  salvation  of  men.  This 
is  the  more  obvious  view  of  the  sense,  and  is  the  one  commonly 
received.  Neander  would  ascribe  to  the  words  a  theosophic, 
concrete  meaning.  He  supposes  the  Samaritans  to  have  recog- 
nized Simon  "  as  more  than  a  man  :  the  Great  Power  which  at 
first  emanated  from  the  invisible  God,  and  through  which  he 
created  every  tiling  else,  had  now  appeared  in  a  bodily  form  on 
the  earth."  It  appears  to  be  exacting  too  much  from  the  lau- 
giiage  to  understand  it  in  that  ma^itrer.  Ae'ywv  ctvai  nva  iavrov  fjityav, 
in  v.  9  (comp.  5,  36;  Gal.  2,  6),  would  not  show  that  he  himself 
carried  his  pretensions  so  far ;  and  the  people  are  not  likely  to 
have  conceded  to  him  more  than  he  claimed.  —  The  variation  r) 
KaXov fxevrj  fjieydXrj  is  well  supported  (Grsb.  Mey.  Tsch.):  ivhich  is 
called  great,  i.  e.  is  tndy  so,  desen'es  the  epithet.  De  Wette 
thinks  KoX&vfiivT]  a  gloss,  added  to  weaken  the  idea :  called  great, 
but  not  so  in  reality. 

V.  11.     LKovw -xpovi^,  for  a  long  time.     The  dative  stands  for  the 
ordinary  accusative,  as  in  13,  20;  John  2,  20  ;  Rom.  16,  25.     \V.      / 
^  31.  9 ;   S.  i  106.  4.  —  rats  /xayciats,  k.  t.  A.,  they  had  been  bewitched  y 
by  his  sorceries  (lit.  j'ut  beside  themselces)  ;  not  he  had  bcmTcficd 
them  (Vulg.  Eng.  V.).     The  perfect  e^WraKcvat,  says  Scholefield 


Chap.  VIII,  13-17.  COMMENTARY.  149 

(Hints,  etc.  p.  40),  does  not  admit  a  transitive  sense.  See  also 
Biiid.  Concord,  s.  v.  It  was  necessary  that  men  deluded  to  such 
an  extent  should  be  reclaimed  by  arguments  addressed  to  the 
senses  ;  see  vv.  6.  7.  17. 

V.  13.  6  8e  %i[jiu)v,  K.  T.  X.,  And  Simon  also  himself  believed,  viz. 
the  word  preached,  i.  e.  professed  to  be  a  disciple,  and  was  bap- 
tized in  that  character.  The  verb  describes  him  with  reference 
to  his  supposed  or  apparent  state,  not  his  actual  position.  He 
may  have  been  not  wholly  insincere  at  first,  but  soon  showed 
that  he  had  no  correct  views  of  the  gospel,  that  he  was  a  stranger 
to  its  power;  see  on  v.  18.  —  8wa/i,ets  differs  from  cn7//.eta,  as  ex- 
plained on  2,  22.  —  Editors  hesitate  between  Swd/xas  koI  arrjfieia 
[x^ydXa  and  arjfXiM  Koi  Swa/xets  fieydXa^. 

Verses  14-'17.     Peter  and  John  are  sent  to  Samaria. 

Y.  14.  There  is  no  inadvertence  here.  The  apostles  had 
remained  at  Jerusalem  (v.  1).  —  Sa/Aapeta  may  be  the  name  of 
the  city  or  the  country  ;  see  on  v.  5.  The  application  here  would 
not  control  it  there.  Neander  refers  it  to  the  country.  In  that 
case,  as  Philip  had  preached  at  one  place  only,  we  must  regard 
the  idea  as  generalized :  his  success  there  was  hailed  as  the 
pledge  of  success  in  all  Samaria.  —  7rp6s  avrovs,  zmto  them  in  that 
city,  or  country ;  the  antecedent  imphed,  as  in  v.  5. 

V.  15.  Kara/SavTcs,  having  come  down.  Their  imparting  the 
Spirit  was  consequent  on  the  journey  hither  (post  hoc),  but  is 
not  said  to  have  been  the  object  of  it  (propter  hoc).  That  none 
but  the  apostles  were  empowered  to  bestow  this  gift,  has  been 
affirmed  by  some,  and  denied  by  others  (see  1  Tim.  4,  14).  If  it 
was  a  prerogative  of  the  apostles  (who  had  no  successors  in  the 
church),  the  inference  would  be  that  it  ceased  with  the  extinc- 
tion of  that  order.  The  Catholics  and  those  who  entertain 
Cathohc  views  appeal  to  this  scripture  as  showing  the  inferi- 
ority of  the  pastor  to  the  bishop.  —  Trpocnyvfavro,  k.  t.  X.  The  Sa- 
maritans had  received  already  the  converting  influences  of  the 
Spu-it;  and  hence  the  object  of  the  prayer  was,  that  their  faith 
might  be  confirmed  by  a  miraculous  attestation ;  see  on  5,  32.  — 
oTTw?  with  the  finite  verb  circumscribes  the  infinitive  ;  comp.  25, 
3  ;  Matt.  8,  34  (De  Wet.)  ;  better  here  as  telic,  since  prayer  may 
be  viewed  as  a  necessary  condition  of  the  gift ;  comp.  v.  24. 

V.  17.  hviri^ovv  is  the  imperfect  of  a  repeated  act.  For  the 
import  of  the  symbol,  see  on  6,  6.  —  kqx  iXdfxfSavov,  k.  t.  X.,  and 
they  received  the  Holy  Spirit  as  the  author  of  the  endowments 


150  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  VIII,  1 8-20. 

conferred  on  them.  Among  these  may  have  been  the  gift  of 
tongues  (see  2.  4  ;  10,  46),  and  also  that  of  prophesy,  as  well  as 
the  power  of  working  miracles.  Middlelon's  rule  is,  that  the 
anarthous  irvevixa  denotes  only  some  effect  or  actual  operation  of 
the  Spirit,  wliile  to  Trvevfjia  signifies  the  Divine  Person  in  general, 
without  reference  to  any  particular  instance  or  mode  of  operation. 
See  Green's  Gr.  p.  229.  The  distinction  affects  no  question  of  a 
doctrinal  nature  ;  it  may  agree  well  enough  with  some  passages, 
but  is  purely  arbitrary  in  its  application  to  others.  The  true  prin- 
ciple is  that  stated  on  1,  2. 

Vekses  18-24.     T/ie  Hijpocnsij  of  Simon,  audits  Exj)osnre. 

V.  18.  B€acra.jxi.vo<;  (which  means  to  see  ivith  interest,  or  desire) 
has  less  external  support  than  iSolv.  Meyer  retains  the  fonner, 
on  the  principle  that  the  more  common  word  would  displace  the 
less  common,  instead  of  the  reverse.  The  ambition  or  cupidity  of 
Simon  had  slumbered  for  a  time,  but  was  noAv  aroused  at  the 
sudden  prospect  of  obtaining  a  power  which  would  enable  him  to 
gratify  his  selfish  desires,  which  Avould  place  at  his  command  un- 
bounded wealth  and  influence.  He  had  seen  Philip  perform  mir- 
acles, but  had  seen  no  instance  until  now,  in  which  that  power  had 
been  transferred  to  others.  The  interval  between  this  develop- 
ment of  his  true  character  and  his  profession  of  the  Christian  faith, 
was  probably  not  long.  —  7rpocrr;vey/cev  auTois  )(fir]iJiaTa,  offered  to  them 
money.  This  act  has  originated  our  word  simony,  which  Web- 
ster defines  as  "  the  crime  of  buying  or  selHng  ecclesiastical  pre- 
ferment, or  the  corrupt  presentation  of  any  one  to  an  ecclesias- 
tical benefice  for  money  or  reward."  It  is  fortunate  for  us,  that 
our  religious  institutions  in  this  country  require  us  to  obtain  our 
knowledge  of  the  term  from  a  lexicon. 

V.  1 9.  Kafioi,  to  me  also,  that  I  may  possess  it  like  you  ;  not  to 
one  as  well  as  to  others,  since  no  example  of  such  transfer  was 
known  to  him.  —  w  lav,  vjmn  xvliomsoevcr,  see  on  2,  21.  —  efovcriav 
TavTTyi/ refers  to  v.  18,</m^wirp/-,  authority,  which  he  had  seen  them 
exercise  ;  not  to  the  clause  following.  Hence  Iva.  is  not  definitive, 
to  wit,  that,  but  telic,  in  order  that. 

V.  20.  TO  apyvpiov,  k.  t.  X.,  May  thy  money  ivith  thee  (=  and 
thou)  perish,  lit.  he  for  destruction,  consigned  thereto.  This  is  the 
language  of  strong  emotion  ;  it  expresses  the  intense  abhorrence 
whii'h  the  proposal  excited  in  the  mind  of  Peter.  That  it  was 
not  a  dehberate  wish,  or  an  imprecation,  is  evident  from  v.  22, 
Avhere  the  apostle  points  out  to  Simon  the  way  to  esctipe  the 


Chap.  Vlll,  21-23.  COMMENTARY.  151 

danger  announced  to  him.     o-vv  o-oi  some  take  to  mean  ivith  thee 
who  art  in  the  way  to  destruction,  i.  e.  may  thy  money  share  the 
doom  to  which  thou  art  devoted.     But  the  ckuise  contains  only 
one  verb,  and  it  is  violent  to  make  it  thus  o})tative  and  declara- 
tive at  the  same  time.  —  on  t^v  Swpeav,  k.  t.  X.,  because  thou  didst 
think,  deem  it  possible  (aor.,  because  the  proposal  made  was  the 
sin)  to  acquire   (not  passive,  as  in  the  Eng.  V.)  tlie  gift  of  God 
with  money,     ttjv  Swpedv  stands  opposed  to  8ta  XPVH-'^'''^'^  Kraa-^ai,   ' 
and  hence  means,  that  which  God  bestows  gratuitously  on  those   i 
who  are  quahfied  to  receive  it ;  not  that  wliich  it  is  his  preroga-   | 
tive  to  give  in  distinction  from  men. 

V.  21.  ovK  eo-Tt  ....  Kkrjpo'i,  Thou  hast  no  part  nor  lot.  The 
first  term  is  literal,  the  second  figurative ;  they  are  conjoined  in 
order  to  affirm  the  exclusion  spoken  of  with  more  emphasis.  —  kv 
T(3  Xdyo)  TouVw,  in  this  ivord,  doctrine,  or  gospel,  which  we  })reach 
(Olsh.  Neand.),  or  in  this  thing,  viz.  the  gift  of  the  Spirit  (Bng. 
Mey.  De  Wet.).  The  first  sense  accords  better  with  the  usage 
of  the  word,  and  is  also  stronger  and  more  comprehensive  ;  for 
if  the  state  of  his  heart  was  such  as  to  exclude  liim  from  the  or- 
dinary benefits  of  the  gospel,  much  more  must  it  render  him  unfit 
to  recieve  the  higher  communications  of  the  Spirit,  or  to  be  hon- 
ored as  the  medium  of  conferring  them  on  others. 

V.  22.  ix(.Tav6r](Tov  ....  raur?;?  occurs  in  sensu  prcEgnanti  for  re-  ' 
pent,  and  turn  from,  this  thy  wickedness  ;  comp.  ixcravoia  diro  veKpQyv 
epywv  in  Heb.  6,  1.  W.  ^  66.  2.  —  For  the  received  ^eov  after 
8ei^Sr]Ti,  most  manuscripts  read  Kvplov.  —  ct  dpa  ....  KapSta?  aov,  if 
perhaps  the  thought  of  thy  heart  shall  he  forgiven  thee.  Some  idea 
like  and.  thus  see  if,  appears  to  lie  between  the  imperative,  and 
the  indicative  future.  See  W.  '5  41.  p.  268.  Some  attribute  the 
problematical  form  of  the  expression  to  an  uncertainty,  on  the 
part  of  Peter,  whether  the  man  had  sincerely  repented  or  would 
repent  of  his  sin.  That  view  assigns  the  quaUfying  effect  of 
apa  to  the  first  clause,  instead  of  the  second,  where  it  stands. 
Others,  more  correctly,  find  the  ground  of  it  in  the  aggravated 
nature  of  the  sin,  or  in  the  apostle's  strong  sense  of  its  aggra- 
vated nature,  leading  him  to  doubt  whether  he  ought  to  represent 
the  pardon  as  certain,  even  if  he  repented. — rj  iirivoia,  the  thought, 
wicked  purpose,  a  vox  m,edia. 

V.  23.  £ts  yap,  K.  xTlC,  For  I  see  that  thou  art  in  the  gall  of 
bitterness.  The  gall  of  noxious  reptiles  was  considered  by  the 
ancients  as  the  source  of  their  venom  ;  and  hence  x^^^'h  with  an 
allusion  to  that  fact,  becomes  an  expressive  meta])lior  to  denote 
the  malice  or  moral  corruption  of  the  wicked.      Compare  tills 


1 52  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  VIII,  24-26. 

with  Job  20,  14;  Rom.  3,  13.  pit,a  TriKpla^,  in  Heb.  12,  15,  is  a 
different  figure.  TriKptas  describes  a  quality  of  x°^W>  ^^^  i^ 
equivalent  to  an  adjective,  bitter  gall  (see  on  7,  30)  ;  so  that, 
transfeiTing  the  idea  from  the  figure  to  the  subject,  the  expres- 
sion imports  the  same  as  malignant,  aggravated  depravit?/.  —  koL 
avvSeafxav  dSifci'as,  and  in  the  bond  of  iniquity,  i.  e.  not  only  wicked 
in  principle,  but  confirmed  in  the  habit  of  sin,  bound  to  it  as  ^vith 
a  chain.  —  eis  (ht.  unto)  belongs  also  to  the  second  clause,  and  in 
both  cases  implies  the  idea  of  abandonment  to  the  influence  or 
condition  spoken  of 

V.  24.     Sery^TjTc,  k.  t.  X.     We  may  infer  from  Luke's  silence  as 

'  to  the  subsequent  history  of  Simon,  that  the  rebuke  of  the  apos- 

tic  alarmed  only  his  fears;  that  it  produced  no  reformation  in  his 

/  character,  or  his  course  of  fife.     This  conchision  would  be  still 

more  certain,  if  it  were  true,  as  some  maintain,  that  tliis  Simon 

was  the  person  whom  Josephns  mentions  under  the  same  name 

as  the  wicked  accomplice  of  the  procurator  Felix  (Antt.  20.  7.  2). 

1    Neander  held  at  one  time  that  they  were  the  same,  but  after- 

l    wards  receded  from  that  opinion.      So  common  a  name  is  no 

proof  of  their  identity,  and  it  is  proof  against  it,  tliat  this  Simon, 

according  to  Justin  Martyr,  belonged  to  Samaria,  while  the  other 

is  said  to  have  been  a  native  of  Cyprus. 


Verses  25-35.      Conversion  of  the  Ethiopian. 

V.  25.  01  /AcV,  viz.  Peter  and  John,  probably  unattended  by 
Philip.  —  evrjyyeXLo-avTo  (T.  R.),  preached,  may  state  the  result  of 
their  labors  while  they  had  been  absent,  or  what  took  })lace  on 
their  return  to  Jerusalem.  The  latter  view  agrees  best  A\dth  the 
order  of  the  narrative,  and  is  required  if  we  read  vnia-Tpti^ov  and 
cvrjyyeXc^ovTo  (Lchm.  Mey.  Tsch.),  ivcre  preaching.  This  verb,  ac- 
cording to  a  later  Grecism  (Lob.  ad  Phryn.  p.  267),  may  take  its 
object  in  the  accusative,  as  well  as  the  dative  ;  comp.  v.  40  ;  14, 
15.  21  ;  16,  10  ;  Luke  3,  18 ;  Gal.  1,  9.     W.  ^  32.  1. 

V.  26.  M  answers  to  fiiv  in  v.  25.  —  iXdXrjare,  k.  t.  \.  Philip 
appears  to  have  received  this  direction  in  Samaria  (v.  13),  and 
soon  after  the  departure  of  the  apostles.  Zellcr  conjectures 
(Thcol.  Jahrb.  1851)  that  he  had  come  back  to  Jerusalem  in  the 
mean  time  ;  but  the  terms  of  the  communication  are  against  that 
view. — avdaTrjSi  involves  an  idiom  explained  in  the  note  on  9, 
18.  —  TTopevov.  For  the  tense,  see  on  3,  6.  —  kuto.  ^.tcrqix-ftpiav, 
down  to  the  south,  because  in  Samaria  he  was  so  far  to  the  north 
of  Jerusalem.     This  expression  points  out,  not  the  direction  of 


Chap.  Vin,  26.  COMMENTARY,  153 

the  road  from  Jerusalem  to  Gaza,  but  that  in  which  Philip  was  to 
travel,  in  order  to  find  the  road.  The  collocation  joins  the  words 
evidently  to  the  verb,  and  not,  as  some  have  represented,  to  the 
clause  which  follows.  —  Gaza  was  about  sixty  miles  southwest 
from  Jerusalem.  —  avT-q  ia-rlv  epi/jnos,  This  is  desert.  Some  refer  the 
pronoun  to  Td^av,  and,  as  that  city  was  demoHshed  a  short  time 
before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  they  suppose  that  Luke  by 
eprjixo?  would  describe  its  condition  in  consequence  of  that  event. 
This  is  the  opinion  of  Hug,  Scholz,  Meyer  (formerly),  Leke- 
busch,  and  others.  But  unless  Luke  wrote  the  Acts  later  than 
A.  D.  64  or  65,^  this  explanation  cannot  be  correct ;  for  Gaza  was 
not  destroyed  by  the  Romans  till  after  the  commencement  of  the 
Jewish  war  which  resulted  in  the  overthrow  of  Jerusalem.  Most 
of  the  critics  who  contend  for  a  later  origin  of  the  book  derive 
their  chief  argument  for  it  from  this  assumed  meaning  of  iprjfxos. 
But  further,  even  supposing  Luke  to  have  written  just  after  the 
destruction  of  Gaza,  it  appears  improbable  that  the  novelty 
merely  of  the  event  would  lead  him  to  mention  a  circumstance 
so  entirely  disconnected  with  his  history.  Others  refer  avT-q  to 
oSo'v,  but  differ  on  the  question  whether  we  are  to  ascribe  the 
words  to  Luke  or  the  angel.  According  to  Bengel,  Olshausen, 
Winer  (Realw.  I.  p.  395),  De  Wette,  and  others,  they  form  a  par- 
enthetic remark  by  Luke,  who  would  give  the  reader  an  idea  of 
the  region  wliich  was  the  scene  of  so  memorable  an  occurrence. 
I  prefer  this  opinion  to  any  other.  According  to  some,  the  words 
belong  to  the  communication  of  the  angel,  and  were  intended  to 
point  out  to  the  evangelist  the  particular  road  on  which  he  would 
find  the  eunuch.  In  that  case  it  seems  to  me  that  the  relative 
pronoun  would  have  introduced  them  more  naturally  than  avr-q 
(yet  see  W.  S  22.  4)  ;  and  besides,  if  it  were  so  that  any  one 
road  to  Gaza  was  known  as  "  desert "  beyond  others,  Luke  may 
have  inserted  the  epithet  for  the  reader's  information,  as  well  as 
the  angel  for  the  sake  of  Philip.  "  There  were  several  ways," 
says  Dr.  Robinson,  "  leading  from  Jerusalem  to  Gaza.  Tlie  most 
frequented  at  the  present  day,  although  the  longest,  is  the  way 
by  Ramleh.  Anciently  there  appear  to  have  been  two  more  di- 
rect roads;  one  down  the  great  Wady  es-Surar  by  Beth-Shemesh, 
and  then  passing  near  Tell  es-Safieh;  the  other  through  Wady 
el-Musurr  to  Betogabra  or  Eleutheropolis,  and  thence  to  Gaza 
through  a  more  southern  tract."  Bibl.  Res.  II.  p.  640  ;  or  p.  514 
(ed.  1856).     Another  route  still  proceeded  by  the  way  of  Bethle- 

i  See  Introduction,  §  5. 

20 


1 54  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  Vm,  27. 

hem  and  Bethzur  to  Hebron,  and  then  turned  across  the  plain  to 
Gaza.  It  passed  through  the  southern  part  of  Judea,  and  hence 
through  a  region  actuaUy  called  "the  desert"  in  Luke  1,  80. 
Tliis  description  would  apply  no  doubt  to  some  part  of  any  one 
of  the  roads  in  question.  The  Hebrews  termed  any  tract  "a 
desert"  which  was  thinly  inhabited  or  unfitted  for  tillage.  See 
more  on  v.  36.  Lange '  spiritualizes  the  expression  :  this  is  des- 
ert (morally) ;  the  angel's  reason  why  the  evangelist  should  seek 
to  enlighten  also  this  beuighted  region. 

V.  27.     Ai^LOij/,  an  Ethioj)ian,  may  refer  to  the  country  where 
he  resided  (comp.  2,  9),  or  to  his  extraction.     Hence  some  sup- 
pose that  the  eunuch  was  a  Jew,  who  lived  in  Ethiopia,  but  most 
that  he  was  a  heathen  convert  to  Judaism.     Observe  the  mean- 
ing of  At^toTTwv  in  the  next  clause.     It  was  customary  for  prose- 
lytes, as  well  as  foreign  Jews,  to  repair  to  Jerusalem  for  worsliip ; 
comp.  20,  2;  Jolm  12,  20.  —  cuvov^os,  a  eunuch  in  the  proper  im-  \r\\  W\n 
port  of  the  word ;  not  a  minister  of  state,  courtier,  to  the  exclusion  .   /,    . /iT 
of  that  import,  because  it  would  then  render  SuvdoTT;?  superlluous. .         ^~t3; 
The  latter  term,  a  state  officer,  is  a  noun  both  in  form  and  usage  -'^-    '-^-^^>\. 
(De  Wet.  Rob.),  and  is  not  to  be  translated  as  an  adjective  with 
cvvo{!;^os  (Kuin.  Mey.). —  Kav8aK7/s  t^s  /JacrtXtcroT^s  AlStorroiv,  Candace, 
the  queen  of  the  Ethiopians.     Ethiopia  was  the  name  of  the  por- 
tion of  Africa  known  to  the  ancients  south  of  Egypt,  of  wliich 
Meroe,  a  fertile  island  formed  by  two  branches  of  the  Nde,  con- 
stituted an  important  part.     Win.  Realw.  II.  p.  439.     "  It  is  evi- 
dent both  from   Strabo  and  Dio  that  there  was  a  queen  named 
Candace  in   Ethiopia,  who  fought  against  the    Romans   about 
the  twenty-second  or  twenty-third  year  of  the  reign  of  Augus- 
tus Caesar.     (Dio  calls  her  queen  of  the  Ai^tWc?  viAp  Alyvirrov 
oiKovvres.)     It   is   clear   also   from   Pliny,  who   flourished  in  the 
reign  of  the  Emperor   Vespasian,  that  there  was  a  queen   of 
Ethiopia  named  Candace  in  his  time  ;  and  he  adds,  tiiat  tliis 
had  been  the  name  of  their  queens  now  for  many  years.     It  is 
beyond  all  doubt,  therefore,  that  there  was  a  queen  of  Ethiopia 
of  this  name  at  tlie  time  when  Philip  is  said  to  have  converted     i 
the  eunuch.     Eusebius  tells  us  that  this  country  continued  to  be  7 
governed  l)y  women  even  to  his  time."    See  Biscoe,  p.  47.     Can- 
dace was  the  name,  not  of  an  individual,  but  of  a  dynasty,  like 
Pharaoh  in  Egyi)t,  or  Caisar  among  the  Romans.  —  eVt  i-f/s  yd^r]<;, 
'over  (as  in   12,  20)  the  treasure.  —  irpoa-Kvnja-wv,  ifi  order  to  icorshij)   ," 
proves,  not  that  he  was  a  Jew,  but  that  he  was  not  a  heathen. 

1  Das  apostolische  Zeitalter,  zweiter  Baiid,  p.  109. 


Chap.  VIII,  28-32.  COMMENTARY.  155 

V.  28.  aveyiv(o(rK€,  ivas  reading,  aloud  as  we  see  from  v.  30,  and 
probably  the  Greek  text,  not  the  Hebrew,  since  the  Septnagint 
was  used  inostly  out  of  Palestine.  It  is  still  a  custom  among  the 
Orientals,  when  reading  privately,  to  read  audibly,  although  t,hey 
may  have  no  particular  intention  of  being  heard  by  others.i  It 
was  common  for  the  Jews  to  be  occupied  in  this  way,  especially 
when  they  were  travelling  (Schottg.  Hor.  Heb.  II.  p.  443).  —  It 
is  not  improbable  that  the  eunuch  had  heard,  at  Jerusalem,  of  the 
death  of  Jesus,  and  of  the  wonderful  events  connected  with  it, 
of  his  claim  to  be  the  Messiah,  and  the  existence  of  a  numerous 
party  who  acknowledged  him  in  that  character.  Hence  he  may 
have  been  examining  the  prophecies  at  the  time  that  Philip  ap- 
proached him,  with  reference  to  the  question  how  far  they  had 
been  accomplished  in  the  history  of  the  person  concerning  whom 
such  reports  had  reached  him.  The  extraordinary  means  which 
God  employed  to  bring  the  Ethiopian  to  a  knowledge  of  the  gos- 
pel, and  the  readiness  with  which  he  embraced  it,  authorize  the 
belief,  that  in  this  way,  or  some  other,  his  mind  had  been  spe- 
cially prepared  for  the  reception  of  the  truth. 

V.  29.  KoX\rj3r}TL  T(3  apfxaTL  tovto},  attach  thyself  to  this  chariot, 
keep  near  it,  follow  it.  He  heard  the  eunuch  read  for  a  time 
unobserved  before  he  addressed  him. 

V.  30.  apdye,  k.  t.  A.,  Dost  thou  understand  then  what  thou 
readest  ?  ye  serves  to  render  the  question  more  definite.  The 
answer  after  apa  is  more  commonly  negative  ;  comp.  Luke  18,  8, 
Klotz  ad  Devar.  II.  p.  180  sq. ;  W.  ^  51.  2.  This  is  given  as  the 
rule  for  prose.  —  yivwo-Kets  a  dva-ylV(oo■Ke^s  is  a  paronomasia  (comp. 
2  Cor.  3,  2)  and  is  too  striking  to  be  accidental.  Philip  spoke  no 
doubt  in  Greek,  and  would  arouse  the  mind  through  the  ear. 

V.  31.     TTws  yap,  K.  T.  A.,  For  how  could  I .'     The  form  of 

the  reply  attaches  itself  to  the  implied  negative  which  precedes, 
—  o8r]yi](T7],  shoidd  guide,  instruct,  similar  to  John  16,  13. 

V.  32.  7]  Si  ireptoxt],  k.  t.  A.,  Noio  the  contents  (comp.  1  Pet.  2,  G) 
of  the  passage  (De  Wet.  Mey.);  not  of  the  Scripture  in  general, 
section,  because  ypac^^?,  being  limited  by  the  relative  clause, 
must  denote  the  particular  place  tvhich  lie  tvas  reading ;  comp. 
V.  35;  Luke  4,  21.  —  r/v  avr-q,  tvas  this,  viz.  Is.  53,  7.  8,  quoted 
almost  verbatim  from  the  Septungint.  —  ^X'^'^'  **'^-^  ^^'^>  ^'^-  '^i'^"'.  "^5^-' 
the  servant  of  Jehovah,  or  the  Messiah.  —  koL  ws  d/i,vos,  k.  t.  A.,  and 
as  a  lamp,  etc.  This  comparison  represents  the  uncom})lain- 
ing   submission  with  which    the    Saviour    yielded    himself  to 

'  See  Jowett's  Researches  in  SjTia,  p.  443. 


156  COMMENTARY.  Cuap.  YIII,  33-35. 

the  power  of  his  enemies.     The  death  of   Christ  was   so   dis- 
tinctly foretold  in  this  passage,  that  Bolingbroke  was  forced  to 
assert  that  Jesus  brought  on  his  own  crucifixion  by  a  series  of 
preconcerted  measures,  merely  to  give  the  disciples  who  came ' 
after  him  the  triumph  of  an  appeal  to  the  old  prophecies^ 

V.  33.  cv  TTJ  Ta-TTuvixxTu,  K.  T.  X.,  aduilts  most  readily  of  this 
sense  :  In  his  hiimiliation,  i.  e.  in  the  contempt,  violence,  outrage, 
which  he  suffered,  his  judgment  teas  taken  away,  viz.  the  judg- 
ment due  to  him ;  he  had  the  rights  of  justice  and  himianity 
withheld  from  him.  The  Hebrew  is  nj?^  ^S'i'^"?'!  "^^i"^,  which 
yields  essentially  the  same  meaning  :  Through  violence  and pun- 
ishment  he  was  taken  away,  i.  e.  from  life  (De  Wet.).  —  rrjv  8e  ycveai', 
K.  T.  X.,  and  his  generation  tcho  shall  fully  declare  ?  i.  e.  set  forth 
the  wickedness  of  his  contemporaries  in  their  treatment  of  him 
(Mey.  De  Wet.  Rob.).  The  Hebrew  sustains  fully  that  trans- 
lation. It  is  pof?siblc,  also,  to  render  the  Greek  and  the  original 
thus  :  Who  shall  declare  his  2->ost.erity,  the  number  of  liis  spiritual 
descendants  or  followers  ?  The  prophet  in  this  case  points,  by 
an  incidental  remark,  from  the  humiliation  of  Christ  to  his  subse- 
quent triumph,  or  glorification.  Hengstenberg  prefers  the  last 
meaning.'^  —  on  ...  .  airov  conforms  to  the  first  sense  of  the  clause 
which  precedes,  better  than  to  the  second. 

V.  34.  aTTOKpt^et's,  addressing  (see  3,  12),  or  ansivcring  in  fur- 
ther reply  to  the  question  in  v.  30  (Mey.).  The  passage  from 
Isaiah  is  cited  for  the  information  of  the  reader,  and  this  verse 
follows  historically  after  v,  31.  — trepL  kavrov,  k.  t.  \.  The  perjjlex- 
ity  of  the  eunuch  in  regard  to  the  application  of  the  i)rophecy 
indicates  that  he  was  a  foreigner,  rather  than  a  Jew.  The  great 
body  of  the  Jewish  nation  understood  this  portion  of  Isaiah  to 
be  descriptive  of  the  character  and  sufferings  of  the  Messiah.** 
"  The  later  Jews,"  says  Gesenius,  "  no  doubt,  relinquished  this 
interpretation,  in  consequence  of  their  controversy  with  the  Clms- 
tians." 

V.  35.  dvoi'fa?  TO  oTojxa  avrov  is  an  imperfect  Hejjraism,  i.  e. 
was  not  peculiar  to  the  Hebrew  or  Hellenistic  writers,  but  most 
common  in  them.  See  W.  ^  3.  It  arises  from  the  Oriental  fond- 
ness for  the  minute  in  description,  the  circumstantial.     The  ex- 

1  Clmlmci-s,  Evidences  of  Christianity,  Chapter  VI. 

.*  Eor  a  fuller  view  of  tlic  original  i)assa<,fc,  the  reader  is  referred  to  IIcn<rsten- 
berg's  Christology,  Vol.  I.  p.  518  sq.;  and  to  lUuljjhsqr  Alexander's  Commentary 
on  Isaiah. 

'  See  the  proofs  in  Ilengstenherg's  Christology,  Vol.  I.  p.  484  sq.,  and  Scliott- 
gen's  Horae  Hebraicae,  Vol.  II.  p.  647  sq. 


Chap.  VIII,  36.  COMMENTARY.  157 

pression   occurs   properly  before   important,   weighty   remarks  ; 

COmp.  10,  34;  Job  3,  1;  32,  20.  —  kol  dp^a/Aevos  ctTro  t^?  yf)a<l>rj<; 
TavTr)<;  is  elliptical  for  and  beginning  from  this  jjassage,  and  pro- 
ceeding thence  to  others.     W.  ^66.  1.  c. 

Verses  3G-40.     The  Baptism  of  the  Eunuch. 

V.  36.  Kara  t^v  bhov,  along  (5,  15)  the  way.  —  Ittl  tl  vSimp,  unto  a 
certain  water ;  not  so7ne,  as  the  genitive  would  follow  that  parti- 
tive sense.  C.  ^  362.  /?.  —  ti  KwXvei,  k.  t.  X.,  What  hinders  (what 
objection  is  there)  that  I  should  be  baptized?  This  is  the  modest 
expression  of  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  eunuch  to  declare  his 
faith  in  that  manner,  provided  the  evangelist  was  willing  to  ad- 
minister the  ordinance  to  him;  comp.  10,  47.  As  De  Wette 
_remarks,  the  question  presupposes  that  Philip,  among  other  things, 
had  instructed  him  in  regard  to  the  nature  and  necessity  of  bap- 
tism. As  the  road  on  which  the  eunuch  journeyed  is  unknown 
(see  on  v.  26),  it  cannot  be  ascertained  where  he  was  baptized. 
It  may  interest  the  reader  to  state  some  of  the  conjectures.  Eu- 
sebius  and  Jerome  concur  in  saying  that  it  took  place  at  Bethzur 
(Josh.  15,  58  ;  Neh.  3,  16),  near  Hebron,  about  twenty  miles  south 
of  Jerusalem.  The  site  has  been  identified,  bearing  still  the  an- 
cient name.  The  water  there  at  present  issues  from  a  perennial 
source,  a  part  of  which  runs  to  waste  in  the  neighboring  fields, 
and  a  part  is  collected  into  a  drinking  trough  on  one  side  of  the 
road,  and  into  two  small  tanks  on  the  other  side.  It  was  formerly 
objected  that  no  chariot  could  have  passed  here  on  account  of 
the  broken  nature  of  the  ground ;  but  travellers  have  now  dis- 
covered the  traces  of  a  paved  road  and  the  marks  of  wheels  on 
the  stones.  See  Ritter's  Erdkunde,  XVI.  1.  p.  266,  and  Wilson's 
Lands  of  the  Bible  I.  p.  381.  The  writer  found  himself  able 
to  ride  at  a  rapid  pace  nearly  all  the  way  between  Bethlehem 
and  Hebron.  The  veneration  of  early  times  reared  a  chapel  on 
the  spot,  the  ruins  of  which  are  still  to  be  seen.  Von  Raumer^ 
defends  the  genuineness  of  this  primitive  tradition.  In  the  age 
of  the  crusaders,  the  baptism  was  transferred  to  Ain  Haniyeh, 
about  five  miles  south-west  of  Jerusalem.  A  fountain  here  on 
the  hill-side,  which  irrigates  freely  the  adjacent  valley,  is  known 
among  the  Latins  as  St.  Philip's  Fountain.  One  of  the  ancient 
roads  to  Gaza  passed  here,  but  appears  to  have  been  less  trav- 
eTTed  than  the  others.  Dr.  Robinson  thinks  that  the  parties  must 
have  been  nearer  to  Gaza  at  the  time  of  the  baptism,  and  would 

'  Palastina,  von  Karl  von  Raumer  (1850),  p.  411  sq. 


158  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  VIII,  37-39. 

refer  the  transaction  to  a  Wady  in  the  plain  near  Tell  el-Hasy. 
Bibl.  Res.  II.  p.  641 ;  or  p.  514  (1856). 

V.  37.  This  verse  is  wanting  in  the  best  authorities.  The 
most  rehable  manuscripts  and  versions  testify  against  it.  The  , 
few  coi)ies  that  contain  the  words  read  them  variously.  Meyer 
suggests  that  they  may  have  been  taken  from  some  baptismal 
liturgy,  and  were  added  here  that  it  might  not  appear  as  if  the 
eunuch  was  baptized  without  evidence  of  his  faith.  Most  of  the 
recent  editors  expunge  the  verse.  In  regard  to  the  passage,  see 
Green's  Developed  Criticism,  p.  97,  and  Tregelles  on  the  Text 
of  the  N.  T.,  p.  269.  Yet  the  interpolation,  if  it  be  such,  is  as 
old  certainly  as  the  time  of  Irenseus;  and  Augustine  in  the  foixrth 
century,  though  he  objected  to  a  certain  misuse  of  the  text,  did 
not  pronounce  it  spurious.  See  Humphry's  note  here.  Those 
who  contend  for  the  words  remind  us  that  the  oldest  manuscripts 
represent  a  later  age,  than  that  of  these  fathers.  Bornemann  puts 
them  in  brackets  as  entitled  still  to  some  weight. — t6v  vlbv  tov 
Seov  is  the  predicate  after  cTmt. 

V.  38.  Kol  iKeXevae,  k.  t.  A.,  And  lie  ordered  (viz.  the  charioteer) 
tliat  the  carriage  sliould  stop,  lit.  stand ;  an  instructive  use  of  the 
word  for  9,  7.  The  eunuch's  equipage  corresponded  with  his 
rank.  -^  koX  Karifi-qa-av,  k.  t.  A.,  and  both  went  down  into  the  water  ; 
not  here  unto  it  (which  €is  may  also  mean)  for  it  stands  opposed 
to  Ik  tov  ^Saros,  in  the  next  verse ;  besides  they  would  have  occa- 
sion to  enter  the  stream,  or  pool,  in  oHcr  to  be  baptized  |nto  it; 
comp.  i/SdirTiaSr]  £is  tov  'lopSdvrjv,  lOOS  baptized  into  the  Jordan,  in 
Mark  1,  9.  See  Rob.  Lex.  p.  118.  The  preposition  in  Kare/irjaav 
may  refer  to  the  descent  from  the  higher  ground  to  the  water,  orj 
to  the  entrance  into  the  water ;  but  not  to  the  descent  from  the] 
chariot,  for  this  verb  corresponds  to  dvijirjo-av  in  v.  39,  they  went  up, 
whereas  the  eunuch  only  returned  to  the  carriage. 

V.  39.  Ik  toC  ^Saros,  out  of  the  water  ;  where  some  xewAox  from, 
which  confounds  Ik  with  dTro.  —  Trveujua,  K.  T.  X.,  the  Spirit  of  the 
Lord  seized  {hxxxxiG^  Vi\y^y)  Flixlip.  The  expression  asserts  that 
lie  left  the  eunuch  suddenly,  under  the  impulse  of  an  urgent 
monition  from  above,  but  not  that  the  mode  of  his  departure  was 
miraculous  in  any  other  respect.  This  last  certainly  is  not  a 
necessary  conclusion.  —  eTropeutro,  k.  t.  A.,  for  he  tocnt  his  ivay,  re- 
turned to  his  country,  rejoicing.  x^^'-P^^  belongs  logically  to  a 
separate  clause,  but  is  put  here  for  the  sake  of  brevity.  —  Tradi- 
tion says  that  the  eunuch's  name  was  Indich,  and  that  il  was  he 
who  first  preached  the  gospel  in  Ethiopia.  It  is  certain  that 
Christianity  existed  there  at  an  early  period,  but  its  introduction, 


Chap.  IX,  1.  COMMENTARY.  159 

says  Neander,  cannot  be  traced  to  any  connection  with  his  la- 
bors. 

V.  40.  €vp43r],  K.  T.  X.,  not  was  =  rjv  (Kuin.),  but  ivas  found  at 
(lit.  unto,  from  the  idea  of  the  journey  thither)  Azotiis,  i.  e.  was 
next  heard  of  there,  after  the  transaction  in  the  desert.  This 
place  was  the  ancient  Ashdod,  a  city  of  the  Philistines,  near  the 
sea-coast.  The  ruins  consist  of  a  mound  covered  with  broken 
pottery,  and  of  a  few  pieces  of  marble  (see  Amos  1,  8).  A  little 
village  not  far  off,  called  Esdud,  perpetuates  the  ancient  name. — 
TToAcis  does  not  depend  on  the  participle,  but  on  the  verb,  as  in  v. 
25.  Among  the  towns  through  which  he  passed  between  Azotus 
and  Cffisarea  must  have  been  Lydda  and  Joppa.  Caesarea  was 
Philip's  home.  Here  we  find  him  again,  after  the  lapse  of  more 
than  twenty  years,  when  the  Saul  who  was  now  "breathing 
menace  and  murder  against  the  disciples  "  was  entertained  by 
him  as  a  Christian  guest ;  see  21,  8. — Luke's  narrative  brings  us 
frequently  to  Ccesarea.  It  was  about  sixty  miles  northwest  from 
Jerusalem,  on  the  Mediterranean,  south  of  Carrael.  It  was  the 
ancient  SrpaTwvos  Trupyos,  which  Herod  the  Great  had  rebuilt  and 
named  Csesarea  in  honor  of  Augustus.  It  was  now  the  resi- 
dence of  the  Roman  procurators.  Its  inhabitants  were  mostly 
heathen ;  the  Jewish  population  was  small.  For  an  account  of 
tliis  city  in  its  splendor,  and  in  its  present  state  of  desolation,  see 
Howson's  Life  and  Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  Vol.  II.  p.  344  sq. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Verses  1-9.     Christ  appears  to  Saul  on  the  ivay  to  Damascus. 

V.  1.  hi,  but,  turns  the  attention  again  to  Saul.  —  hi  connects 
this  verse  with  8,  3.  —  c/attvcW  ....  cjiovov,  breathing  menace  and 
murder;  in  26,  11,  ejnyitaivd/xevos.  The  figure  is  founded  apparently 
on  the  fact,  that  a  person  under  the  excitement  of  strong  emotion 
breathes  harder  and  quicker,  pants,  struggles  to  give  vent  to  the 
passion  of  which  he  is  full  (Wetst.  Kyp.  Kuin.  Olsh.).  ttvcIv  tivos, 
to  breathe  of  something,  to  be  redolent,  is  a  different  expression. 
The  genitive  in  this  construction  denotes  properly  that  from  or 
out  of  which  one  breathes,  as  the  cause,  source  ;  the  accusative, 
that  which  one  breathes,  as  the  substance,  element.  See  W.  k 
30.  9.  c;  Mt.  h  376.     Meyer  translates  e/xTrj/cW,  inhaling;  bu*^  Iv  in 


160  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  IX,  2. 

this  compound  was  generally  lost;  see  Tromm's  Concord,  s.  v. — 
Tw  dp^tf/yet.  If  Saul  was  converted  in  A.  D.  3G,  the  higk-priest 
was  Jonathan,  the  successor  of  Caiaphas  (deposed  in  A.  D.  35) 
and  a  son  of  Ananus,  or  Annas ;  but  if  he  was  converted  in 
A  D.  37  or  38,  the  high-priest  was  Theophilus,  another  son  of 
Annas. 

V.  2.  cVto-roAas,  letters,  which  were  not  merely  commendatory, 
but  armed  him  with  full  power  to  execute  his  object;  see  v.  14; 
26,  12.  For  the  apostle's  age  at  this  time,  see  on  7,  58.  The  Jews 
in  every  country  recognized  the  Sanhedrim  as  their  highest  ec- 
clesiastical tril)unal.  Li  26,  10  (comp.  v.  14  below),  Paul  says 
that  he  received  his  authority  from  the  d/3;^t£p£t?,  and  in  22,  5,  from 
the  TTpeaftvTipiov,  wliich  are  merely  difierent  modes  of  designating 
the  Sanhedrim ;  see  on  4,  5.  He  says  here  that  he  had  his 
commission  from  the  high-priest ;  whicli  harmonizes  entirely  with 
the  other  passages,  since  the  high-priest  represented  the  Sanhe- 
drim in  this  act.  On  receiving  Saul's  application,  he  may  have 
convened  that  body,  and  have  been  formally  instructed  to  issue 
the  letters.  The  proposal  was  sufficiently  important  to  engage 
the  attention  of  the  entire  council.  —  cts  Aa/xao-KoV  states  the  local 
destination  of  the  letters.  This  ancient  capital  of  Syria  was  still 
an  important  city,  and  had  a  large  Jewish  population.  It  lay 
northeast  of  Jerusalem,  distant  aboiit  one  hundred  and  forty 
miles,  making  for  those  times  a  rapid  journey  of  five  or  six  days. 
The  route  of  Saul  on  this  expedition  can  only  be  conjectured. 
If  the  Roman  roads  in  Syria  had  been  opened  as  early  as  this, 
he  went  probably  for  the  sake  of  despatch  by  the  way  of  Bethel 
or  Gophna  to  Neapolis,  crossed  the  Jordan  near  Scythopolis,  the 
ancient  Bethshean  (now  Beisan),and  proceeded  thence  to  Gadara, 
a  Roman  city,  and  so  through  the  modern  Hauran  to  Damascus. 
By  another  track  which  coincided  in  part  with  the  preceding,  he 
passed  along  the  base  of  Tabor,  crossed  the  Jordan  a  few  miles 
above  the  Sea  of  Tiberias  (where  Jacob's  bridge  now  is),  and  then 
either  ascended  to  Csesarea  Philippi,  at  the  foot  of  Hermon,  or 
turned  more  abruptly  to  the  right,  and  traversed  the  desert  as 
before  on  the  east  of  Antilebanon.  For  the  details,  see  How- 
son's  Work,  Vol.  I.  p.  102  sq.  —  Trpos  ra?  o-vi/aywya?,  unto  the  syna- 
goauea,  i.  e.  the  officers  of  them,  who  were  the  dp;!^io-uvaywyos 
(Luke  8, 49), and  the  vpea-fSvrep'K  associated  with  him  (Luke  7,3). 
The  former  term  was  sometimes  applied  to  them  both;  see  13, 
15 ;  Mark  5,  22.  These  rulers  formed  a  college,  whose  province 
it  was,  among  other  duties,  to  punish  those  who  deserted  the 
Jewish  faith.    De  Wet  Heb.  Archseol.  i  244.     Hence  it  belonged 


Chap.  IX,  3-6.  C  0  M  IVI  E  N  T  A  R  Y.  161 

to  them  to  discipline  those  who  joined  the  Christian  party ;  or,  as 
it  was  proposed  in  this  instance,  to  carry  them  to  Jerusalem,  it 
was  their  duty  to  aid  Saul  in  his  efforts  to  apprehend  the  delin- 
quents. —  T^s  68ov,  i.  e.  Kar  i^oxy'jv,  of  the  (well-known  Christian) 
way  in  regard  to  faith,  manner  of  life,  etc.;  comp.  19,  9.  23;  22, 
4  ;  24,  14,  22.  See  the  idea  expressed  more  fully  in  16,  17;  18, 
25.  W.  h  18.  1.  oSou  depends  on  ovras  under  the  rule  of  appur- 
tenance, property.     K.  h  273.  2 ;  C.  ^  387. 

v.  3.  ev  8c  Tw  TTopevecr^at,  /c.  t.  A.,  Noxo  lohile  he  journeyed,  it 
came  to  pass  (Hebraistic)  that  he,  etc.  —  Aa/Aacr/<i3  depends  on  the 
verb  (K.  k  284.  3.  2)  ;  not  the  dative  of  the  place  ivJuther.  —  TreptjJ- 
(TTpa\pev  avTov  (fiuis,  a  light  gleamed  around  him.  The  preposition 
in  the  verb  governs  avrov.  Li  22,  6,  it  is  repeated,  according  to 
the  rule  stated  on  3,  2.  In  22,  6,  Paul  says  that  the  light  which 
he  saw  was  a  poicerful  light,  and  in  26,  13,  that  it  exceeded  the 
splendor  of  the  sun  at  noonday.  That  Luke's  statement  is  the 
more  general  one,  while  the  intenser  expressions  occur  in  Paul's 
recital,  is  what  we  should  expect  from  the  truth  of  the  his- 
tory. 

V.  4.  Treo-wF  l-KL  TTjv  yrjv,  having  fallen  to  the  earth,  probably  from 
the  animal  which  he  rode;  see  22,7.  —  ^kouo-c, «-. r. A.  See  also 
22,  7  ;  26,  14.  The  necessary  inference  is,  that  Saul  heard  audi- 
ble words,  and  not  merely  that  an  impression  was  made  upon 
him  as  if  he  heard  them.  It  was  a  part  of  the  miracle  that  those 
who  accompanied  liim  heard  the  voice  of  the  speaker,  but  failed 
to  distinguish  the  words  uttered.  The  communication  was  in- 
tended for  Saul,  and  was  understood,  therefore,  by  him  only. 

V.  5.  rt's  €1,  Kvpie ;  Who  art  thou.  Lord?  He  did  not  know  yet 
that  it  was  Christ  who  addressed  him.  Hence  Kvpu  has  the  sig- 
nificance which  belongs  to  it  as  recognizing  the  fact,  that  an 
angel,  or  perhaps  God  himself,  was  now  speaking  to  him  from 
heaven.  To  suppose  it  used  by  anticipation,  i.  e.  as  denoting  him 
who  proved  to  be  Christ,  makes  it  Luke's  word,  and  is  unnatural. 
Yet  Saul's  uncertainty  could  have  been  but  momentary :  "  con- 
scientia  ipsa  facile  diceret,  Jesum  esse  "  (Bug.). —  The  remainder 
of  the  verse,  as  it  stands  in  the  common  text,  viz.  o-KAr/pov  .... 
AaKT/'^€tv,  has  been  transferred  to  this  place  from  26,  14.  See 
Green's  Developed  Criticism,  p.  98. 

V.  6.  Most  of  tlie  manuscripts  begin  this  verse  with  dAAa. 
The  sentence  rpe'/Awv  ....  Trotf/o-at  (which  the  English  translation 
has  copied)  is  wanting  in  the  best  authorities.  It  rests  chiefly 
upon  some  of  the  early  versions.  The  words  koX  6  Ku'pios  Trpos 
avTov  have  been  derived  from  22,  1 0.  —  ciAAd  occurs  often  before 
21 


162  COMMENTAEY.  Chap.  IX,  6.  7. 

a  command  abruptly  given;  comp.  10,  20;  26,  16.  W.  ^  53.  7  ; 
K.  ^  322  ;  R.  12.  —  Kai  XakrjSrjo-eTat,  k.  t.  A.  It  would  appear  from 
the  speech  before  Agrippa  (see  26,  16-18),  that  Christ  may  have 
made  to  Saul,  at  tliis  time,  a  fuller  communication  than  Luke 
has  reported  in  this  place.  The  verb  here  (it  shall  he  told  thee, 
etc.)  docs  not  exclude  that  supposition ;  for  it  may  import  that, 
on  his  arrival  in  the  city,  he  should  be  confirmed  in  what  he  had 
now  heard,  or  instructed  further,  in  regard  to  his  future  labors. 
But  some  prefer  to  consider  Paul's  narrative  before  Agrippa  as 
the  abridged  account.  The  message  which  Ananias  delivered  to 
Saul  (intimated  here  in  v.  15,  but  recorded  more  fully  in  22, 
14-16)  was  a  message  from  Christ ;  and  as  the  apostle  makes  no 
mention  of  Ananias  in  26,  16  sq.,  it  is  very  possible  that  he  has 
there,  for  the  sake  of  brevity,  passed  over  the  intermediate 
agency,  and  referred  the  words  directly  to  Clirist,  which  Christ 
communicated  to  him  through  Ananias.  This  would  be  merely 
applying  the  common  maxim.  Quod  quis  per  alium  facit,  id  ijjse 
fecisse  jndatur.  —  tl  ae  Sei  iroielv,  ivhat  thou  must  do,  is  the  answer 
])robably  to  Saul's  question  rt  Trot^cro),  u-hat  shall  I  do,  recorded  in 
22,  9.  Sei  refers  not  to  duty,  but  the  divine  purpose,  destination ; 
see  22,  10. 

V.  7.  el(XTrjKua-av  ivveoi,  were  standing  (see  on  1,  10)  speechless, 
having  stopped  instantly,  overcome  by  amazement  and  terror; 
comp.  £ja</>o/3ot  eyeVovTo  in  22,  9.  The  adjective  is  more  correctly 
written  iveoi  W.  ^  5.  1.  This  verb  often  means  to  stand,  not  as 
opposed  to  other  attitudes,  but  to  be  fixed,  stationarj^  as  opposed 
to  the  idea  of  motion ;  comp.  8,  38  ;  Luke  5,  2.  See  the  Class. 
Lexx.  s.  v.  In  this  sense  the  passage  is  entirely  consistent  with 
26,  14,  where  it  is  said  that  when  they  heard  the  voice  thej/  all 
fell  to  the  ground.  Plainly  it  was  not  Luke's  object  to  say  that 
they  stood  erect  in  distinction  from  kneeling,  lying  prostrate,  and 
the  like;  but  that,  overpowered  by  what  they  saw  and  hoard, 
they  were  fixed  to  the  spot ;  they  were  unable  for  a  time  to 
speak  or  move.  The  conciliation  which  some  adopt  (Bng.  Kuin. 
Bmg.)  is  that  they  fell  to  the  ground  at  first,  but  aftenvards  rose 
up  and  stood.  It  is  unnecessary  to  urge  this  view;  but  Zeller's 
objection  to  it  that  eio-TT^Kcto-av  as  pluperfect  excludes  a  previous 
falling  is  ungrammatical.  —  uKov'ovres  fiev  t^s  <^cui/^?,  hearing  indeed 
the  voice.  The  genitive  after  this  verb  points  out  the  source  or 
cause  of  the  hearing;  the  accusative  (see  v.  4),  that  which  one 
hears.  See  the  note  on  v.  1.  In  22,  9,  Paul  says,  in  reference 
to  the  same  occurrence,  r^i/  8c  cf>wvrjv  om  i^Kovaav  toC  AoAotivTos  /loi, 
which  we  may  render,  but  they  understood  not  the  voice  of  him 


Chap.  IX,  7.  COMMENTARY.  163 

speaking  to  me.  In  adding  tov  XaXovvro?,  who  spake,  the  writer 
shows  that  he  had.  in  mind  the  sense  of  <t)(ovrjv,  and  not  the  mere 
sound.  aKovo),  like  the  corresponding  word  in  other  languages, 
means  not  only  to  hear,  but  to  hear  so  as  to  understand.  Of  the 
latter  usage,  the  New  Testament  furnishes  other  clear  examples. 
1  Cor.  14,  2  .  "  For  he  that  speaketh  in  an  unknown  tongue, 
speaketh  not  unto  men,  but  unto  God ;  for  no  man  understands 
him,"  —  ovSeis  yap  aKovet ;  comp.  V.  16,  where  olkovu  passes  into 
oTSe.  Mark  4,  33  :  "  And  with  many  such  parables  spake  he  the 
word  unto  them,  as  they  were  able  to  understand  it,"  —  ku^ms 
Tj^vvavTo  aKoveLv.  Some  reckon  here  John  6,  60;  Gal.  4,  21,  and 
other  passages.  For  instances  of  this  sense  in  the  classics,  see 
Rob.  Lex.  s.  v.  The  same  usage  exists  in  the  Hebrew.  One  of 
the  definitions  of  S^iy  (see  Gesen.  Lex.  s.  v.)  is  to  understand. 
In  Gen.  42,  23,  it  is  said  that  Joseph's  brethren  "  knew  not  that 
he  heard  them "  (i.  e.  understood,  in  the  E.  V.)  ;  "  for  he  spoke 
unto  them  by  an  interpreter."  See  also  Gen.  11,  7.  The  English 
language  has  the  same  idiom.  We  say  that  a  person  is  not 
heard,  or  that  we  do  not  hear  him,  when,  though  we  hear  his 
voice,  he  speaks  so  low  or  indistinctly  that  we  do  not  understand 
him.  The  intelligence  of  the  writer  of  the  Acts  forbids  the  idea  of 
a  palpable  contradiction  in  the  two  passages.  Since  in  22, 9  we  have 
(^wvijv,  and  here  in  v.  7  ^wv^?,  some  would  attribute  to  the  genitive 
a  partitive  sense,  i.  e.  sometliing  of  the  voice,  or  indistinctly.  But 
the  difference  does  not  hold ;  for  in  22,  7,  Paul  says  of  himself 
^Kovo-a  ^oji/^?,  where  he  cannot  mean  that  he  had  only  a  confused 
perception  of  what  was  said  to  him.  Some  prefer  to  vary  the 
sense  of  cfywv-q,  viz.  noise  or  sound  in  this  place,  but  voice  in  22,  9. 
But  allowing  the  word  to  admit  of  that  distinction  (see  on  2,  6), 
it  is  much  less  common  than  the  proposed  variation  in  aKovw,  and 
much  less  probable  here,  since  the  use  of  the  verb  would  be 
varied  in  passages  so  remote  from  each  other,  whereas  c^wvi; 
would  have  different  senses  in  almost  successive  verses.  —  firfiha 
8e  ^ewpowres,  hut  seeing  no  one  who  could  have  uttered  the  voice. 
This  appears  to  be  denied  of  Saul's  companions,  in  opposition  to 
what  was  true  of  him,  viz.  that  simultaneously  with  the  light  he 
had  seen  a  personal  manifestation  of  Christ ;  comp.  v.  17  ;  22,  18. 
That  he  saw  the  speaker  as  well  as  heard  him,  we  may  infer 
from  the  language  of  Barnabas  in  v.  17,  and  that  of  Ananias  in 
V.  17  and  22,  14.  To  the  fact  of  his  having  a  view  of  the  glori- 
fied Saviour  at  this  time,  Paul  alludes  probably  in  1  Cor.  9,  1, 
where  he  mentions  his  having  seen  the  Lord  as  an  evidence  of 
liis  equality  with  the  other  apostles.     See  the  note  on  1,  3.     Ne- 


1  CI  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  IX,  8-1 2. 

ander,  De  Wette,  Meyer,  Osiandcr,  Thiersch,  and  others,  fiiid  such 
an  alhision  in  that  passage. 

V.  8.  dvewy/AcVwv  ....  avTov,  and  it'Jien  his  eyes  icerc  opened,  i.  e. 
his  eyehds,  which  he  had  spontaneously  closed  when  struck  with 
the  gleaming  light.  This  expression  refers  usually  to  the  recov- 
ery of  one's  eyesight,  as  in  Matt.  9,  30  ;  John  9,  10.  20.  etc. — ovhiva 
ijSXeTre,  saw  no  one,  i.  e.  of  his  companions,  because  he  was  now 
blind ;  or,  which  is  a  better  reading,  ouSeV,  saiv  nothing,  and  hence 
being  unable  to  see  at  all,  must  be  led  by  the  hand;  not  7io_  one 
from  whom  the  voice  came  (Bug.),  since  we  must  have  here 
an  explanation  of  the  next  clause. 

V.  9.  fxy]  ^XiiTwv  (subjective  negative),  7iot  seeing  as  opposed 
to  a  possible  idea  of  the  reader  that  Saul  might  have  regained 
his  sight  ere  this ;  whereas  ov  (objective)  in  the  next  clause 
states  the  historical  fact.  W.  k  55.  5.  Meyer,  in  his  last  edition, 
recalls  his  remark  that  the  negatives  are  interchanged  here. 


Verses  10-18.     Ananias  is  sent  to  Said,  and  bajitizes  him. 

V.  10.  That  Anayiias  was  one  of  the  seventy  disciples  is  an 
misupported  conjecture  of  some  of  the  older  writers.  —  o  Kvptos, 
i.  e.  Christ,  see  v.  17.  —  ISov  eyw  =  '^itii.  This  answer  impUes 
that  the  person  hears,  and  waits  to  listen  fiirther;  comp.  Gen.  22, 
1.  7;  27,1;  1  Sam.  3,  8,  etc. 

V.  11.  For  dvao-ra?,  see  on  v.  18.  — pvjxrjv,  street,  or  more  strict- 
ly alley,  lane  (comp.  Luke  14,  21)  ;  =  o-revwTros  in  the  later  Greek. 
See  Lob.  ad  Phiyn.  p.  40,  and  K  and  P.  Lex.  s.  v.  — rrjv  KaXov/xi- 
vqv  cv^elav,  which  is  called  straight.  The  principal  street  in  Da- 
mascus at  present  runs  through  the  city  from  east  to  west,  and  is 
remarkably  straight  in  some  parts,  as  well  as  narrow.  The  Ori- 
ental Christians  say  that  this  is  the  street  in  which  Saul  lodged. 
The  traces  of  a  triple  colonade  arc  reported  to  l)e  found  in  the 
adjacent  houses  on  both  sides  of  the  street,  and  if  so  they  show 
that  the  present  street,  though  not  so  wide,  folIoM's  at  least  the 
hue  of  an  ancient  street  of  the  city.  But  even  in  that  case  it 
may  be  questioned  whether  fwfxi]  woiUd  be  applied  to  a  thorough- 
fare adorned  with  works  of  so  much  splendor.  — Tapaia,  a  native 
of  Tar.v(s  (22,  3),  see  on  v.  30. — yap  Trpoa-evx^Tat.,  for  he  jjraijs.  The 
act  is  then  taking  place,  and  is  mentioned  as  a  reason  why  Ana- 
nias might  be  sure  of  a  favorable  reception.  He  is  informed  of 
the  vision  also  because  that  sei-ved  in  like  manner  to  prepare  the 
way  for  his  visit. 

V.  12.     Kttt  elScv,  K.  T.  A.,  and  saw  a  man,  (made  known  to  him 


Chap.  IX,  13-15.  COMMENTAEY.  165 

in  the  vision  as)  Ananias  hy  name ;  a  breviloquence  like  that  in 
15,  9.  —  iirtSevra  avTw  x^po-,  placing  hand  iqjon  him,  as  a  sign  of 
the  benefit  which  he  was  to  be  the  medium  of  communicating ; 
comp.  on  6,  6.  The  expression  is  indefinite,  Hke  that  in  12,  1. 
Lachmann  thinks  the  authority  sufficient  to  read  ras  x^'f*^*'  ^^  ^^ 
V.  17.  —  ava^Xixl/ij,  might  look  up,  open  his  eyes  and  see.  This 
sense  is  not  common  out  of  the  New  Testament.  It  is  found 
(a  case  not  usually  cited)  at  the  close  of  Pint,  de  sera  Num.  vin- 
dicta. 

V.  13.  The  reply  of  Ananias  shows  how  fearful  a  notoriety 
as  a  persecutor  Saul  had  acquired.  Compare  26,  10.  —  oo-a  Ka/ca, 
how  great  evils.  —  rot?  dyi'ots  a-ov,  unto  thy  saints,  i.  e.  those  conse- 
crated to  him,  and  so  his.  This  term,  as  applied  in  the  New 
Testament,  refers  to  the  normal  or  prescribed  standard  of  Chris- 
tian character,  rather  than  the  actual  one.  See  1  Cor.  1,  2-,  as 
compared  with  1  Cor.  3,  2  ;  11,  21,  etc.  It  belongs  to  all  who 
profess  to  be  disciples,  and  does  not  distinguish  one  class  of  them 
as  superior  to  others  in  point  of  excellence. 

V.  14.  exet  liovaiav.  Ananias  may  have  received  letters  from 
the  Christians  at  Jerusalem ;  or  those  who  came  with  Saul  may 
have  divulged  the  object  of  the  journey  since  their  arrival.  — 
Toi»s  iTriKaXovfjievovs  to  ovofid  (tov,  those  who  call  upon,  invoke  in 
prayer,  thy  name ;  comp.  2,  21  ;  7,  59  ;  1  Cor.  1,  2.  This  partici- 
ple is  middle,  not  passive.  The  Greek  for  those  on  ivhom  thy  name 
is  called  would  be  like  that  in  15,  17.  The  expression  here  is  the 
one  which  the  Seventy  commonly  use  to  translate  nrn  X"i)^,  a 
well  known  formula  in  the  Old  Testament  signifying  to  tcorship. 
Gesenius  (Lex.  p.  938)  says  with  reference  to  this  phrase :  To 
call  on  the  name  of  God  is  to  invoke  his  name,  i.  e.  to  praise,  cel- 
ebrate, worship  God.  Of  course,  we  are  to  attach  the  same 
meaning  to  the  words  in  the  New  Testament.  Hence  this  lan- 
guage, which  states  a  fact  so  characteristic  of  the  first  Christians 
that  it  fixed  upon  them  the  name  of  callers  upon  Christ,  shows  that 
they  were  accustomed  to  offer  to  him  divine  honor.    See  on  7,  59, 

V.  15.  a-Ki.vo'i  iK\oyrj<;,  a  vessel  (2  Cor.  4,  7),  instrument,  of  choice, 
i.  e.  a  chosen  instrument.  For  this  use  of  the  genitive,  sec  on  7, 
30.  The  similar  examples  in  Greek  belong  rather  to  poetry.  It 
is  a  common  idiom  in  Hebrew.  Gesen.  Heb.  Gr.  ^  104.  —  fSacr- 
Ttto-ai,  to  bear,  continues  the  metaphor  in  ctkeiJos  (Alf ).  —  (SamXewv, 
kbigs,  rulers  of  the  highest  class  ;  comp.  17,  7  ;  John  19,  15.  Paul 
stood  as  a  witness  for  Christ  before  the  governors  of  Cyprus, 
Achaia,  and  Judea,  and  before  Herod  Agrippa  and  probably  Nero. 
—  mujv  'l(Tpari\.     The   progress  of  the  narrative    will   show  how 


166  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  IX,  16-18. 

faitlifully  he  executed  this  part  of  his  mission.  Though  he  was 
the  great  apostle  of  the  Gentiles,  he  never  ceased  to  preach  to 
his  countrymen. 

V.  16.  eyw  yap,  k.  t.  X.,  For  I  will  show  hirti  by  experience,  will 
cause  Mm  to  learn  in  the  course  of  his  hfe  (Bng.  Mey.).  Ac- 
cording to  De  Wette,  it  means  that  God  would  teach  him  by 
revelation  ;  but  this  verb  is  not  employed  to  denote  the  commu- 
nication of  knowledge  in  that  manner.  The  statement  here  con- 
firms the  declaration  that  Saul  would  accomplish  so  much  for  the 
cause  of  Christ ;  for  (yap)  he  was  to  suffer  much,  and  liis  labors 
would  be  efficient  in  proportion  to  his  sufferings. 

V.  17.  dire,  K.  T.  X.  The  address  of  Ananias  to  Saul  is  reported 
more  fully  in  22,  14  sq.  He  salutes  him  as  brother  (dScA^e),  not 
as  of  the  same  stock  nationally  (2,  29  ;  21,  1  ;  28,  17),  but  as 
having  now  "obtained  hke  precious  faith"  with  liimself.  He 
could  apply  that  title  to  Saul  with  confidence  after  having  received 
such  information  in  regard  to  the  state  of  his  mind,  and  the  sphere 
of  labor  to  which  Christ  had  called  hmi. — 'Iijcrovs  ....  rjpxov.  Luke's 
account  of  the  communication  to  Ananias  passes  over  this  part  of 
it.  rj,  in  this  clause,  in  which,  omits  the  preposition  because  the 
antecedent  has  it  (a  species  of  attraction) ;  comp.  o  Trpoo-ntKX-qfxaL 
in  13,  2.  Mat.  §  595.  4.  c.  —  koX  7rXr]aSy<;,  K.T.  X.,  and  maycst  be  filled 
with  tJie  Holy  Spirit,  i.  e.  receive  abundantly  the  cxtraordinaiy 
gifts  and  quahfications  which  he  would  need  as  an  apostle  (comp. 
Gal.  2,  7  sq.).     See  the  note  on  1,  8. 

V.  18.  airiir^crov  ....  wo-ct  ActtiScs,  there  fell  off  from  his  eyes  as 
if  scales.  This  means  that  he  expericnced"a  sensation  as  if  such 
had  been  the  fact,  wo-ci  shows  that  it  was  so  in  appearance,  not 
in  reality;  comji.  2,  3  ;  6,  15,  etc.  The  nature  of  the  injury  which 
his  eyes  had  suffered  we  cannot  determine  ;  but  it  is  certain  that 
the  recovery  from  the  injury  was  instantaneous  and  complete. 
We  may  suppose  that  Luke  had  often  heard  Paul  relate  how  he 
felt  at  that  moment.  —  drao-Tois,  having  risen  up,  and  (if  need  be) 
gone  forth  to  the  place  of  baptism ;  comp.  Luke  4,  38  (see  Rob. 
Lex.  s.  V.  n.  1.  a);  or  simply,  having  made  himself  ready,  i.  e. 
without  delay;  comp.  Luke  15,  18.  On  this  Hebraistic  use  of  the 
word,  see  Gescn.  Lex.  p.  919;  W.  ^  65.  4.  c.  It  is  impossible  to 
infer  from  it  that  he  was  baptized  in  the  house  of  Judas,  or  that 
he  was  not.  Damascus  at  the  present  day  abounds  in  water,  and 
aU  the  better  houses  have  a  reservoir  in  their  court,  or  stand  be- 
side a  natural  or  an  artificial  stream.  See  Robinson,  Vol.  III.  p. 
400.  —  Xaj3u)v  Tpo<j)rju,  having  tcdce?ifood  after  the  fast  of  the  three 
days,  see  v.  9.  .^ 


Chap.  IX,  19-23.  COMMENTARY.  167 


Verses  19-22.     The  Labors  of  Paul  at  Damascus. 

V.  19.  //.era  twv  fiaSrjTCjv,  ivith  the  disciples,  in  private  inter- 
course wiih.  them.  —  ■>]fiipa<;  Ttvds,  certain  days,  denotes  too  brief  a 
period  to  apply  to  the  entire  residence  at  Damascus  (Neand.  De 
Wet.  Mey.). 

V.  20.  KoX  ev^im,  and  immediately,  after  the  days  spent  in  the 
society  of  the  Christians  there.  —  iKi^pva-crc  tov  'Itjo-ow  =  iK-^pvcrae 
oTi  6  'Irja-ov's  co-Ttv,  k.  t.  X. ;  see  on  3,  10.  'Irj<Tov<;  is  the  individual 
or  personal  name  of  the  Saviour  ;  and  it  was  the  apostle's  object 
to  estalJish  the  identity  of  Jesus  with  the  Son  of  God,  or  the 
promised  Messiah  ;  comp.  v.  22. 

V.  21.  6  TTop^T/o-a?,  7vho  destroyed,  put  to  death;  see  22,  3. — 
ovo/ta  TovTo,  viz.  that  of  Jesus  (v.  20).  The  form  of  the  remark 
adapts  itself  to  the  narrative. — wSc,  hither,  after  a  verb  of  motion; 
here  in  v.  14.  —  eis  tovto  anticipates  the  next  clause.  —  For  dpxt«- 
pcls,  see  on  4,  6.  —  The  astonishment  expressed  here  proceeded 
from  the  Jews,  whom  Paul  addressed  in  the  synagogues.  Most 
of  the  Christians  at  Damascus  must  have  been  apprised  of  the 
change  in  his  character  before  he  appeared  in  public. 

V.  22.  SaC'Xos  8e,  k.  t.  X.,  But  Saul  was  more  strengthened,  i.  e. 
in  liis  faith,  see  16,  5;  Rom.  4,  20.  This  remark  describes  his 
state  after  the  lapse  of  some  time  subsequent  to  his  conversion. 
It  is  made  apparently,  not  merely  to  indicate  his  Christian  pro- 
gress, but  to  suggest  why  he  preached  with  such  convincing 
power.  —  cn'/A^t^a^wv,  K.  T.  X.,  proving  that  this  one  is  the  Christ. 
ovTos  recalls  'Irjaovv  in  v.  20  the  more  readily,  because  tovto  inter- 
venes in  V.  21. 

Verses  23-25.  The  Flight  of  Paul  from  Damascus. 
V.  23.  d)?  St  ...  .  iKavaL,  Noiv  lohen  many  days  ivere  accom- 
plished. At  this  place,  probably,  we  are  to  insert  the  journey  into 
Arabia,  which  the  apostle  mentions  in  Gal.  1,  17.  So  Ncander, 
Hemsen,  Meyer,  and  others.  That  Luke  makes  no  allusion  to 
this  journey  agrees  with  the  summary  character  of  his  history 
generally,  in  relation  to  the  early  portion  of  Paul's  life.  It  will  be 
observed,  he  does  not  say  that  the  "  many  days  "  were  all  spent 
at  Damascus,  but  that  many  had  elapsed  since  his  first  arrival, 
before  the  escape  which  took  place  under  the  circumstances  nar- 
rated. Hence  the  language  leaves  us  at  liberty  to  suppose  that 
he  passed  more  or  less  of  the  intermediate  period  elsewhere. 
The  time  that  Paul  was  absent  in  Arabia  belongs  probably  to  tlie 


168  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  IX,  24. 

earlier  i)art  of  the  ^[jLipaL  iKavai,  rather  than  the  latter ;  for  in  Gal. 
1,  17  he  mentions  Ai-abia  before  Damascus,  as  if  the  former 
country  was  the  first  important  scene  of  his  apostlesiiip.  The 
time  wliich  lie  spent  in  Ai'abia  formed  not  improbably  a  large 
part  of  the  three  years  before  his  return  to  Jeiaisalem ;  for  that 
supposition  explains  best  the  fact  that  he  was  still  so  unloiown 
there  as  a  Cluistian,  see  v.  26.  Some  critics,  as  Olshausen,  Eb- 
rard,  Sepp,^  would  place  the  excursion  into  Arabia  between  v.  25 
and  V.  26.  The  objection  to  that  view  is,  that  the  apostle  must 
then  have  come  back  to  Damascus  (^ttoXlv  viricrTpeij/a  tis  L^ajxaa-Kov 
in  Gal.  1,  17),  in  the  face  of  the  deadly  hostility  on  the  part  of  the 
Jews  which  had  already  driven  him  from  that  city. 

V.  24.  iyvwa-Sr]  to)  ^avXw,  became  known  by  Saul,  to  him.  For 
the  dative  after  the  passive,  see  on  5,  9,  The  discovery  enabled 
the  apostle  to  escape  the  danger.  —  irapeTripovv  ra^  TrvAas,  tcere 
watching  the  gates,  i.  e.  with  the  aid  of  soldiers  whom  the  gov- 
ernor placed  at  their  disposal,  so  that  the  act  of  guarding  the 
city  could  be  ascribed  to  the  Jews,  as  in  this  passage,  or  to  the 
ethnarch,  as  in  2  Cor.  11,  32.  The  Jews  at  this  time  were  influ- 
ential as  well  as  numerous  at  Damascus,  and  could  easily  enlist 
the  governrrient  on  their  side.  —  8ta  tov  TeLxo'"'^>  through  the  wall, 
and  at  the  same  time  hia.  SvptSos  8ta  tov  reixovs,  through  a  window 
through  the  wall,  as  is  stated  in  2  Cor.  11,  33,  i.  e.  as  commonly 
understood  through  the  window  of  a  house  overhanging  the  wall. 
Compare  Josh.  2,  15;  1  Sam.  19,  12.  Houses  are  built  in  that 
manner,  in  Eastern  countries,  at  the  present  day.  A  wood-cut 
representing  such  a  window  may  be  seen  in  Howsgii'&^Work, 
Vol.  I.  p.  124.^  —  eV  (nrvpiSi,  in  a  basket.  That  those  who  aided 
Paul's  escape  should  have  used  a  basket  for  the  purpose,  was 
entirely  natural,  according  to  the  present  customs  of  the 
countiy.  It  is  the  sort  of  vehicle  wliich  people  employ  there 
now  if  they  would  lower  a  man  into  a  well,  or  raise  him  into 
the  upper  story  of  a  house.  See  Illustrations  of  Scripture, 
p.  G9. 


'  Das  Leben  Cliristi,  von  Dr.  Joh.  Rep.  Scpp,  Band,  IV.  p.  47. 

2  Possibly  another  explanation  may  be  the  correct  one.  A  few  steps  to  the  left 
of  Bab-es-Shurkeh,  the  pate  on  the  east  side  of  Damascus,  I  observed  two  or  three 
windows  in  the  external  face  of  the  wall,  opcninfj  into  houses  on  the  inside  of  the 
•city.  If  Saul  was  let  down  throu<rh  such  a  window  (which  belonfi^s  equally  to  the 
house  and  tiic  wall),  it  would  be  still  more  exact  to  intcrchanj^e  the  two  expres- 
sions ;  that  is,  wc  could  say,  as  in  the  Acts,  that  be  escaped  "  tbrnu^'^Ii  the  wall," 
or  as  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  tliat  be  escaped  "  through  a  window  through 
the  wall." 


Chap.  IX,  26-29.  COMMENTARY.  169 


Verses  26-31.     Paul  returris  to  Jerusalern,  and  from  there  goes  to 
Tarsus. 

V.  26.  This  is  Paul's  first  journey  to  Jerusalem  since  his  con- 
version, and  took  place  in  A.  D.  39.  See  Introduct.  ^  6.  1.  His 
motive  for  this  step,  as  he  states  in  Gal.  1,  18,  was  that  he  might 
make  tlie  acquaintance  of  Peter.  —  KoXXaa-Sai,  to  associate  with 
them  as  one  of  their  own  faith.  —  Travres  I^'^^ovvto,  k.  t.  \.  If 
Paul  had  spent  most  of  the  last  three  years  at  Damascus,  Ave 
should  suppose  that  the  report  of  his  labors  during  that  time 
would  have  reached  Jerusalem,  and  prepared  the  way  for  his  more 
cordial  reception.  On  the  contrary,  if  he  had  been  withdrawn 
for  the  most  part  from  their  knowledge,  in  the  more  retired  re- 
gion of  Arabia,  it  is  less  surprising  that  they  noAV  regarded  him 
witli  sus})icion.  The  language,  according  to  either  view,  it  will 
be  observed,  does  not  affirm  that  they  had  never  heard  of  his  con- 
version, but  that  they  could  not  readily  persuade  themselves  that 
it  was  sincere.  The  sudden  appearance  of  Voltaire  in  a  circle 
of  Christians,  claiming  to  be  one  of  them,  would  have  been  some- 
thing like  this  return  of  Saul  to  Jerusalem  as  a  professed  disciple. 

V.  27.  Bapi/a^as  stood  high  among  the  disciples  at  Jerusalem 
(4,  36  ;  11,  22).  No  one  oiv^  of  the  circle  of  the  apostles  could 
have  interposed  a  more  powerful  word  in  behalf  of  Saul.  —  Trpos 
Toi)s  aTToo-ToAovs,  unto  the  apostles,  viz.  Peter  and  John  (Gal.  1,  19). 
The  other  apostles  were  probably  absent  from  Jerusalem  at  this 
time.  —  Sirjy-qo-aTo,  related  fully,  since  they  may  have  heard  a  re- 
port of  the  occurrence,  but  had  received  no  definite  information 
concerning  it.  He  could  add  also  his  own  personal  testimony  to 
the  truth  of  what  had  come  to  their  ears.  —  ttws  ....  errapprja-Mcr- 
aro.  He  had  been  himself  probably  a  witness  of  Paul's  zeal  at 
Damascus ;  and  for  that  reason,  and  because  his  labors  there 
were  more  recent,  he  says  nothing  of  the  residence  in  Ai-abia.  — 
iv  T<3  ovo/xari  rov  'Irjcrov,  in  the  name  of  Jesus,  as  the  sphere  of  his 
preaching  (Mey.) ;  not  in  virtue  of  authority  from  him. 

V.  28.  yjv  fji€T  avTwv,  was  with  them,  during  fifteen  days,  as  we 
learn  from  Gal.  1,  18.  —  €La7ropev6fJievo<;  koL  iKTrop€v6fJievo<;,  going  in 
afid  going  out,  i.  e.  in  the  exercise  of  his  ministry,  as  results  from 
the  next  clause.     For  the  import  of  this  Hebraism,  see  on  1,  21. 

V.  29.     7rpo9  Tov<s  'E\\r]vL(rTd<;.     See  note  on  6,  1.     He  addressed 

himself  to  them  because  he  himself  was  a  foreign  Jew,  and  was 

familiar  with  the  Greek,  which  they  also  spoke.     It  has  been 

conjectured  that  one  of  the  festivals  may  have  been  in  progress 

22 


y 


170  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  IX,  30. 

at  this  time,  and  that  these  Hellenists  had  come  to  Jerusalem  on 
that  account.  Compare  John  12,  20.  —  iirex^ipow,  attempted;  im- 
perfect because  they  were  seeking  the  opportunity  to  kill  him.  We 
are  not  to  sup})ose  that  they  had  ventured  as  yet  on  any  open 
act. 

V.  30.  €7rf)a'ovres  SI  oi  a8eA.(^ot',  Sut  the  brethren  having  ascer- 
tained,  Viz.  their  hostile  design.  Paul  departed  in  conformity 
with  their  advice.  We  learn  from  22,  17,  that  another  motive 
concurred  with  this :  he  was  informed  in  a  vision  that  (^od  would 
hav^  liim  occupy  a  different  field  of  labor.  Without  that  revela- 
tion lieTnight  have  thought  it  best  to  remain,  in  defiailce  of  the 
present  danger,  and  notwithstanding  the  importunity  of  his 
friends;  comp.  21,  13.  It  is  a  mark  of  truth  that  we  find  Luke 
stating  the  outward  impulse,  the  apostle  the  inner  ground.  —  In 
KaTrp/ayov  the  preposition  marks  the  descent  to  the  sea-coast.  — 
For  Ccesarea,  see  on  8,  40.  For  the  route  hither  from  Jerusalem, 
see  on  23,  31.  —  koI  iiaTria-retXav,  k.  t.  k.,  and  they  sent  1  dm  forth  to 
Tarsus.  This  city  was  the  capital  of  Cilicia,  on  the  river  Cyd- 
nus.  It  possessed  at  this  time  a  literary  reputation  whicli  rivalled 
that  of  Athens  and  Alexandria.  It  had  received  important  polit- 
ical privileges  both  from  Antony  and  Augustus,  but  did  not  enjoy 
the  right  of  Roman  citizenship.  See  the  note  on  22,  29.  —  We 
might  conclude  from  the  statement  here,  that  Paul  went  directly 
to  Tarsus  by  sea.  That  inference,  it  has  been  said,  contradicts 
Gal.  1,  21,  where,  speaking  of  this  journey,  Paul  puts  Syria  be- 
fore Cilicia,  as  if  he  went  to  the  latter  country  through  the  for- 
mer. It  is  to  be  noticed  that  these  two  countries  are  always 
named  in  that  order  (see  15,  23.  41),  and  that  order  agrees  with 
the  land-route  from  Jerusalem  to  Cilicia,  which  was  the  one  more 
commonly  taken.  Hence  Paul  may  have  adhered  to  that  order 
in  Gal.  1,  21,  from  the  force  of  association,  though  in  this  instance 
he  went  first  to  Cilicia,  and  from  there  made  missionary  excur- 
sions into  Syria.  But  if  any  one  prefers,  he  can  suppose,  with 
De  Wette,  that  Paul  took  ship  at  Csesarea,  and  then  landed  again 
at  Scleucia ;  or  with  Winer,  Riickert,  and  others,  that  Syria,  in 
the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians,  included  a  part  of  the  region  be- 
tween Jenisalem  and  Ca^sarea.  The  term  had  sonietinics  that 
wider  sense.  Some  have  fixed  on  Csesarea  in  the  north  of  Pal- 
estine as  the  place  meant  here  ;  but  in  that  case  the  epithet  which 
distinguishes  the  less  celebrated  city  from  the  other  would  have 
been  added,  as  in  Matt.  16,  13;  Mark  8,  27.  —  In  these  regions 
of  Syria  and  Cilicia,  Paul  remained  four  or  five  years  ;  for  he 
went  thither  from  Jerusalem  in  A.  D.  39  (sec  on  v.  26),  and  left 


Chap.IX,31.  commentary.  171 

for  Anlioch  in  A.  D.  43  (see  on  11,  26).  That  he  was  occupied 
during  this  time  in  laboring  for  the  spread  of  the  gospel,  is  not 
only  to  be  infeiTed  from  the  character  of  the  man,  but  is  expressly- 
stated  in  Gal.  1,  21-23.  Further,  in  the  sequel  of  the  narrative, 
(15,  23.  41),  we  find  churches  existing  here,  the  origin  of  which 
is  unknown,  unless  we  suppose  that  they  were  planted  by  Paul's 
instrumentality  at  this  time.  It  is  not  an  irrelevant  reflection, 
which  Mr.  Howson  suggests,  that  during  this  residence  of  Paul 
in  his  native  land  "  some  of  those  Christian  '  kinsmen,'  whose 
names  are  handed  down  to  us  (Rom.  16,  7.  11.  21),  possibly  his 
sister,  the  playmate  of  his  childhood,  and  his  sister's  son,  who 
afterwards  saved  liis  life  (23,  16  sq.),  may  have  been  gathered 
by  his  exertions  into  the  fold  of  Christ."  The  apostle  reappears 
next  in  11,  25. 


Verses    31-35.      Peter  2^>'eacJies  at  Lydda,   and  heals  a   Para- 
lytic. 

V.  31.  at  fxkv  ovv,  K.  T.  X.,  The  churches  noiv  ....  had  peace,  i.  e. 
rest  from  the  persecution  which  they  had  suffered  since  the  death 
of  Stephen.  It  had  continued  for  three  years  (see  v.  26),  if  the 
subject  of  tliis  paragraph  be  next  in  order  after  the  preceding 
one.  It  is  not  certain  that  Luke  mentions  the  cause  of  this  res- 
pite. As  Lardner,  De  Wette,  and  others  suggest,  it  may  have 
been  owing  to  the  troubles  excited  by  the  order  of  Caligula,  to 
have  his  image  set  up  in  the  temple.  (Jos.  Antt.  18.  8.  2-9.)  The 
Jews  may  have  been  too  much  engrossed  by  their  opposition  to 
that  measure  to  pursue  the  Christians,  olv  in  that  case  takes 
up  again  the  main  thread  of  the  history  after  the  digression  re- 
lating to  Paul.  Meyer  makes  it  strictly  illative  from  v.  3-30,  as 
if  the  peace  was  the  result  of  Paul's  conversion  and  labors.  But 
as  he  began  to  act  on  the  side  of  the  Christians  so  soon  after  the 
death  of  Stephen,  we  should  then  have  too  brief  an  interval  for  the 
persecution.  Copies  vary  between  eKKXrfa-tai  and  iKKkyja-La,  but  favor 
the  latter. — TaXiXata?.  This  is  our  only  notice  of  the  existence  of 
churches  in  that  native  land  of  the  apostles. — oLKo8ofiovfji.ivai,  being 
built  ujy,  i.  e.  in  faith  and  piety ;  see  1  Cor.  8,  1 ;  14,  4 ;  1  ThesJ 
5,  11,  etc.  It  is  contrary  to  usage  to  understand  it  of  external 
organization.  It  does  not  refer  to  the  increase  of  numbers,  since 
that  is  the  idea  of  the  verb  which  follows.  The  E.  V.  makes  this 
participle  a  verb,  and  separates  it  from  its  natural  connection  in 
the  sentence.  —  Tropevo/xemt^^-^n,  loalking;  a  common  Hebraism, 
to  denote  a  course  of  conduct.  — t(3  ^oySw  rcC  Kvpuw,  in  the  fear  of 


172  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  IX,  32-35. 

the  Lord,  in  conformity  with  that  state  of  mind  ;  dative  of  rule  or 
manner.  W.  \  31.  6.  b.  —  kolI  rrj  TrapaKXrjaeL  tov  ayiov  Trvevfiaro';, 
belongs  not  to  Tropeno/xevoi,  but  to  i-n-X-qSvyovTo,  of  which  it  assigns 
the  cause:  and  by  ^Ae^w/^persuasive  energy,  (Kuin.  Mey.  Rob.), 
of  the  Holy  Spirit  luere  multiplied.  That  sense  of  irapaKXrjcru  is 
not  certain.  De  Wette  :  The  power  of  consolatory  discourse  con- 
ferred by  the  Spirit  on  those  who  preached. ;  comp.  4,  36. 
/  V.  32.  Peter  may  have  left  Jerusalem  soon  after  the  departure 
of  Paul ;  see  on  v.  27.  —  hip-^ojjievov,  k.  t.  X.,  passing  through  all 
the  behevers  in  that  part  of  the  country.  After  ttoivtwv  supply 
.  /  dytwv  (Bng.  Mey.  De  Wet.),  not  tottwv  (Kuin.  Wiesl.) ;  comp.  20, 
25;  Rom.  15,  28.  The  narrative  assumes  that  the  gospel  had\ 
been  preached  here  already  (see  8,  44)  ;  and  tliis  was'  a  tour  of 
visitation.  —  Kat,  also,  includes  the  saints  at  Lydda  among  the 
TravTwv.  In  crossing  the  plain  from  Yafa  or  Joppa  to  Ramleh, 
the  traveller  sees  a  village  with  a  tall  minaret  in  the  southeast, 
and  on  inquiring  the  name  is  told  that  it  is  Lud  or  Lid.  It 
stands  on  the  ancient  line  of  travel  between  Jerusalem  and 
Cassarea.  It  is  the  modern  representative  of  the  Lydda  in  our 
text. 

V.  33.  His  name  may  indicate  that  JEneas  was  a  Greek,  or 
Hellenistic  Jew.  He  was  probably  a  believer,  as  faith  was  usu- 
ally required  of  those  who  received  the  benefits  of  the  gospel.  — 
e^  eVwv  oKTw,  since  eight  years,  for  so  long  a  time.  —  Kpa/ifiaTw,  pal- 
let,  as  in  5,  15. 

V.  34.  (Trpw(Tov  o-eauTw,  spread  for  thyself,  i.  e.  thy  bed,  not  in 
future  (Kuin.),  but  immediately  (De  Wet.  Mey.).  Others  had 
performed  that  office  for  him  hitherto.  He  was  now  to  evince  his 
restoration  by  an  act  which  had  been  the  peculiar  evidence  of 
his  infirmity.  The  object  of  the  verb  suggests  itself;  it  is  not 
strictly  an  ellipsis.  \  '-      ^  ■ 

V.  35.  eiSoi/  oMTov,  saw  him  after  his  recovery,  whom  they  had 
knoAvn  before  as  a  confirmed  paralytic. — Tran-ts  may  be  restricted, 
as  suggested  on  3,  18.  —  tov  Sa/jwva  =  "pTi-n,  the  Plain.  It  ex-  '  l^i^Tu 
tended  along  the  sea-coast  from  Joppa  to  Casarea,  about  thirty  ^ 
miles.  Here  the  part  nearest  to  Lydda  appears  to  be  meant. 
Some  hfive  thought  (Win.  Realw.  11.  p.  383)  that  Saa)n  may 
designate  here  a  village  of  that  name.  —  orrtves  iirea-Tpeil/av,  k.  t.  A., 
ivho,  influenced  by  the  miracle,  turned  unto  the  Lord,  sec  v.  42  ; 
not  u-ho  had  turned  (Kuin.).  In  the  latter  case,  the  imjtort  of  the 
reoiark  would  be  that  the  miracle  was  a  credible  one,  because  it 
was  so  well  attested.  Such  an  apologetic  interest  is  foreign  to  i 
Luke's  manner. 


O 


Chap.  IX,  36-40.  COMMENTARY.  173 

Verses  36-43.     Peter  visits  Joppa. 

V.  36.  'loTTTn},  Joppa  (Jon.  1,  3)  was  northwest  from  Lydda 
(see  on  v.  32),  the  present  Japha,  or  Yafa,  on  the  sea-coast. —  Tab- 
itha  =  N'J"i:n-j  is  Chaklee,  and  means  a  gazelle.  We  may  infer 
from  it  her  Jewish  origin.  To  her  Greek  friends  she  may  have 
been  known  also  by  the  other  name. — koX  eXer/yaocrwcov,  and  (es- 
pecially) alms,  deeds  of  charity ;  Kai,  explicative. 

V.  37.  AovVavre?,  k.  t.  X.,  having  washed,  they  j^lO'Ced  her  in  the 
upper  chamber  of  the  house  where  they  were.  As  the  limitation 
suggests  itself,  the  article  is  omitted.  W.  ^  19.  1.  It  is  inserted 
in  V.  39,  because  there  it  points  back  to  tliis  place.  It  was  cus- 
tomary among  the  Hebrews  for  women  to  perform  this  rite  ;  but 
as  Luke  would  specify  here  the  act  rather  than  the  agency,  he 
employs  the  masculine  of  the  participle,  equivalent  to  the  indefi- 
nite "  they."     W.  k  27.  6. 

V.  38.  eyyus  governs  'loVTny  as  an  adverb.  The  distance  be- 
tween the  places  is  ten  or  twelve  miles.  —  d7re'o-T£^Xav.  It  is  not 
said  that  they  sent  for  liim  with  any  definite  expectation  of  a 
miracle.  It  was  natural  that  they  should  desire  his  presence 
and  sympathy  at  such  a  time. 

V.  39.  €ts  TO  vTvepi^ov,  into  the  upper  chamber.  The  body  was 
usually  kept  here  when  for  any  reason  the  interment  was  de- 
layed. See  Jahn's  Archteol.  ^  204  ;  Win.  Realw.  I.  p.  467.  They 
had  been  waiting  in  this  instance  for  the  arrival  of  Peter.  —  at 
)Q]pai,  the  ividoivs,  who  had  been  the  objects  of  her  benevolence, 
and  who  now  mourned  the  death  of  their  benefactress.  Every 
one  must  be  struck  at  the  natural  manner  in  which  this  beautiful 
incident  is  introduced.  —  x'-'''^^"-'^  '^"'  i/x,aTia,  tunics  and  coats,  such 
as  were  worn  by  men  and  women.  The  omission  of  the  article 
(suggestive  of  a  wrong  sense  as  inserted  in  E.  V.)  shows  that 
they  presented  specimens  only  of  her  industry.  Some  of  the 
garments  may  have  been  worn  by  those  present,  and  others  have 
been  laid  up  for  future  distribution.  —  oVa,  which  all,  which  so 
many,  not==a  simply,  toJtich.  —  liroUi  (imperf),  ivas  accustomed  to 
mahe. 

V.  40.  £Ky8aA.wv  ....  Travra?,  But  having  2^nt  all  forth,  caused 
them  to  retire;  not  with  violence,  see  Mark  5,  40  ;  John  10,  4. 
The  object  may  have  been  to  secure  himself  from  observation 
and  interruption,  while  he  prayed  with  fervor  and  agony.  Elisha 
pursued  the  same  course,  for  the  same  reason  probably,  when  he 
restored  to  hfe  the   Shunamite's  son;  see  2  Kings  4,  33;  also 


174  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  X,  1. 

Matt.  9,  25. — Trpoa-qv^aTo.  Peter  would  address  his  prayer  to 
Christ ;  for  the  apostles  wrought  their  miracles  in  his  name  ;  see 
V.  34  ;  3,  6.  16  ;  4,  10.  —  ava.<TTr)St,  arise,  stand  erect.  Peter  speaks 
as  one  who  felt  assured  that  liis  prayer  had  prevailed,  see  Matt. 
17,  20. 

V.  42.  iyivero  draws  its  subject  from  the  context,  viz.  the  mir- 
acle. —  €7rt  Tov  Kvpiov,  212)0)1  the  Lord,  Christ,  whose  gospel  had 
been  so  signally  attested  as  true. 

V.  43.  Peter  remained  here  many  days,  because  the  place  was 
large,  and  the  people  evinced  a  preparation  for  the  reception  of 
the  word. — fSvpa-el,  a  tanner.  The  more  scrupulous  Jews  regarded 
such  an  occupation  as  unclean,  and  avoided  those  who  pursued  it. 
The  conduct  of  Peter  here  shows  that  he  did  not  carry  his  preju- 
dices to  that  extent. 


CHAPTER    X. 

Verses   1-8.     The  Vision  of  Cornelius,  the  Centurion. 

V.  1.  (.KaTovTo.pxq'i  is  often  interchanged  with  eKaTovrapxos  (21, 
32;  22,  25,  etc.).  The  first  is  the  prevalent  form  in  the  later 
Greek.  W.  ^  8.  1.  The  word  has  a  uniform  termination  in  some 
copies  of  the  text.  —  o-Tretpr^s  'IraXtK^s.  Some  suppose  this  cohort 
to  have  belonged  to  the  legio  Italica,  or  Italic  a  j)nma,  of  which 
we  read  in  Tacitus  (Hist.  1.  59,  64,  etc.) ;  but  the  fact  stated  by 
Dio  Cassius  {p^i.  24)  is  overlooked,  that  this  legion  was  raised  by 
Nero,  and  consequently  was  not  in  existence  at  tliis  period  of  our 
narrative.  While  no  ancient  writer  has  left  any  notice  confirm- 
ing Luke's  accuracy  in  this  passage,  it  so  happens  that  an  inscrip- 
tion in  Gruter '  informs  us  that  volunteer  Italian  cohorts  served 
in  Syria,  i.  e.  Italian  or  Romair  soldiers,  who  enlisted  of  their 
own  accord,  instead  of  being  obliged  to  perform  mihtary  service 
(see  Diet,  of  Antt  art.  Vehncs).  It  is  generally  supposed  that 
the  Roman  cohorts,  instead  of  being  incorporated  always  with  a 
particular  legion,  existed  often  separately.  It  is  probable  that 
such  an  independent   cohort  was   now  stationed   at   Caesarea, 

1  Copied  in  Ackcrmnn's  Numismatic  Illustrations  of  the  Narrative  Portions  of 
the  New  Testament,  p.  34.  "--_ 


Chap.  X,  2-5.  COMMENTARY.  175 

called  the  Italian,  because  it  consisted  of  native  Italians,  where- 
as the  other  cohorts  in  Palestine  were  levied  for  the  most  part 
from  the  country  itself  See  Jos.  Antt.  14.  15.  10;  Bell.  Jud.  1. 
17.  1.  Compare  the  note  on  27,  1.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  as 
Tholuck  ^  suggests,  that  Luke  places  this  Italian  cohort  precisely 
here.  Csesarea  was  the  residence  of  the  Roman  procurator  (see 
on  8,  40) ;  and  it  was  important  that  he  should  have  there  a  body 
of  troops  on  whose  fidelity  he  could  rely. 

V.  2.  €va-e^7]s  ....  ^eo'v,  clcvout  and  fearing  God.  All  the  cen- 
turions in  the  New  Testament  appear  in  a  favorable  light 
(Hmph.).  See  27,  3  ;  Matt.  8,  5 ;  Luke  7,  2.  The  one  here  was  a 
worshipper  of  Jehovah,  but  had  not  submitted  to  circumcision,  or 
avowed  puljlicly  the  Jewish  faith.  The  opinion  that  he  was  a 
proselyte  disagrees  with  v.  28.  34  ;  11,  1.  8  ;  15,  7 ;  for  those  pas- 
sages show  that  he  was  regarded  by  the  Jews  at  this  time  as 
belonging  still  to  a  heathen  community.  Cornelius  was  one  of 
those  men,  so  numerous  in  this  effete  age  of  idolatry,  who  were 
yearning  for  a  better  worship,  and  under  that  impulse  had  em- 
braced the  pure  theism  of  the  Old  Testament,  so  much  superior 
to  every  other  form  of  religion  known  to  them.  They  attended 
the  synagogues,  heard  and  read  the  Scriptures,  practised  some  of 
the  Je^\'ish  rites,  and  were  in  a  state  of  mind  predisposing  them 
to  welcome  the  gospel  of  Christ  when  it  was  announced  to  them. 
This  class  of  persons  furnished  the  greater  part  of  the  first  Gentile 
converts.  —  rw  Xaw,  the  ijeojjJe,  viz.  of  the  Jews;  comp.  v.  42;  26, 
17.  23  ;  28,  17.  Perhaps  Luke  7,  5  brings  to  view  one  of  the 
ways  in  which  he  applied  his  benefactions. 

V.  3.  Iv  opafjLaTt  may  be  understood  of  an  inner  or  of  an  out- 
ward vision  (Neand.).  —  ^ai/epws,  distinctly,  applies  better  to  a  per- 
ceptive act  than  to  an  act  of  consciousness.  etSei/  is  ambiguous 
in  that  respect.  —  wo-ei  wpaj/  iwdr-qv,  about  the  ninth  hour,  in  the 
'course  of  it;  accusative  of  time  how  long.  Bernh.  Synt.  p.  116. 
This  hour  was  one  of  the  Jewish  hours  of  prayer  (3,  1). 

V.  4.  Tt  eo-Ti;  What  is  it  which  is  designed  or  desired?  —  For 
Ki;p6e,  see  the  remark  on  9,  5.  —  TrpocrevxaL  and  IX-erjixoo-vvai,  which 
belong  to  one  verb  here,  are  assigned  to  two  verbs  in  v.  31.  — 
CIS  /xv-qfjioavvov,  for  a  memorial;  as  such  (see  on  7,  21),  i.  e.  he  was 
now  to  receive  evidence  of  his  being  remembered,  inasmuch 
as  God  Avas  about  to  open  a  way  for  his  attainment  of  the  peace 
of  mind  which  he  had  so  anxiously  sought. 

V.  5.     Jojyj^a  was  about  thirty  miles  south  of  Ca?sarea. — yu-cra- 

1  Die  Glaubwiirdigkeit  der  Evangelischen  Gcschichtc,  p.  174. 


176  COMMENTARY,  Chap.  X,  6-10. 

TrefjLil/aL  is  middle,  because  he  was  to  execute  the  act  througli  the 

agency  of  others.      K.  ^  250.  R.  2;  B.  ^  135.  8.  — St/xwm 

Ilerpos.  Both  names  are  given,  so  as  to  prevent  mistake  as  to  the  \ 
individual  whom  the  messengers  were  to  find.  This,  too,  is  the  / 
reason  for  describing  so  minutely  his  place  of  aljode. 

V.  6.  TTupo.  SdXaacrav,  by  the  sea-shore,  viz.  that  of  the  !Mediter- 
ranean.  Luke  states  a  fact  here ;  the  ground  of  it  we  learn  from 
other  sources.  The  sanatory  laws  of  the  ancients,  it  is  said,  re- 
quired tanners  to  live  out  of  the  city ;  "  non  solum  ob  mortua 
{inimalia,  quorum  usum  ipsa  eoruni  opificii  ratio  efflagitabat,  sed 
etiam  ob  foetidos  in  eorum  officinis  et  ffidibus  odores  et  sordes.' 
Walch,  Dissertationes,  etc..  Vol.  I.  p.  125.  Tlie  convenient  pros- 
ecution of  their  business  required  that  they  should  be  near  the 
water. — ovTO'i  XaXijo-ei  o-ot  TL(T€  heiTvoielv,  at  the  close  of  this  verse,  in 
the  common  text,  was  inserted  in  conformity  with  9,  6  ;  10,  32. 

V.  7.  ws  Se  aTnjX^tv,  k.  t.  X.  He  despatched  the  messengers, 
therefore,  on  the  same  day,  although  it  was  so  far  advanced  (v. 
3)  ;  comp.  e$avTrj^  in  v.  33.  —  o  XaXwv  must  be  taken  as  imper- 
fect; comp.  John  9,  8  (De  Wet.).  —  tojv  TrpoaKapfepovvroiv  aiVw,  of 
those  (sc.  soldiers)  tvho  icaited  upon  him,  who  stood  ready  to  per- 
form those  personal  services  which  he  might  require.  Kuinoel's 
idea  is  that  they  acted  as  a  house-sentry.  —  evo-c^S^  accords  with 
the  description  of  the  centurion's  family  in  v.  2. 

Verses  9-16.      The    Vision  of  Peter. 

V.  9.     rg  hravpiov,  on  the  morrow,  after  their  departure  from 
CsBsarea.  —  eVt  to  Sw/xa,  upon  the  house-top,  the  roof  which,  accord- 
ing to  the  Oriental  manner,  was  fiat,  or  but  slightly  inclined.     It 
was  the  place  often  chosen  for  the  performance  of  reUgious  du-      , 
ties.      Jahn's    ArchsDol.  h  24.       The  situation   does   not  expose  v/ 
one  necessarily  to  pubhc  view.     A  wall  or  balustrade  three  or  | 
four  feet  high  surrounds  many  of  the  roofs  in  the  East,  where  a  j 
person  may  sit  or  kneel  without  being  observed  by  others.    Moses 
required  (Deut.  22,  8)  that  every  house  should  have  such  a  pro- 
tection. 

V.  10.  7rpoo-7r€ivos  occurs  only  here.  The  law  of  analogy  shows 
it  to  be  intensive,  very  hun<rry.  —  ^^eXe  y^va-aa-^ai,  desired  to  cat ; 
not  icouM  Juivc  eaten.  —  Trapao-Kcua^wTwv  Sc  c/cciVtuv,  While  they  now  ^ 
(not  but)  were  preparing',  i.  e.  for  the  evening  repast;  see  v.  9.  , 
'  The  pronoun  refers  to  those  in  the  familyTvhere  Peter  was  en- 
tertained.—  lK(TTa(TL<:^iv  TTvcvixaTi  (Rev.  1,  10),  i.  e.  ajrance,  or 
rajnure,  whereby  (if  wc  may  so  express  it)  lie  was  transported 


Chap.  X,  11-15.  COMMENTAKY.  ^  177 

out  of  himself,  and  put  into  a  mental  state  in  which  he  could  dis- 
cern objects  beyond  the  apprehension  of  man's  natural  ]iowers. 
See  11,  5;  22,  17.  —  In  the  mode  of  instruction  which  God  em- 
ployed in  this  instance,  he  adapted  himself  to  the  peculiar  cir- 
cumstances in  which  Peter  was  placed.  "  The  divine  hght  that 
was  making  its  way  to  his  spirit  revealed  itself  in  the  mirror  of 
sensible  images,  which  proceeded  from  the  existing  state  of  liis 
bodily  frame  "  (Neand.) 

V.  11.  ^€co/De6,  beholds  with  wonder  (see  on  4,  13).  —  o-KeGos  rt, 
a  certain  vessel,  receptacle,  which  ws  o^ovqv  {xeydX-qv  describes  more 
definitely  as  a  great  sheet.  —  ricrcrapa-Lv  ....  yrj<;,  bound  b>/  four 
corners  or  ends  (anarthrous,  since  the  number  was  not  definite 
of  itself),  a7id  (thus)  let  down  upon  the  earth.  The  conception  of 
the  scene  suggested  by  the  text  is  that  of  the  sheet  upheld  by 
cords  attached  to  its  four  points,  and  suspended  from  above  by 
an  unseen  power.  Tliis  is  the  common  view,  and,  I  think,  the 
correct  one.  Meyer  understands  apx^ts  of  tJie  four  corners  of 
heaven,  i.  e.  east,  west,  north,  and  south,  to  which  the  four  ends 
of  the  sheet  were  fastened.  Neander  inclines  to  that  interpreta- 
tion, dpxa-is  with  such  a  reference  would  seem  to  demand  the 
article,  as  much  as  the  translation  into  English  and  German. — 
Lachmann  expunges  SeSe/xeVov  km,  after  A,  B,  C,  and  some  other 
authorities;  but  probably  the  omission  of  the  words  in  11,  5  led 
to  their  omission  here. 

V.  12.  Travra  to,  rerpaTroSa,  all  the  quadruxteds,  i.  e.  as  to  their 
varieties,  not  individually.  The  text  here  is  confused.  ttJs  y»}?  is 
to  be  retained,  no  doubt,  but  should  follow  ipTreTo.  (Lchm.  Mey. 
Tsch.).  —  KOL  TO.  SrjpLa  before  koL  to.  ipTrerd  is  not  found  in  the  con- 
trolling manuscripts.  It  is  evident  that  the  text  in  11,  6  has  in- 
fluenced the  text  in  this  passage. 

V.  13.  dvao-ras.  See  on  9,  18.  Yet  Peter  may  have  been 
kneeling,  or  reclining,  at  that  moment  (Mey.).  —  ^va-ov  koL  4>dye, 
slay  and  eat,  i.  e.  any  one  of  the  creatures  exhibited  to  him,  with- 
out regard  to  the  distinction  of  clean  or  unclean. 

V.  14.  irav,  preceded  by  the  negative,  is  a  Hebraism  for  ovSeu ; 
comp.  Matt.  24,  22  ;  Rom.  3,  20  ;  Eph.  5,  5.  The  two  modes  of 
expression  present  the  idea  from  different  points  of  view.  That 
of  the  Hebrews  excepts  evcnj  thing  from  the  action  of  the  verb  ; 
that  of  the  Greeks  subjects  nothing  to  it.  Gesen.  Heb.  Gr.  ^  149. 
1  ;  W.  ^  26.  1.  —  KOLvov  is  the  opposite  of  ayiov,  common,  unholy. 
As  this  sense  was  unusual,  the  more  exphcit  aKaSaprov  follows. 

V.  15.     a  o  .Jeo?  eKaS^dpLcre,  What  God  cleansed,  i.  e.  declared  by 
this  symbolic  act  to  be  clean.     The  aorist  and  perfect  should  not 
23 


178  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  X,  16-20. 

be  confounded  here.  Verbs  in  Hebrew  have  often  this  declar- 
ative sense;  comp.  Lev.  13,  3.  8.  13  ;  IG,  30;  Ezek.  43,  3;  Jer.  1, 
10,  etc.  See  Gesen.  Heb.  Lex.  s.  nna.  An  approximating  usage 
exists  in  Greek.  —  aii  //.rj  kolvov,  call  not  thoii  common.  <jv  is  con- 
trasted with  ^€0?.  It  is  not  usual  to  insert  the  first  or  second 
personal  pronoun  as  the  subject  of  a  verb,  unless  it  be  emphatic. 
K.  h  302.  1 ;  B.  §  129.  14.  The  imperative  is  present  because  he 
was  committing  the  prohibited  act  at  the  time.  Compare  the 
note  on  7,  60. 

V.  16.  TovTo  refers  to  the  repetition  of  the  voice,  not  to  the 
vision  as  seen  three  times.  Those  who  understand  it  in  the  lat- 
ter way  overlook  TraXtv  Ik  Sevripov  just  before.  The  command  was 
reiterated,  in  order  to  impress  the  words  more  deeply  on  the  mind 
of  Peter. 

Verses   17-22.     The  Messengers  arrive  at  Jojipa. 

V.  17.  StT^TTopct,  xoas  perplexed,  uncertain.  —  rt  ui/  ^o],  what  k 
might  be,  signify;  comp.  Luke  8,  9;  John  10,  6.  He  must  have 
been  convinced  that  such  a  revelation  was  not  designed  merely 
to  announce  the  abolition  of  a  ceremonial  custom ;  but  it  was  not 
yet  evident  to  him  how  much  the  principle  comprehended,  and 
especially  in  what  practical  manner  he  was  to  exhibit  liis  libera- 
tion from  the  scruples  by  which  he  had  been  bourrd  hitherto.  — 
o  eiSe,  ivhich  he  liad  seen  ;  comp.  on  1,2.  —  koI  ISov,  tJten  beltold,  as 
in  1,  10.  —  SiepwTjjo-avrcs,  a  strengthened  sense,  Jiaviug  inquired 
out.  The  tanner  was  an  obscure  man  and  not  to  be  found  in  a 
moment. — lin  rhv  TrvXwva,  unto  the  gate,  which,  opened  directly  into 
the  house  or  court ;  not  the  porch,  vestibule,  since  the  more  • 
splendid  houses  only  had  that  appendage  (De  Wet.) ;  comp. 
Matt.  26,  71. 

V.  18.  ^wvT/o-avres,  sc.  rtvot  (see  v.  7),  having  called  some  one, 
or,  without  any  object,  having  called,  announced  their  presence. 
—  €t  ^evt^erat,  if  he  lodges.  The  present  tense  turns  the  question 
into  a  direct  form.  The  use  of  the  two  names  again  (v.  5)  is  not 
unmeaning.  So  many  persons  were  called  Simon,  that  the  stran-\ 
gers  must  be  minute  in  their  inquiry. 

V.  19.  Stev^u/i-ov/i-eVov  is  stronger  than  iv^v/xovfiivov  in  the  com- 
mon text :  earncsthj  comidering.  The  first  is  the  better  attested 
word.  — rpcts  after  av8pe<;  should  be  omitted.  It  was  added  from 
V.  7;  11,  11. 

V.  20.  aXXd,  hut,  turns  the  discourse  to  a  new  point ;  comp. 
9,  6.  — /M-qStv  8taKptvo/x,€vos,  making  no  scruple,  i.  e.  to  go  with  them, 


^TVMi 


Chap.  X,  21-25.  COMMENTAEY.  179 

although  they  are  heathen.  —  iyu)  =  irv€vixa  in  v.  19.  —  aTrecrraXKa 
avTovs,  sent  them;  not  perfect  (E.  V.). 

V.  21.  Tovs  (XTrecrTaX/xevous  dvro  rov  K-opvyXiov  Trpos  avrov  defines 
avSpas ;  and  since,  in  the  pnbUc  reading  of  the  Scriptures,  a  new 
section  began  here,  the  words  were  necessary  in  order  to  suggest 
the  connection.  This  accounts  for  our  finding  them  in  a  few 
copies.     The  preponderant  testimony  is  against  them. 

V.  22.  fxaprvpovfjievo's  occurs,  as  in  6,  3.  — ep^/DT^/xartcr.??;,  ivas  di- 
vinely instructed;  comp.  Matt.  2,  12.  In  the  classics  tliis  word 
refers  to  a  communication  made  in  reply  to  a  question ;  but  in 
the  New  Tetsament  and  the  Septuagint  it  drops  that  relative 
sense. — pry/xara,  ivords,  instruction;  comp.  \aXrja-u  o-oi  in  v.  32. 
The  first  account  of  the  vision  (v.  4  sq.)  omits  this  partic- 
ular. 

Verses  23-33.     Peter  proceeds  to  Ccesarea. 

V.  23.  T^  iTravpLov,  on  the  morroio  after  the  arrival  of  the  mes- 
sengers.—  Tives  Tojv  dScXc^wv.  They  are  the  six  men  mentioned  in 
11,  12.  We  are  not  informed  of  their  object  in  accompanying  the 
apostle.  They  may  have  gone  as  his  personal  friends  merely,  or 
from  a  natural  desire  to  know  the  result  of  so  extraordinary  a 
summons.  In  his  defence  before  the  church  of  Jerusalem  (see 
11,  1  sq.),  Peter  appealed  to  these  brethren  to  confirm  liis  state- 
ments. Some  have  conjectured  that  he  may  have  foreseen  the 
necessity  of  that  justification,  and  took  the  precaution  to  secure 
the  presence  of  those  who  would  be  acknowledged  as  impartial 
Jewish  witnesses. 

V.  24.  Ty  iiravptov,  on  the  morroio  after  leaving  Joppa ;  comp.  v. 
9.  Tliirty  miles  (see  on  v.  5)  was  more  than  a  single  day's  jour- 
ney in  the  East.  It  must  be  the  truth  which  brings  out  such 
accuracy  in  these  details.  —  For  cts  in  the  verb  repeated  be- 
fore the  noun,  see  on  3,  2.  —  tovs  dvayKatous  </)tXous,  his  intimate 
friends.  The  classical  writers  combine  the  words  with  that 
meaning  (Kypk.  Wetst). 

V.  25.  u)s  8e,  K.  T.  X.,  Now  as  it  came  to  pass  that  Peter  ivas  en- 
tering, Cornelius  having  met  him,  viz.  at  the  door,  or  in  the  court 
of  the  house.  The  first  interview  appears  to  have  taken  place 
there,  and  then  the  centurion  and  the  apostle  proceeded  to  the 
room  where  the  company  were  assembled ;  see  v.  27.  —  eVi  tovs 
TToSas,  upon  the  feet;  viz.  of  Peter,  which  he  may  have  embraced 
at  the  same  time  ;  comp.  Matt.  28,  9.  —  iTpoa-(.Kvvt)cr€v,  paid  rever- 
ence, viz.  by  prostrating  himself  in  the  Oriental  manner.     Since 


180  COMMENTAET.  Chap.  X,  26-28. 

Cornelius  acknowledged  Jehovah  as  the  true  God,  and  must  have 
regarded  him  as  the  only  proper  object  of  worship,  it  is  difficult 
to  believe  that  he  intended  this  as  an  act  of  religious  homage. 
The  description  of  liis  character  in  v.  2  and  v.  22  cannot  be  easily 
reconciled  with  the  imputation  of  such  a  design.  See  more  on 
the  next  verse. 

V.  26,  arrov  rpfupt,  raised  him  up,  caused  him  to  rise  by  the 
command  addressed  to  him.  —  Kdyw  auros,  k.  t.  A.,  I  also  myself  am 
a  man,  as  well  as  you.  Peter  may  have  been  surprised  at  such  a 
mode  of  salutation  from  a  Roman,  whose  national  habits  were  so 
different ;  he  had  reason  to  fear  that  the  centurion  had  mistaken 
his  character,  was  exceeding  the  proper  limits  of  the  respect  due 
from  one  man  to  another.  He  recoiled  at  the  idea  of  the  possi- 
bility of  having  a  homage  tendered  to  him,  wliich  might  partake 
of  the  reverence  that  belongs  only  to  God.  In  other  words,  it  is 
more  probable  that  Peter,  in  his  concern  for  the  divine  honor, 
warned  the  centurion  against  an  act  which  he  apprehended,  than 
that  the  centurion  committed  an  act  so  inconsistent  with  liis  re- 
ligious faith.  That  inconsistency  is  so  much  the  less  to  be  ad- 
mitted, because  Peter  had  just  been  represented  in  the  vision  so 
distinctly  as  a  man.  The  apostles  claimed  no  ability  to  know  the 
hearts  or  thoughts  of  men,  except  as  their  actions  revealed  them. 
Compare  with  this  conduct  of  Peter  that  of  Paul  and  Barnabas 
at  Lystra  (14,  14  sq.).  The  Saviour,  on  the  contrary,  never  re- 
pressed the  disposition  of  liis  disciples  to  think  highly  of  his  rank 
and  character.  He  never  reminded  them  of  the  equality  of  his 
nature  with  their  own,  or  intimated  that  the  honor  paid  to  him 
was  excessive.  He  received  their  homage,  whatever  the  form  in 
which  they  offered  it,  however  excited  the  state  of  mind  which 
prompted  it.  This  different  procedure  on  the  part  of  Christ  we 
can  ascribe  only  to  his  consciousness  of  a  claim  to  be  aclcnowl- 
edgcd  as  divine. 

V.  27.  avvofxtXCyv  avrw,  conversing  with  him  (Whl.  Rob.);  comp. 
o/AtXciv  in  20,  11 ;  24,  26;  Luke  24,  14.  15.  Some  render  accom- 
panying him,  which  is  too  self-evident  to  be  stated  so  formally. 
Tlie  first  sense  is  peculiar  to  Luke.  —  etcr^X-Je,  went  in,  perhaps 
into  an  upper  room ;  see  on  1,  13. 

V.  28.  u)s  may  quali fy  the  adj  ective,  hoiv,  in  what  degree  ( Mey.) , 
or  eo-riV,  hmv  it  is  (knowledge  and  fact  accordant).  —  a^ifjurov,  un- 
hwful.  The  Jews  professed  to  ground  this  view  on  the  laws  of 
Mpses;  but  they  could  adduce  no  express  command  for  it,  or 
just  construction  of  any  command.  No  one  of  the  N.  T.  writers 
employs  this  word,  except   Peter  here  and  in   1   Pet.  4,  3. — 


Chap.  X,  28-30.  COMMENTARY.  181 

KoXXacrSai,  k.  t.  \.,  to  associate  with  (5,  15),  or  come  unto,  one  of 
another  nation.  The  second  verb  evolves  the  sense  of  the  first. 
aXko^vXoi  is  appHed  to  the  Philistines  in  1  Sam.  13,  3-5  (Sept.), 
and  to  the  Greeks  in  1  Mace.  4,  12.  It  has  been  said  that  Luke 
has  betrayed  here  an  ignorance  of  Jewish  customs ;  since  the 
Jews,  though  they  refused  to  eat  with  the  uncircumcised  (Gal.  2, 
12),  did  not  avoid  all  intercourse  with  them.  But  the  objection 
presses  the  language  to  an  extreme.  We  are  to  limit  such  gen- 
eral expressions  by  the  occasion  and  the  nature  of  the  subject. 
The  intercourse  with  the  Gentiles,  represented  here  as  so  repug- 
nant to  Jewish  ideas,  was  such  intercourse  as  had  now  taken 
place ;  it  was  to  enter  the  houses  of  the  heathen,  partake  freely 
of  their  hospitality,  recognize  their  social  equality.  In  accord- 
ance with  this,  we  find  KoXXaa-Sai  exchanged  for  ori^i^e^aye?  in  11, 
3 ;  the  word  there  may  be  supposed  to  define  the  word  here. 
De  Wette  objects  that  the  act  of  eating  has  not  been  mentioned; 
but  it  is  not  mentioned  anywhere,  and  yet  the  subsequent  accu- 
sation against  the  apostle  alleges  it  as  the  main  offence.  The 
act  was,  doubtless,  a  repeated  one ;  see  v.  48.  An  instance  of 
it  may  have  preceded  the  utterance  of  the  words  here  in  question, 
Notliing  would  be  more  natural,  at  the  close  of  such  a  journey, 
than  that  the  travellers  should  be  supplied  with  the  means  of 
refreshment  before  entering  formally  on  the  object  of  the  visit. 
Considered  in  this  light,  Peter's  declaration  in  tliis  verse  agrees 
entirely  with  that  of  Josephus  ( Cont.  Ap.  2.  28)  :  "  Those  for- 
eigners (aXXocfivXoL)  who  come  to  us  without  su.bmitting  to  our 
laws,  Moses  permitted  not  to  have  any  intimate  connections 
with  us;"  see  also  lb.  2.  36.  Compare  John  18,28.-  koI  ifjiol, 
K.  T.  X.,  and  (in  opposition  to  that  Jewish  feeling)  God  shoiced  me, 
viz.  by  the  vision. 

V.  29.  8io  Koi,  K.  T.  X.,  Therefore  I  also  came,  i.  e.  he  was  not 
only  instructed,  but  obeyed  the  instruction.  Kai  connects  i]X^ov 
with  eSet^e.  —  apavTtf>p-)]Tw<;  =  ava/jLcfiL^oXw';,  ivithoict  delay,  (Heysch.). 
It  is  a  later  Greek  word. — rtvt  Aoyw,  ivith  wliat  reason,  for  what 
object;  dative  of  the  ground  or  motive.  W.  h  31.  6.  c.  Peter 
was  already  apprised  that  Cornelius  had  sent  for  him  in  conse- 
quence of  a  revelation,  but  would  desire  naturally  to  hear  a  fuller 
statement  of  the  circumstances  from  the  centurion  himself.  The 
recital  may  have  been  necessary,  also,  for  the  information  of 
those  who  had  assembled. 

V.  30.  ttTTo  Tera/3T77?  r]fj.epa<s,  k.  t.  A..,  has  received  different  ex- 
planations. (1.)  Fro7n  the  fourth  day  (prior  to  the  vision)  teas  I 
fasting  unto  this  hour,  i.  e,  unto  an  hour  corresponding  to  that 


1S2  COMMENTAEY.  Chap.  X,  30-33. 

which  was  then  passing,  viz.  the  ninth  (Hnr.  Neand.  De  Wet.). 
According  to  this  view,  Cornehus  had  been  fasting  four  days 
at  the  time  of  the  angel's  appearance  to  him.  (2.)  From  the 
fourth  day  (reckoned  backward  from  the  present)  tinto  this  hour, 
i.  e.  he  was  observing  a  fast  which  began  four  days  before  and 
extended  up  to  the  time  then  present.  It  was  on  the  first  of  the 
days  that  he  saw  the  angel.  But  ^/^7;v  as  past  represents  the  fast 
as  having  terminated,  and  so  would  exclude  rau'r?;?  t^s  wpas. 
Meyer  in  his  second  edition  abandons  this  view  for  the  next. 
(3.)  From  the  fourth  day  (reckoning  backward  as  before)  i.  e. 
four  days  ago  unto  this  hour  in  wliich  he  was  then  speaking 
(Bng.  Kuin.  Olsh.).  The  fast  commenced  with  the  day  and  had 
continued  unbroken  until  the  ninth  hour,  when  the  angel  ap- 
peared. This  view  agrees  with  the  number  of  days  which  had 
elapsed  since  the  angel's  communication,  viz.  four,  and  allows 
time  enough  for  the  abstinence  to  justify  the  use  o^vqa-rcvwy. — riivqv 
is  an  imperfect  middle,  rare  out  of  the  later  Greek,  W.  §  14.  2. 
b ;  B.  ^  108.  IV.  2.  —  koI  ttjv  iwdrrjv  wpav,  a?id  during  the  ninth 
hour  (accusative  as  in  v.  3)  ;  so  that  (ravTT^s  =  Iwar-qv)  it  was 
about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  when  Peter  arrived  at  Cae- 
sarea.  —  av-qp  Iv  iaSTJrt  Aa/XTTpa  rr:  ayycAov  ToC  ^eoC  in  V.  3.      See  1, 

11. 

V.  31.  f.WiqKov(T^r],  ivas  heard  (not  is  in  E.  V.),  and  so  t/Avr/o-^i^- 
o-av,  xoere  (not  are^  remembered;  com]:),  also  v.  4.  He  is  assured 
now  of  the  approval  of  his  acts;  the  acts  were  approved  when 
he  performed  them.  —  ■17  Trpoa-Evxfj  refers  more  especially  to  his 
prayer  at  this  time.  But  the  answer  to  this  prayer  was  an 
answer  to  his  other  prayers,  since  the  burden  of  them  had  doubt- 
less been,  that  God  would  lead  liim  to  a  clearer  knowledge  of 
the  truth,  and  enable  liim  to  attain  the  repose  of  mind  wliich  a 
conscience  enhghtened,  but  not  yet  "  purged  from  a  sense  of 
evil,"  made  it  impossible  for  him  to  enjoy.  Hence  irpocrevxai  in 
V.  4,  could  be  exchanged  here  for  the  singular. 

V.  32.  irifx^ov  ovv,  Send,  therefore,  because  in  this  way  he 
would  obtain  the  evidence  that  he  was  approved. — fieraKaXcaai 
exemplifies  the  usage  of  the  middle  noticed  on  v.  5.  —  The  ver- 
Ijal  accuracy  here  as  compared  with  v.  5,  is  natural.  There  was 
but  one  way  to  report  the  words  of  such  a  message.  The  angel's 
voice  and  mien  had  left  an  impression  not  to  be  effaced. 

V.  33.  e^auT^s  agrees  with  the  narrative  in  v.  7.  — KaXw<;  irroirj- 
cras,  thou  hast  done  ivell  (see  3  John  v.  6) ;  a  common  })hrase  ex- 
pressive of  the  gratification  which  a  person  derives  from  the  act 
of  another  (Wetst.  Raph.).      For  the  construction,  comp.  Phil.  4, 


CuAP.  X,  34-36.  COMMENRARY.  183 

14.  —  evtoTTiov  Tov  ■^eov  ,  in  the  sight  of  God,  with  a  consciousness 
of  his  presence ;  and  hence  prepared  to  hear  and  obey  his  mes- 
sage. This  is  a  reason  why  Peter  should  speak  with  freedom 
and  confidence.     "  Terra  bona;  iude  fructus  celerrimus"  (Bng.) 

Verses  34-43.      The  Address  of  Peter. 

V.  34.  See  the  remark  on  dvotfasro  arofxa  in  8,  35.  —  Trpoo-wTro- 
Xrp-n;s  is  a  word  coined  to  express  concretely  the  idea  of  D'^ss  xb3 : 
respecter  of  persons,  i.  e.  here  partialin  the  way  of  regarding  one 
man  as  better  than  another,  on  the  ground  of  national  descent. 

V.  35.  ScKTos  auTu  eo-rt,  is  acceptable  to  him,  i.  e.  his  righteous- 
ness, his  obedience  to  the  divine  will,  as  far  as  it  extends,  is  as 
fully  approved  of  God,  though  he  be  a  Gentile,  as  if  he  were  a 

Jew.      It  is    evident  from  KaraA.a/Ay8avo/Aai,  that   6   <^o/3ov/i,evos   airbv 

Kol  epya^o/A€vos  SiKaioavvrjv  describes  the  centurion's  character  be- 
fore his  acceptance  of  the  gospel,  and,  consequently,  that  Sckto-; 
avT<^  applies  to  him  as  a  person  still  destitute  of  faith  in  Christ. 
That  Peter  did  not  intend,  however,  to  represent  his  righteous- 
ness, or  that  of  any  man,  prior  to  the  exercise  of  such  faith,  as 
sufficient  to  justify  him  in  the  sight  of  God,  is  self-evident ;  for 
in  V.  43  he  declares  that  it  is  necessary  to  believe  on  Clirist,  in 
order  to  obtain  "  the  remission  of  sins  ; "  comp.  also,  15,  11.  The 
antithetic  structure  of  the  sentence  indicates  the  meaning,  o 
(fio/SoviJ.evo';,  k.  t.  X.,  is  the  opposite  of  ovk  TrpocrcoTroXi/Trr?;?,  i.  e.  God 
judges  man  impartially;  he  approves  of  what  is  excellent,  in 
those  of  one  nation  as  much  as  in  those  of  another ;  he  will  con- 
fer the  blessings  of  his  grace  as  readily  upon  the  Gentile  who 
desires  to  receive  them,  as  upon  the  Jew.  In  other  words,  since 
the  apostle  has  reference  to  the  state  of  mind  which  God  requires 
as  preparatory  to  an  interest  in  the  benefits  of  the  gospel,  the 
righteousness  and  the  acceptance  of  which  he  speaks  must  also 
be  preparatory,  i.  e.  relative,  and  not  absolute.^ 

V.  36.  The  construction  is  uncertain,  but  the  most  simple  is 
that  which  makes  Xoyov  depend  on  oiSare,  in  apposition  with  prj/xa : 
The  ivord  which  he  sent  ....  (I  say)  ye  knoiv  the  thing  that  tvas 
done,  etc.  So  essentially,  Kuinoel,  Meyer,  Winer,  and  others. 
See  W.  ^  62.  3.  Others  refer  \6yov  to  what  precedes,  and  supply 
Kara  or  take  the  accusative  as  absolute :  the  word  ( viz.  that  God 
is  thus  impartial)  which  he  sent,  etc.  (Bng.  Olsh.  De  Wet.). 
That  mode  of  characterizing  the  contents  or  message  of  the  gos- 

1  Neander's  remarks  on  this  passage,  in  his  Planting  of  the  Christian  Church, 
deserve  attention ;   see  the  close  of  the  first  Section  or  Book. 


184  COMMENTARY,  Chap.  X,  36-37. 

pel  is  unusual.  The  structure  of  the  sentence  is  no  smoother 
in  this  case  than  in  the  other.  A  recent  -wrriter^  has  proposed  to 
construe  cuayyeXi^o/Aevos  as  a  predicate  of  o  <^o/3oi;/x.evos,  k.  t.  X. :  he 
that  fears  God  is  acceptable  to  Jiim  ....  having  announced  (to  him) 
as  glad  tidings,  peace,  etc.  But  the  participle  in  this  position  can- 
not be  separated  without  violence  from  the  subject  of  dTreo-rciXc, 
nor  is  the  accusative  in  any  other  instance  retained  after  this 
Verb  in  the  passive;  comp.  Matt.  11,  5;  Heb.  4,  2.  The  con- 
struction would  be  correct  in  principle,  but  is  not  exemplified.  — 
dTreuTciXc,  k.  t.  X.,  scfit  to  the  SOUS  of  Israel,  i.  e.  in  the  first  instance, 
as  in  3,  26 ;  13,  26.  That  priority  Peter  concedes  to  the  Jews. — 
dprjirqv,  peace,  reconciliation  to  God  procured  through  Christ; 
comp.  Rom.  5,  1.  10 ;  not  union  between  the  Jews  and  Gentiles 
(De  Wet.),  an  effect  of  the  gospel  too  subordinate  to  be  made 
so  prominent  in  this  connection.  The  apostle  restates  the  idea 
in  V.  43.  —  ovTo?  ....  Ki'pios,  This  one  is  Lord  of  all.  tvixvtwv  is 
masculine,  not  neuter.  Peter  interposes  the  remark  as  proof  of 
the  universality  of  this  plan  of  reconciliation.  The  dominion  of 
Christ  extends  over  those  of  one  nation,  as  well  as  of  another; 
they  are  all  the  creatures  of  his  power  and  care,  and  may  all 
avail  themselves  of  the  provisions  of  his  grace.  Compare  Rom. 
3,29.  30;  10,  12. 

V.  37.  otSare,  k.  t.  X.,  implies  that  they  had  already  some 
knowledge  of  the  life  and  works  of  Christ.  The  fame  of  liis 
miracles  may  have  extended  to  Csesarca  (see  Matt.  15,  21; 
Mark  7,  24)  ;  or  Philip,  who  resided  there  (8,  40),  may  have  be- 
gun to  excite  public  attention  as  a  preacher  of  the  gospel. 
Some  think  that  Cornelius  was  the  centurion  who  was  present 
at  the  cmcifixion  of  Christ  (Matt.  27,  44 ;  Mark  15,39;  Luke 
23,  47),  since  it  was  customary  to  march  a  portion  of  the  troops 
at  Cfcsarea  to  Jerusalem,  for  the  preservation  of  order  during  the 
festivals.  It  is  impossible  to  refute  or  confirm  that  opinion. 
Peter  proceeds  to  communicate  to  them  a  fuller  account  of  the 
Sa\'iour's  history,  and  of  the  nature  and  terms  of  his  salvation. 
—  jyTjlia  ■=  Xoyov  in  V.  36  (Kuin.  Mcy.)  ;  or  thi^tig  (De  Wet.), 
whicli  is  more  congruous  Avith  -yci/o/xevov,  and  associates  the  word 
with  the  indubitable  facts  on  which  it  rested. — /Aera  to  fidTm(T[j.a, 
after  the  haptism,  i.  e.  the  completion  of  John's  ministry.  The  Sa- 
viour performed  some  public  acts  at  an  earlier  period,  but  did  not 
enter  fully  on  his  work  till  John  had  finished  his  prejiaratory  mis- 
sion.    The  difference  was  so  slight  that  it  was  sufficiently  exact 

1  In  tlic  Tlicologischc  Studica  uiiil  Kritiken,  1850,  p.  402  sq. 


Chap.  X,  38-41.  COMMENTARY.  185 

to  maJce  the  beginning  or  tlie  close  of  the  forerunner's  career  the 
starting-point  in  that  of  Christ.     See  on  1,  22. 

V.  38.  'I-qaovv  transfers  the  mind  from  the  gospel-history  to 
the  personal  subject  of  it.  The  appositional  construction  is  kept 
up  still.  oLTTo  Na^aper,  from  Nazareth,  as  the  place  of  lais  resi- 
dence;  see  Matt.  2,  23. — ws  e^^ptcrei/,  k.  t.  A.,  how  God  anointed 
him  tcith  the  Holy  Spirit,  etc.  See  note  on  1,  2,  and  on  4,  26. 
Swa/xec  is  defined  by  what  follows  as  power  to  perform  miracles. 
—  St^A-^ev,  ivent  from  p)lace  to  place ;  comp.  8,  4.  —  Iwfx.evo's,  k.  t.  A., 
Itealing  tliose  opj^ressed  by  the  devil.  His  triumph  over  this  form  of 
Satanic  agency  is  singled  out  as  the  highest  exliibition  of  his 
wonder-working  power. 

V.  39.  €o-/Aev  supplies  the  correct  word  after  i7yu,ets,  but  is  not 
genuine.  —  Iv  re  rfj  x^P'i-'  '^-  '''•  ^■'  ^^^^*  ^^  ^''^^  country  of  the  Jews  and 
in  Jerusalem ;  the  capital  of  the  nation,  and  its  territory  here  op- 
posed to  each  other.  The  Jews  inhabited  not  only  Judea,  but 
Galilee,  and  a  region  on  the  east  of  the  Jordan.  —  ov  Kai,  tohom 
also,  an  additional  fact  (Luke  22,  24)  in  the  Saviour's  history 
(De  Wet.) ;  showing  the  extent  of  their  animosity  and  violence. 
Winer  {k  66.  3)  suggests  a  brachylogy :  whom  (of  which  also 
we  are  witnesses)  theij  sleio,  etc.  This  is  too  complicated. — 
/cpe/xauavTes,  by  hanging.  See  note  on  5,  30.  Here  again  the  E. 
version  represents  the  Saviour  as  put  to  death  before  he  was  sus- 
pended on  the  cross, 

V.  41.  ov  TravTi  Tw  Aa<3,  not  uuto  all  the  perrple,  i.  e.  of  the  Jews ; 
comp.  on  V.  2.  —  aAAa  fidpTva-t,  K.  T,  A.,  but  unto  ivitnesses  before 
appointed  by  God.  The  choice  of  the  apostles  is  ascribed  indif- 
ferently to  Him,  or  to  Christ  (1,  2.)  irpo  in  the  participle  repre- 
sents the  selection  as  made  before  Christ  rose  from  the  dead ; 
not  as  purposed  indefinitely  before  its  execution.  —  The  ex- 
ception here  made  to  the  publicity  of  the  Saviour's  appearance 
accords  with  the  narrative  of  the  Evangelists ;  they  mention  no 
instance  in  which  he  showed  himself  to  any  except  his  personal 
followers.  Paley  founds  the  following  just  remarks  on  that 
representation  of  the  sacred  writers.  "  The  history  of  the  resur- 
rection would  have  come  to  us  with  more  advantage,  if  they  had 
related  that  Jesus  had  appeared  to  his  foes  as  well  as  his  friends ; 
or  even  if  they  asserted  the  public  appearance  of  Christ  in  gen- 
eral unqualified  terms,  without  noticing,  as  they  have  done,  the 
presence  of  his  disciples  on  each  occasion,  and  noticing  it  in  such 
a  manner  as  to  lead  their  readers  to  suppose  that  none  but  dis- 
ciples were  present.  If  their  point  had  been  to  have  tlieir  story 
believed,  whether  true  or  false ;  or  if  they  had  been  disposed  to 
24 


186  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  X,  41-43. 

present  their  testimony,  either  as  personal  witnesses  or  as  liisto- 
rians,  in  such  a  manner  as  to  render  it  as  specious  and  unobjec- 
tionable as  they  could ;  in  a  word,  if  they  had  thought  of  any 
tiling  but  the  truth  of  the  case  as  they  understood  and  believed 
it,  —  they  would,  in  their  account  of  Clirist's  several  appearances 
after  his  resuiTection,  at  least  have  omitted  this  restriction.  At 
this  distance  of  time,  the  account,  as  we  have  it,  is  perhaps 
more  credible  than  it  would  have  been  the  other  way ;  because 
this  manifestation  of  the  historian's  candor  is  of  more  advantage 
to  their  testimony  than  the  difference  in  the  circumstances  of 
the  account  would  have  been  to  the  nature  of  the  evidence. 
But  this  is  an  effect  which  the  Evangelists  could  not  foresee ; 
and  is  one  which  by  no  means  would  have  followed  at  the  time 
when  they  wrote."  —  oinves  . ,  .  .  avr<3,  ivho  ate  and  drank  with 
him.  See  Luke  24,  43;  John  21,  13.  Hence  they  testified  to  a 
fact  which  they  had  been  able  to  verify  by  the  most  palpable 
evidence.  Compare  the  note  on  1,  3. — /xcra  to  di/ao-r^vai  aurov  e/c 
vf-KpHiv,  after  he  rose  from  the  dead,  belongs  to  the  clause  wliicli 
immediately  precedes.  It  was  after  liis  resurrection  that  they 
had  tliis  intercourse  with  liim.  The  punctuation  of  some  editors 
refers  the  words  incorrectly  to  v.  40. 

V.  42.  K-qpv^ai  Tip  Aaw,  to  preach  to  the  ]jeop/e,  as  above.  Peter 
alludes  to  the  s})here  of  their  ministry  which  they  were  directed 
to  occupy  at  first;  comp.  1,  8;  3,  26,  etc.  —  on  auro's,  thai  Idmself 
and  no  other.  W.  k  22.  4.  —  Kpvn]%  ^wj/twv  kox  vi.Kpuiv,  judge  of  tJie 
living  and  dead,  i.  e.  of  all  who  shall  be  on  the  earth  at  the  time 
of  his  final  appearance  (1  Thcss.  4,  17),  and  of  all  who  have 
lived  previously  and  died.  For  other  passages  which  represent 
Christ  as  sustaining  this  office  of  universal  judge,  see  17,  31 ;  2 
Tim.  4,  1 ;  1  Pet.  4,  5.  Olshausen  and  some  others,  understand 
tJie  living  arid  dead,  to  be  the  righteous  and  wicked;  but  we  are  to 
attach  to  the  words  that  figurative  sense  only  when  the  context 
(Matt.  8,  22),  or  some  explanatory  adjunct  (Eph.  2,  1),  leads  the 
mind  distinctly  to  it. 

V.  43.  TouTo)  ....  fxaprvpovcnv,  For  this  one  (dat.  comm.)  testify 
all  the  jyrojihets ;  comp.  on  3,  24.  —  a<^c£rtv  .  .  .  .  eis  ovtov  states  the 
purport  of  their  testimony.  Tins  clause  presents  two  ideas :  first 
that  the  condition  of  pardon  is  faith  in  Clirist;  and  secondly, 
that  this  condition  brings  the  attainment  of  pardon  within  the 
reach  of  all :  every  one,  whether  Jew  or  Gentile,  icho  believes  on 
him  shall  receive  re7nission  of  sins.  See  Rom.  10,  11.  For  the 
explanation  of  tov  ot'o/xaro?  avrov,  see  on  2,  21. 


Chap.  X,  44-47.  COMMENTAEY.  187 


Verses  44-48.      Cornelius  and  others  receive  the  Spirit,  and  are 
baptized. 

V.  44.  €Tt  XaXowTo?,  still  sjyeaking.  Hence  Peler  had  not  finished 
his  remarks  when  God  vouchsafed  this  token  of  his  favor ;  see 
11,  15.  —  TO  TTvevfjua,  the  Spirit,  i.  e.  as  the  author  of  the  gifts  men- 
tioned in  V.  46.  The  miracle  proved  that  the  plan  of  salvation 
which  Peter  announced  was  the  divine  plan,  and  that  the  faith 
which  secured  its  blessings  to  the  Jew  was  sufficient  to  secure 
them  to  the  Gentile.  A  previous  submission  to  the  rites  of  Ju- 
daism was  shown  to  be  unnecessary.  It  is  worthy  of  note,  too, 
that  those  who  received  the  Spirit  in  this  instance  had  not  been 
baptized  (comp,  19,  5),  nor  had  the  hands  of  an  apostle  been  laid 
upon  them  (comp,  8,  17).  This  was  an  occasion  when  men  were 
to  be  taught  by  an  impressive  example  how  little  their  accep- 
tance with  God  depends  on  external  observances.  —  vravras  re- 
stricts itself  to  the  Gentiles  (v.  27)  since  they  were  properly  the 
hearers  to  whom  Peter  was  speaking,  and  not  the  Jews. 

V.  45.  ot  iK  TrepiTo/x^s,  theij  of  the  circumcision,  i,  e.  the  Jewish 
brethren,  mentioned  in  v.  23;  comp.  11,  2;  Rom.  4,  12;  Col.  4, 
11.  —  7rio-Tot::=7ricrT€uovT€?,  See  16,  1 ;  John  20,  27.  "Verbal  ad- 
jectives in  Tos,  which  have  usually  a  passive  signification,  have 
often  in  poetry,  and  sometimes  in  prose,  an  active  signification." 
See  K.  Ausfiihr.  Gr.  §  409.  3.  A.  1.  —  on  koX  iirl  to,  I^v?;,  that  also 
upon  the  heathen,  as  well  as  upon  the  Jews.  The  assertion  is 
universal  because  tliis  single  instance  established  the  principle. 

V.  46.  rjKovov  avrSiv,  were  hearing  them  while  they  spoke. — 
yX(oo-o-ai5,  with  tongues  new,  before  unspoken  by  them.  The  ful- 
ler description  in  2, 4  prepares  the  way  for  the  conciser  statement 
here. 

V.  47.  /xT^rt  TO  vSojp,  K.  T.  X.,  Can  perhaps  any  one  forbid  the 
water  that  these  should  not  be  baptized'^  The  article  may  con- 
trast iJSwp  and  TTvevfta  with  each  other,  or  more  naturally  desig- 
nate the  water  as  wont  to  be  so  applied.  The  import  of  the 
question  is  this  :  Since,  although  uncircumcised,  they  have  be- 
lieved and  received  so  visible  a  token  of  their  acceptance  with 
God,  what  should  hinder  their  admission  into  the  church? 
Who  can  object  to  their  being  baptized,  and  thus  acknowl- 
edged as  Christians  in  full  connection  Avith  us?  As  KtoXi'w  in- 
volves a  negative  idea,  ix.y]  could  be  omitted  or  inserted  before 
paimaS^vai.  The  distinction  may  be,  that  the  infinitive  mth 
fii^   exj)resses   the   result  of  the  hinderance ;    without   firj,   that 


1S8  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XI,  1-4. 

wliich  the  hindcrance  would  prevent.  See  Woolsey  on  the  Al- 
cestis,  V.  11.  ix.r}  after  such  verbs  has  been  said  to  be  superfluous 
(K.  k  318.  10),  or  simply  intensive  (Mt.  ^  534.  3).  Klotz  ad  Devar. 
(II.  p.  668)  suggests  the  correct  view.  See  also  Bernh.  Synt. 
p.  364. — Ka^ws  KoX  rj/jLiLs,  as  also  ice  received,  viz.  iv  apxij  (see  11, 15), 
in  the  beginning. 

V.  48.  irpoaera^e,  co77imanded  that  the  rite  should  be  performed 
by  others ;  he  devolved  the  service  on  his  attendants.  Peter's 
iTule  in  regard  to  the  administration  of  baptism  may  have  been 
similar  to  that  of  Paul;  see  1  Cor.  1,  14.  —  imixelvaL,  sc.  Itt  avrots; 
comp.  28,  14. 


CHAPTER    XI. 


Verses  1-18.     Peter  justifies  himself  at  Jerusalem  for  his  visit  to 
Cornelius. 

V.  1.  Peter,  John  and  James  were  among  the  apostles  now  at 
Jerusalem  (8,  14  ;  12,  2),  and  no  doubt  others.  —  Kara  r^i/ 'louSaiav, 
throughout  (comp.  15,  23)  Judea,  since  the  brethren  belonged  to 
different  churches  in  this  region;  see  Gal.  1,  22. — to.  l^vr},  the 
heathen  while  still  uncircumcised  (see  v.  3). 

V.  2.  ore  aveji-q,  when  he  icerit  wp.  There  is  no  evidence  that 
Peter  was  summoned  to  Jerusalem  to  defend  his  conduct.  He 
had  reason  to  fear  that  it  would  be  censured  until  the  particulars 
of  the  transaction  were  known,  and  he  may  have  hastened  Iiis 
return,  in  order  to  furnish  that  information.  —  ol  Ik.  Trcptro/A^s,  they 
of  the  circumcision,  are  the  Jewish  believers,  as  in  10, 45 ;  not  here 
a  party  among  them  more  tenacious  of  circumcision  than  the 
others.  It  is  implied  that  this  tenacity  was  a  Jewish  character- 
istic. The  narrower  sense  of  the  expression  occurs  in  some 
places. 

V.  3.  See  the  remarks  on  10,  28.  Notice  the  gTound  of  the 
complaint.  It  was  not  that  Peter  had  preached  to  the  heathen, 
but  that  he  had  associated  with  them  in  such  a  manner  as  to  vio- 
late his  supposed  obligations  as  a  Jew.  Compare  the  note  on  2, 
39.  We  may  infer  that  he  had  avoided  that  degree  of  intimacy 
when  he  himself  entertained  the  Gentile  messengers  (10,  23). 
.  V.  4.  dl/)^d/Acvo?,  K.  T.  X.,  commencing,  i.  e.  proceeding  to  sj)eak 
(see  on  2,  4),  or  beginning  with  the  first  circumstances  lie  related 
unto  them,  etc.     This  repetition  of  the  history  shows  the  impor- 


Chap.  XI,  5-17.  COMMENTARY.  189 

tance  attached  to  this  early  conflict  between  the  gospel  and  Ju- 
daism. 

V.  5.  For  the  omission  of  rrj  before  ttoXci,  see  on  8,  5.  —  opa/xa 
denotes  here  what  was  seen,  and  differs  from  its  use  in  10,  3.  — 
TcWa/jo-tv  apxa-l^?  Ka^iefxevqv,  let  doivn,  suspended,  hj  four  corners, 
i.  e.  by  means  of  cords  fastened  to  them.  Luke  abbreviates  here 
the  fuller  expression  in  10,  11. 

V.  12.  By  a  mixed  construction,  SiaKpivofjievov  agrees  with  the 
suppressed  subject  of  crvveXSelv,  instead  of  fjuoL.  C.  \  627.  /3. ;  Mt. 
§  536.  —  ol  e$  q^eXcfiol  ovtoi,  these  six  men  (see  10,  23)  ;  they  had, 
therefore,  accompanied  Peter  to  Jerusalem,  either  as  witnesses 
for  him,  or  for  his  own  vindication,  since  they  had  committed  the 
same  offence. 

V.  13.     Tov  ayyeXov,  the  angel  knoAvn  to  the  reader  from  the 
previous  narrative  (10,  3.  22).     Those  addressed  had  not  heard  ' 
of  the  vision,  and  must  have  received  from  Peter  a  fuller  account 
of  it  than  it  was  necessary  to  repeat  here.  —  avSpa's  has  been 
transferred  to  this  place  from  10,  5. 

V.  14.  ttSs  6  oTko's  a-ov,  all  thy  family.  The  assurance  embraces 
them  because  they  were  prepared,  as  well  as  Cornelius,  to  wel- 
come the  apostle's  message  ;  comp.  10,  2.  This  part  of  the  com- 
xTiunication  has  not  been  mentioned  before. 

V.  15.  ap^aaSai  is  not  superfluous  (Kuin,),  but  shows  how 
§oon  yie  Spirit  descended  after  he  began  to  speak:  see  on  10,  44. 
W.  k  67.  4.  — €v  apxijj  i^f-  the  beginning,  i.  e.  on  the  day  of  Pente- 
cost. The  order  of  the  narrative  indicate^  that  the  conversion  ' 
of  Cornelius  took  place  near  the  time  of  Paul's  arrival  at  Antioch. 
Some  ten  years,  therefore  (see  on  v.  26),  had  passed  away  since 
the  event  to  which  Peter  alludes ;  comp.  on  15,  7. 

V.  16.  i/jLvqa-^Tjv,  k.  t.  X.,  And  I  remembered  the  declaration  of 
the  Lord,  i.  e.  had  it  brought  to  mind  with  a  new  sense  of  its 
meaning  and  application;  comp.  Matt.  26,  75  ;  John  12,  16.  The 
Saviour  had  promised  to  bestow  on  his  disciples  a  higher  baptism 
than  that  of  water  (see  1,  5  ;  Luke  24,  49) ;  and  the  result  proved 
that  he  designed  to  extend  the  benefit  of  that  promise  to  the 
heathen  who  should  believe  on  him,  as  well  as  to  the  Jews.  — 
ws  tXcyev,  how  he  said.     See  on  1,5. 

V.  17.  tSwKcv,  gave,  as  .mentioned  in  10,  44.  —  kul,  also,  con- 
nects rjixiv  with  auTots.  —  7rtcrT€T5mto'ti/,  having  believed,  refers  to  both 
pronouns  (De  Wet.  Mey.),  i.  e.  they  all  received  the  same  gift  in 
the  same  character,  viz.  that  of  behevers.  Bengel  (to  whom  Mey. 
assents  now)  hmits  the  participle  to  rjfxlv.  —  iyw  8k  rt's  ^firjv,  k.  t.  X., 
combines  two  questions  ( W.  ^  66.  5.) ;    Who  then  iras  I?      Was  1 


190  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XI,  18.  19. 

ahh  to  ivitlistand  God  ?  i.  e.  to  disregard  so  distinct  an  intimation 
of  his  will  that  the  heathen  should  be  recognized  as  worthy  of 
all  the  privileges  of  the  gospel,  without  demanding  of  them  any 
other  qualification  than  faitli  in  Christ.  Swaro?  suggests  that  such 
opposition  would  have  been  as  presumptuous  and  futile,  as  a  con- 
test between  man's  power  and  infinite  power.  Se  with  rt's  strength- 
ens the  question,  as  in  2  Cor.  6,  14.  It  is  left  out  of  some  copies, 
but  not  justly. 

V.  18.  r)(ruxo-crav,  tvere  silent,  refrained  from  further  opposition 
(v.  2) ;  comp.  21,  14.  —  eSofa^ov  expresses  a  continued  act.  The 
sudden  change  of  tenses  led  some  to  write  eSofacrav.  —  apaye, 
therefore,  theft  (Matt.  7,  20;  17,  26);  more  pertinent  here  than 
the  interrogative  apaye  (8,  30).  The  accentuation  varies  in  differ- 
ent editions.  —  For  tyji/  jxeTavoiav  eSw/ccv,  see  the  note  on  5,  31.  — 
CIS  C<ar]v,  ecbatic,  unto  life,  i.  e.  such  repentance  as  secures  it; 
comp.  2  Cor.  7,  10. 


Ve  RS  E  s   1 9-24 .      The  Gospel  is  preached  at  Antioch. 

V.  19.  01  fxev  ovv  Stao-Trapcj/rcs,  those  therefore  dispersed,  recalls 
the  reader  to  an  earlier  event  in  the  history ;  see  8,  4.  —  aTro  r^s 
&XL\f/ew<;, from  (as  an  effect  of)  the  jjersecuiion  (Whl.  Win.  Mey.)  ; 
comp.  20,  9  ;  Luke  19,  3.  This  is  better  than  to  render  since  tJie 
persecution.  It  is  more  natural  to  be  reminded  here  of  the  <cause 
of  the  dispersion,  than  of  the  time  when  it  began.  —  eVt  Sre^ai/w, 
upon  Stephen,  on  his  account ;  comp.  4,  21 ;  Luke  2,  20.  W.  \ 
48.  c.  —  8t^A.5ov.  See  8,  4.  40. — ^otvtKr;?.  Phoenicia  in  this  age 
lay  chiefly  between  the  western  slope  of  Lebanon  and  the^'sea, 
a  narrow  plain  reaching  from  the  river  Elutherus  on  the  north  to 
Carmel  on  the  south.  Its  limits  varied  at  different  times.  .  4^ng 
the  Phoenician  cities  were  Tyre  and  Sidon  ;  and  the  statement 
here  accounts  for  the  existence  of  the  Clmstians  in  those  places, 
mentioned  so  abmplly  in  21,4;  27,  3. —  'AvrtoxciW  Here  we 
have  the  first  notice  of  this  iriiportant  city.  Antioch  was  the  cap- 
ital of  Syria,  and  the  residence  of  the  Roman  governors  of  that 
province.  It  was  founded  by  Seleucus  Nicator,  and  named  after 
his  father,  Antiochus.  It  stood  "  near  the  abrupt  angle  formed 
by  the  coasts  of  Syria  and  Asia  Minor,  and  in  the  opening  where 
the  Orontcs  passes  between  the  ranges  of  Lebanon  and  Taurus. 
By  its  harbor  of  Soleucia  it  was  in  communication  with  all  the 
•trade  of  the  Mediterranean ;  and,  through  the  open  country  be- 
hind Lebanon,  it  was  conveniently  approached  by  tlie  caravans 
from  Mesopotamia  and  Arabia.    It  was  almost  an  Oriental  Rome, 


Chap.  XI,  20-23.  COMMENTAEY.  191 

in  which  all  the  forms  of  the  civilized  life  of  the  empire  found  a 
representative."  Howson,  I.  p.  149.  See  further,  on  13,  4.  It  is 
memorable  in  the  first  Christian  age  as  the  seat  of  missionary- 
operations  for  the  evangelization  of  the  heathen. 

V.  20.  Whether  the  preachers  came  to  Antioch  before  the  con- 
version of  Cornelius  or  afterward,  the  narrative  does  not  decide. 
Some  prefer  to  place  the  arrival  after  his  baptism,  lest  Peter 
might  not  seem  to  be  the  first  who  preached  the  gospel  to  the 
Gentiles.  See  the  note  on  15,  7.  —  Si,  but,  distinguishes  the 
course  pursued  by  certain  of  them,  from  that  of  the  other  Stao-Trap- 
cfTEs.  The  general  fact  is  first  stated,  and  then  the  exception.  — 
Kwpioi,  i.  e.  Jews  born  in  Cyprus  ;  see  2,  5.  9.  — Trpos  tous 'EAX?/- 
vas,  unto  the  Greeks,  opposed  to  'lovSatots,  Jews,  in  the  foregoing 
verse.  The  received  text  has  'EAAi7i/io-Ta?,  Hellenists  (see  on  6,  1) 
and  the  mass  of  external  testimony  favors  that  reading.  Words 
worth's  note  ^  presents  the  evidence  on  that  side  in  a  strong  light. 
On  the  contraiy,  the  internal  argument  appears  to  demand  "EAXt/- 
vas.  Some  of  the  oldest  versions  and  a  few  manuscripts  support 
that  as  the  original  word.  The  majority  of  critics  in  view  of  tlois 
two-fold  evidence  decide  for  "EAXy^vas  (Grsb.  Lchm.  Tsch.  De 
Wet.  Mey.).  It  would  have  been  nothing  new  to  have  preached, 
at  this  time,  to  the  Greek-speaking  Jews  ;  see,  e.  g.  2,  9  ;  9,  29, 
If  we  accept "EXATjm?,  the  Greeks  addressed  at  Antioch  must  have 
been  still  heathen  in  part,  and  not  merely  Jewish  proselytes.  No 
other  view  accounts  for  Luke's  discrimination  as  to  the  sphere  of 
the  two  classes  of  preachers.  —  Kvprivaioi.     See  on  2,  10. 

V.  21.  For  x«p  Kvptov,  comp.  4,  30;  Luke  1,  66.  —  /act  aurw, 
with  them  who  preached  at  Antioch.  The  subject  of  discourse, 
both  in  the  last  verse  and  the  next,  requires  this  reference  of  the 
pronoun. 

V.  22.  7]KovcrSr]  eh  to.  wra  is  a  Hebraism,  says  De  Wette,  with- 
out any  instance  exactly  parallel  in  Hebrew.  —  6  X6yo?,  the  report, 
vepl  avTwv  excludes  the  idea  that  it  was  a  communication  sent 
from  the  brethren  at  Antioch.  —  l^awia-Tiikav  derives  its  subject 
from  ev  'lepoo-oAij/xois  ;  comp.  Gal.  2,2. — SteX^etv,  with  the  direc- 
tion that  he  should  go  (comp.  20,  1) ;  left  out  of  some  of  the  early 
versions  as  if  unnecessary.  See  W.  \  65.  4.  d.  —  BapvajSw.  See 
4,  36  ;  9,  27. 

V.  23.  x'^P'-^  ''"°^  ^eov,  the  grace,  ox  favor  of  God,  as  manifested 
in  the  conversion  of  the  heathen.  —  TrapeKaXei.  Travras,  exhorted  all 


'  The  New  Testament  in  tlie  Orijrinal  Greek  with  Notes,  by  Chr.  Wordsworth, 
D.  D.,  Ciinon  of  Westminster  (London  1857). 


192  COMMENTARY.  '     Chap.  XI,  24-26. 

who  had  beheved.  AVe  find  him  exercismg  here  tlie  peculiar 
gift  for  which  he  was  distinguished ;  see  on  4'  36. — ttj  TrpoSea-ci 
Trj<;  KapStas,  tvith  the  2}ii>'pose  of  the  heart,  i.  e.  a  purpose  sincere, 
earnest. 

V.  24.  oTt  rjv,  K.  T.  X.,  because  he  was  a  man  good  and  full  of  the 
Holy  Spirit,  etc.  This  description  states  why  he  exerted  liimself 
so  strenuously  to  establish  the  converts  in  their  faith.  e^We'o-TetXav 
in  V.  22  is  too  remote  to  allow  us  to  view  it  as  the  reason  why 
they  selected  Mm  for  such  a  service.  —  kox  TrpoaeTe&t],  k.  t.  X. 
The  labors  of  Barnabas  resulted  also  in  the  accession  of  new 
believers. 

Verses  25.  26.     Paul  arrives  at  Antioch,  and  labors  there. 

V.  25.  Our  last  notice  of  Paul  was  in  9,  30.  —  avatpfyrqa-ai,  in 
order  to  seek  out,  find  by  inquiry  or  effort.  It  was  not  known  at 
what  precise  point  the  apostle  was  laboring ;  see  Gal.  1,  21. 
tvpoiv  indicates  the  same  uncertainty.  Barnabas  would  naturally 
direct  his  steps  first  to  Tarsus,  whither  he  would  proceed  by  sea 
from  Seleucia  (see  on  13,  4),  or  track  his  way  tln-ough  the 
defiles  of  the  intervening  mountains.  Howson:  "  The  last  time 
the  two  friends  met  was  in  Jerusalem.  In  the  period  since 
that  interview,  '  God  had  granted  to  the  Gentiles  repentance 
unto  life'  (v.  18).  Barnabas  had  'seen  the  grace  of  God' 
(v.  23),  and  under  his  own  teaching  '  a  great  multitude '  (v.  24) 
had  been  '  added  to  the  Lord.'  But  he  needed  assistance ;  he 
needed  the  presence  of  one  whose  wisdom  was  greater  than  his 
own,  whose  zeal  was  an  example  to  all,  and  whose  peculiar  mis- 
sion had  been  miraculously  declared.  Saul  recognized  the  voice 
of  God  in  the  words  of  Barnabas ;  and  the  two  friends  travelled 
ill  all  haste  to  the  Syrian  metropohs." 

V.  26.  evtavTOj/  oAov,  a  ivhole  year,  viz.  that  of  A.  D.  44,  since 
it  was  the  year  which  preceded  Paul's.second  journey  to  Jerusa- 
lem, at  the  time  of  the  famine.  See  on  12,  25.  Tlie  apostle 
had  spent  the  intervening  years,  from  A.  D.  39  to  44,  in  Syria 
and  Cilicia  (see  on  9,  30).  — crvi'a;!i(^^vai,  k.  t.  X.,^Vteyva?ne  together 
in  the  church,  the  public  assembly,  i.  e.  for  the  purpose  of  worship, 
and,  as  we  see  from  the  next  clause,  for  preaching  the  word :  and 
taught  a  great  multitude  (comp.  14,  21)  ;  many  of  whom,  no  doubt, 
they  won  to  a  reception  of  the  truth.  Meyer  explains  (Tvvax^rjvai. 
'of  the  hospitality  shown  to  the  teachers,  with  an  appeal  to  Matt. 
25,  35.  But  the  context  which  should  indicate  that  sense,  is  op- 
posed to  it  here.  —  ^^rjjxaricrai  ....  Xptcmavov?,  and  the  disciples 


Chap.  XI,  26-28.  COMMENTARY.  193 

ivere  first  named  Christians  at  Antioch.  Thus  ten  years  or  more 
elapsed  after  the  Saviour  left  the  earth  before  the  introduction 
of  this  name.  Its  origin  is  left  in  some  uncertainty.  Xpto-rtavot 
has  a  Latin  termination,  like  'HpwSiavot  in  Matt.  22,  16,  and  Mark 
3,  6.  We  see  the  proper  Greek  form  in  Na^uD/aatos  in  2,  22,  or 
'IraAiKos  in  10,  1.  Hence  some  infer  (Olsh.  Mey.)  that  it  must 
have  been  the  Roman  inhabitants  of  the  city,  not  the  Greeks, 
who  invented  the  name.  The  argument  is  not  decisive,  since 
Latinisras  were  not  unknown  to  the  Greek  of  this  period.  It  is 
evident  that  the  Jews  did  not  apply  it  first  to  the  disciples  ;  for 
they  would  not  have  admitted  the  implication  of  the  term,  viz. 
that  Jesus  was  the  Messiah.  It  is  improbable  that  the  Christians 
themselves  assumed  it ;  such  an  origin  would  l)e  inconsistent 
with  its  infrequent  use  in  the  New  Testament.  It  occurs  only 
in  26,  28  ;  1  Pet.  4,  16,  and  in  both  places  proceeds  from  those 
out  of  the  church.  The  koKov  ovo/^a  to  iirLKXrjSh  iff  vfjia.'s  in  James 
2,  7  may  be  the  Christian  name.  The  believers  at  Antioch  had 
become  numerous ;  they  consisted  of  Gentiles  and  Jews  ;  it  was 
evident  that  they  were  a  distinct  community  from  the  latter;  and 
probably  the  heathen,  whether  they  were  Greeks  or  Eomans,  or 
native  Syrians,  needing  a  new  appellation  for  the  new  sect,  called 
them  Christians,  because  the  name  of  Christ  was  so  prominent 
in  their  doctrine,  conversation,  and  worship.  The  term  may  not 
have  been  at  first  opprobrious,  but  distinctive  merely. 

Verses  27-30.     Barnabas  and  Saul  are  sent  ivith  Alms  to  Jeru- 
salem. 

V.  27.  cv  rauVat?  rais  r)fxipai<i,  in  these  days,  i.  e.  about  the  time 
that  Paul  himself  came  to  Antioch ;  for  it  is  reasonable  to  sup- 
pose that  an  interval  of  sonie  extent  occurred  between  the  pre- 
diction and  the  famine.  —  Trpo({>r}TaL,  inspired  teachers;  see  on  2, 17. 
Agabus,  at  least,  possessed  the  propjietic  gift,  in  the  strict  sense 
of  that  expression. 

V.  28.  drao-ras,  having  stood  up,  in  order  to  declare  his  message 
more  formally. — "Aya^os  is  known  only  from  this  passage  and  21, 
10.  —  ia-qfiave,  made  known  (see  25,  27),  not  intimated  merely. — 
XtjiAov,  in  the  later  Greek,  is  masculine  or  feminine  ;  hence  some 
copies  have  /Ae'yaj/,  others  fxeydXrjv.  See  W.  ^  8.  2.  1.  —  fieXXetv 
ioreaSai.  contains  a  double  future,  as  in  24,  15 ;  27,  10.  The  read- 
ing varies  in  24,  25.  As  one  of  its  uses,  the  first  infinitive  in 
such  a  case  may  represent  the  act  as  fixed,  certain  ;  the  second 
as  future.    The  famine  that  was  to  take  place  was  decreed.    See 

25 


194  COMMENTARY  Chap.  XI,  28.  29. 

Mt.  ij  498.  e ;  C.  ^  583.  —  e^'  oXrjv  t-^v  olKovfx.ivr)v,  sc.  y^v,  over  all 
the  inhabited  land,  i.  e.  Judea  and  the  adjacent  countries,  or  accord- 
ing to  some,  the  Roman  empire.  The  Greek  and  Roman  writers 
employed  rj  olKovfxivr]  to  denote  the  Greek  and  the  Roman  world  ; 
and  a  Jewish  writer  would  naturally  employ  such  a  term  to  denote 
the  Jewish  world.  Josephus  appears  to  restrict  the  word  to  Pal- 
estine in  Antt.  8.  13.  4.  Speaking  of  the  efforts  of  Ahab  to  find 
the  prophet  Elijah,  he  says  that  the  king  sent  messengers  in  pur- 
suit of  him  Kara  jracrav  tt/v  oiKovfxevqv,  throughout  all  the  earth  or  land, 
i.  e.  of  the  Jews.  Ancient  writers  give  no  account  of  any  universal 
famine  in  the  reign  of  Claudius,  but  they  speak  of  several  local 
famines  which  were  severe  in  particular  countries.  Josephus 
(Antt.  20.  2.  6;  lb.  5.  2)  mentions  one  which  prevailed  at  that 
time  in  Judea,  and  swept  away  many  of  the  inhabitants.  Helena, 
queen  of  Adiabene,  a  Jewish  proselyte  who  was  then  at  Jerusa- 
lem, imported  provisions  from  Egypt  and  Cyprus,  which  she  dis- 
tributed among  the  people  to  save  them  from  stan^ation.  This 
is  the  famine,  probably,  to  which  Luke  refers  here.  The  chronol- 
ogy admits  of  this  supposition.  According  to  Josephus,  the  fam- 
ine which  he  describes  took  place  when  Cuspius  Fadus  and 
Tiberius  Alexander  were  procurators  ;  i.  e.  as  Lardner  suggests,  it 
may  have  begun  about  the  close  of  A.  D.  44,  and  lasted  three  or 
four  years.  Fadus  was  sent  into  Judea  on  the  death  of  Agrippa, 
which  occurred  in  August  of  the  year  A.  D.  44.  If  we  attach 
the  Avider  sense  to  oikod/acvt^v,  the  predictiorT^ay  import  that  a 
famine  should  take  place  throughout  the  Roman  empire  during 
the  reign  of  Claudius  (the  year  is  not  specified  below),  and  not 
that  it  should  prevail  in  all  parts  at  the  same  time.  So  Words- 
worth, Notes,  p.  58.  —  eVt  KAawSiou,  in  (lit.  tqmn)  the  reign  of  Clau- 
dius. On  l-rrt,  in  such  chronological  designations,  see  K.  ^  273. 
4.  b.  The  Greek  idiom  views  the  events  as  resting  wpow  the  ruler 
as  their  source  or  author;  the  English  idiom  as  taking  pltice  un- 
der his  guidance  or  auspices.  —  Kaiaapwi  after  KXavStou  ( T.  R.)  is 
not  .wamvntcd. 

V.  29.    Twv  yxa^r/roiv  depends  by  attraction  onns.     The  ordinary 

construction  would   be  ol   iiaSrfTal  KaSw^  rjVKopuro  Tis  aiVwr  (Mey. 

De  Wet.) :  The  discijilcs  in  pmjwrtion  as  amy  one  tvas  ])rosj)ercd  de- 
termined each  of  them,  etc.  The  apostle  Paul  prescribes  the  same 
rule  of  contribution  in  1  Cor.  16,  2.  For  the  augment  in  T/iVopdro, 
see,  on  2,  26.  For  e/fao-ros  after  a  plural  verb,  see  on  2,  G.  —  as 
haKoviav,  for  relief  lit.  ministration,  i.  e.  to  their  wants.  The  act 
here  suggests  the  idea  of  its  result  or  object.  —  Trifuj/ai.  sc.  tI. — 
€v  Trj  'lovSaia,  in  Judea ;  not  the  capital  merely  but  other  parts 


Chap.  XII,  1.  COMMENTARY.  195 

also,  since  the  famine  was  general  and  believers  were  found  in 
different  places  (see  v.  1  and  Gal.  1,  22). 

V.  30.  Kai  connects  kiroiqcrav  with  wpurav  :  they  executed  their 
determination.  —  Trpo?  tovs  ■n-pca-^vTepo'i,  unto  the  elders,  either  those 
at  Jerusalem  who  could  easily  forward  the  supplies  to  the  desti- 
tute elsewhere,  or  those  in  Judea  at  large  whom  the  messengers 
visited  in  person.  The  latter  idea  .^resents  itself  very  readily 
>fxiim  'lovSata  just  before,  and  has  also  tliis  to  commend  it,  that 
Paul  would  have  had  an  opportunity  to  preach  now  in  tliat 
province,  as  mentioned  in  26,  20  (see  note  there).  —  For  the 
office  of  the  presbyters,  see  on  14,  23.  —  Bapvdj3a  is  the  Doric  gen- 
itive; comp.  19,-44jLuke  13,  29,  Johjvl,  43,  etc.  W.  ^  8.  1 ; 
K.  ^  44.  R.  2.  —  MeyerlfiTrds-a-ecmtra'dtcrion  between  this  passage 
and  Gal.  2,  1,  as  if  Paul  could  not  have  gone  to  Jerusalem  at  this 
time  because  he  has  not  mentioned  it  in  the  Epistle.  It  is  impos- 
sible to  see  why  the  reason  commonly  assigned  for  this  omission 
does  not  account  for  it.  Paul's  object  in  writing  to  the  Galatians 
does  not  requke  him  to  enumerate  all  his  journeys  to  Jerusalem. 
In  the  first  chapter  ^ere,  he  would  prove  that  as  an  apostle  he 
was  independent  of  all  human  authority,  and  in  the  second  chap- 
ter that  the  other  apostles  had  conceded  to  him  that  independ- 
ence. He  had  no  occasion,  therefore,  to  recapitulate  his  entire 
history.  Examples  of  the  facts  in  liis  life  were  all  that  he  needed 
to  bring  forward.  He  was  not  bound  to  show  how  often  he 
had  been  at  Jerusalem,  but  only  that  he  had  gone  thither  once 
and  again,  under  circumstances  which  showed  in  what  character 
he  claimed  to  act,  and  how  fully  the  other  apostles  had  ac- 
knowledged this  claim. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Verses  1.  2.     Renewed  persecution  at  Jerusalem,  and  Death  of 
James. 

V.  1.  KaT  iK€ivov  Tov  Katpov,  about  that  time,  i.  e.  when  Barnabas 
and  Saul  went  to  Jerusalem,  as  has  just  been  related.  See  on 
V.  25. — 'H/jwSt/s.  This  /ferof^  was  Herod  Agrippa  the  First,  son 
of  Aristobulus  and  grandson  of  Herod  the  Great.  On  the  acces- 
sion of  Caligula,  he  received  as  king  the  former  possessions  of 
Pliilip  and  Lysanias,  see  Luke  3,  1 ;  at  a  later  period,  the 
tetrarchy  of  Antipas ;    and  in   the  year  A.  D.  41,   Samaria  and 


196  COMMENTRY.  Chap.  Xn,  2. 3. 

Judea  which  were  conferred  on  him  by  Claudius  ;  so  that,  hke  liis 
grandfather  Herod,  he  swayed  the  sceptre,  at  tliis  time,  over  all 
Palestine.^  —  i7ref3aXe  Ttts  x^^P"?  does  not  mean  attem2)ted  (Kuin.), 
hut  2mt' forth  violent  Jiands ;  comp.  4,  3  ;  5,  18;  21,  27.  —  KaKujcrat, 
to  oppress,  maltreat.  The  E.  version  derives  "  vex  "  from  Tyn^ 
dale.  —  airb  Trj<;  eK/cXi;o-tas,  of  the  church,  (Ut.  from),  since  the  idea 
of  origin  passes  readily  into  that  of  property,  adherence.  W.  h 
47.  4. 

V.  2.  dvetAc  ^a)(a(.pa,  skio  him  with  the  sxvord,  beheaded  him. 
The  article  fails,  because  the  idea  is  general,  abstract ;  comp.  9, 

12,  W.  M9.  1.  On  the  mode  of  execution  among  the  Jews, 
see  Jahn's  Archseol.  h  257.  Agrippa  had  the  power  of  life  and 
death,  since  he  administered  the  government  in  the  name  of  the 
Romans.  See  the  note  on  7,  59.  The  victim  of  his  violence 
was  James  the  Elder,  a  son  of  Zebedee  and  brother  of  John 
(Matt.  4,  21 ;  10,  2;  Mark  1,  19,  etc.).  He  is  to  be  distinguished 
from  James  the  Younger,  the  kinsman  of  the  Lord  (Gal.  1,  19), 
who  is  the  individual  meant  under  this  name  in  the  remainder 
of  the  histoiy  (17;  15,  13;  21,  18).  The  end  of  James  verified 
the  prediction  that  he  should  drink  of  his  Master's  cup ;  see 
Matt.  20,  23.  Eusebius  (2.  9)  records  a  tradition  that  the  apos- 
tle's accuser  was  converted  by  his  testimony  and  beheaded  at 
the  same  time  with  him.  "  The  accuracy  of  the  sacred  writer," 
says  Paley,  "  in  the  expressions  which  he  uses  here,  is  remarka- 
ble. There  was  no  portion  of  time  for  thirty  years  before,  or 
ever  afterwards,  in  which  there  was  a  king  at  Jerusalem,  a  per- 
son exercising  that  authority  in  Judea,  or  to  whom  that  title 
could  be  apphed,  except  the  last  three  years  of  Herod's  life, 
within  which  period  the  transaction  here  recorded  took  place." 
The  kingdom  of  Agrippa  the  Second,  who  is  mentioned  in  25, 

13,  did  not  embrace  Judea. 

Verses  3-5.      Tlie  imprisonment  of  Peter. 

V.  3.  iSwv  0T6  apf-cTTov,  K.  T.  X.,  sceiug  that  it  is  pleasing,  etc. 
The  motive  of  Agrippa,  therefore,  was  a  desire  to  gain  public 
favor.  Josephus  (Antt.  19.  7.  3)  attributes  to  this  ruler  the  same 
trait  of  character ;  he  describes  him  as  eager  to  ingratiate  him- 
self with  the  Jews.  —  wposiStro,  k.  t.  A.,  he  apprehended  still 
further  Peter  also ;  an  imitation  of  the  Heb.  kD'T  with  the  infini- 
tive, comp.  Luke  20,  11.  12.  W.  ^  54.  5;  Geson.  Heb.  Gr.  <)  139. 
—  a^vfjLO)}',  the  days  of  unleavened  bread,  i.  e.  the  festival  of  the 

1  Sec  Introduction,  \  G.  2. 


Chap.  XII,  4-6.  COMMENTARY.  1 97 

Passover,  which  continued  seven  days ;  and  was  so  named  be- 
cause during  that  time  no  leaven  was  allowed  in  the  houses  of 
the  Jews,  The  common  text  omits,  at  before  17/xepat,  which  the 
best  editors  insert  as  well  attested.  It  is  not  grammatically- 
necessary.     W.  §  19.  2. 

V.  4.  Kai,  also,  carries  the  mind  back  to  crvWafSiiv  in  v,  3,  the 
idea  of  which  Trato-as  repeats.  —  rea-aapat  rerpaStot?,  to  Jour  quater- 
nions, four  companies  of  four,  who  were  to  relieve  each  other  in 
guarding  the  prison.  The  Jews  at  this  time  followed  the  Roman 
practice  of  dividing  the  night  into  four  watches,  consisting  of 
three  hours  each.  Of  the  four  soldiers  employed  at  the  same  time, 
two  watched  in  the  prison  and  two  before  the  door ;  or  perhaps 
in  this  case  (see  on  v.  10)  were  all  stationed  on  the  outside. — 
^ov\6fx.€vo<;,  mca7iwg,\)\xt  disappointed  in  that  purpose. — /xeTo.  to 
TTcxcrxa,  after  the  Passover,  i.  e.  not  the  paschal  supper,  but  the  fes- 
tival which  it  introduced;  comp.  Luke  21,  1;  John  6,  4.  The 
reason  for  deferring  the  execution  was  that  the  stricter  Jews 
regarded  it  as  a  profanation  to  put  a  person  to  death  during  a 
religious  festival.  Agrippa  himself  may  have  entertained,  or  af- 
fected to  entertain,  that  scruple.  —  di/ayayetv  airov,  to  bring  Jam 
up,  i.  e.  for  trial  and  execution ;  comp.  Luke  22,  66.  But  Herod 
was  nearer  his  end  than  Peter.  —  to!  Aaw,  for  the  peoj)le  (dat. 
comm.),  i.  e.  that  they  might  be  gratified  with  his  death. 

V,  5,  ovv,  therefore,  committed  to  such  a  guard.  —  eV  ttj  (f)v\aKrj 
in  the  prison  mentioned  in  v.  4.  —  Ikt€vt^^,  intent,  earnest,  not 
unceasing,  constant.  See  Luke  22,  44 ;  1  Pet.  4,  8.  It  is  a 
word  of  the  later  Greek.  Lob.  ad  Phryn.  p.  311.  All  the  English 
translators  from  Wiclif  downward  adopt  the  temporal  sense.  — 
iKKXr](TLa<;.  The  members  of  the  church  were  so  numerous,  that 
they  must  have  met  in  different  companies.  One  of  them  is 
mentioned  in  v.  12, 


Verses  6-11,      The  Miraculous  Liberation  of  Peter. 

V.  6.  vvktI  iKeivrj,  hi  that  night  preceding  the  day  when  he  was 
to  have  been  executed.  —  SeSe/xeVos  dXi'o-eo-t  Suo-t,  bound  tvith  ttvo 
chains.  The  Roman  mode  of  chaining  prisoners  was  adopted 
in  this  case,  and  was  the  following :  "  The  soldier  who  was  ap- 
pointed to  guard  a  particular  prisoner  had  the  chain  fastened  to 
the  wrist  of  liis  left  hand,  the  right  remaining  at  liberty.  The 
prisoner,  on  the  contrary,  had  the  chain  fastened  to  the  wrist  of 
his  right  hand.  The  prisoner,  and  the  soldier  who  had  the  care 
of  him,  were  said  to  be  tied  {alligati)to  one  another.    Sometimes, 


1 98  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XII,  7-10. 

for  greater  security,  the  prisoner  was  chained  to  two  soldiers,  one 
on  each  side  of  him."  Diet,  of  Antiq.  art.  Catena.  Paul  was  bound 
with  two  chains  on  the  occasion  mentioned  in  21,  33.  —  <^v\a.Kk<i 
re,  K.  T.  \.,  and  kce2^crs  before  the  door  (perhaps  two  at  one  station 
and  two  at  another)  icere  guarding  tlte  prison  ;  not  .after  v.  5,  ivere 
keejnng  guard  (Raph.  Walch).  "^ 

V.  7.  iv  Tw  olK^ixari,  in  the  abode  =  the  prison.  This  was  an 
Attic  euphemism  which  passed  at  length  into  the  common  dialect. 
—  Trardia?,  having  smitten,  in  order  to  rouse  him  from  sleep. — 
dvacrra  is  a  second  aorist  imperative  ;  comp.  Eph.  5,  14.  Gramma- 
rians represent  the  form  as  poetic  in  the  earlier  Greek.  K.  ^  172. 
R.  5  ;  W.  §  14.  1.  h.  —  efeVecrof  ....  x^'-P'^^'  ^^^^  chaiyis  fell  off  from 
his  ho,nds,  or  ivrists.  x^^P  the  Greeks  could  use  of  the  entire  fore- 
arm, or  any  part  of  it. 

V.  8.  TTcpt^wcrat.  For  convenience  he  had  unbound  the  girdle 
of  his  tunic  while  he  slept.  The  i/tanov  which  he  threw  around 
him  was  the  outer  coat,  or  mantle,  worn  over  the  x't^v.  There 
was  no  occasion  for  a  precipitate  flight ;  and  the  articles  which 
he  was  directed  to  take  would  be  useful  to  him.  Note  the  tran- 
sition to  the  present  in  the  last  two  imperatives. 

V.  9.  dX77^€9,  true,  actual,  as  distinguished  from  a  dream  or 
vision.  Peter's  uncertainty  arose  fipm  the  extraordinary  nature 
of  the  interposition ;  it  was  too  strange  to  be  credited.  He  was 
bewildered  by  the  scene,  unable  at  the  moment  to  comprehend 
that  what  he  saw  and  did  was  a  reality. 

V.  10,  StcX^ovres  ....  Seurepav,  having  px^^sed  through  the  first 
and  second  watch,  i.  e.  as  Walch  de  vinculis  Petri  suggests,  fii-st 
through  the  two  soldiers  stationed  at  Peter's  door  (v.  6),  and  then 
through  two  others  near  the  gate  which  led  into  the  city.  He 
sui)poses  the  two  soldiers  to  whom  Peter  was  ])ound  (v.  6)  were 
not  included  in  the  sixteen  (v.  4),  since  their  ofiice  would  not 
require  them  to  remain  awake,  and  consequently  to  be  changed 
during  the  night,  like  the  others.  A  more  common  opinion  is, 
that  the  first  ivatch  was  a  single  soldier,  before  the  door,  and  the 
second  another  at  the  iron  gate,  and  that  these  two  soldiers,  with 
the  two  by  the  side  of  Peter,  made  up  the  quaternion  then  on 
duty.  But  SieX^ovre?,  having  pas.^ed  through,  suggests  a  i)lural 
sense  of  <}>vXaK-qv,  and  must  be  said  loosely,  if  applied  to  a  single 
person.  This  partici[)le  after  i^eXSwv  in  v.  9  indicates  a  difTerent 
position  of  the  first  icatch  from  that  of  the  two  soldiers  who  guarded 
Peter  in  his  cell ;  some  have  ])roposed  that  explanation.  The 
numeral  renders  the  article  unnecessary.  W.  k  19.  2.  Tliat 
Peter  passed  the  watch  unopposed,  or  perhaps  luiobscrved  (see  v. 


Chap.  XII,  11-13.  COMMENTARY.  199 

18),  was  a  part  of  the  miracle.  See  on  5,  19.  —  iTrl  ttjv  vvXtji-, 
K.  T.  X.  The  precise  situation  of  the  prison  is  unknown.  The 
iron  gate  may  have  formed  the  termination  of  a.  court,  or  avenue, 
which  connected  the  prison  with  the  town.  De  Wette,  after 
Lightfoot,  Walch,  and  others,  thinks  that  the  prison  was  in  a 
tower  between  the  two  walls  of  the  city,  and  that  this  was  the 
outer  gate  of  the  tower.    Others  have  proposed  other  conjectures. 

—  avTOfxar-q  is  equivalent  to  an  adverb,  sponUmeously.  K.  ^  264. 
3.  c  ;  B,  'J  123.  6.  The  gate  opened  without  any  visible  cause. — 
7rpor]X%v  pvfjiTqv  /xLav,  ivent  forward  one  street  or  lane  (9,  11).  The 
angel  accompanied  him  until  he  was  beyond  the  reach  of  pursuit. 

—  evSew<;,  immediately,  on  having  come  thus  far. 

V.  1 1.  yevo/Aci/o?  ev  kavrta,  having  come  to  himself,  recovered  from 
the  confusion  of  mind  into  which  he  had  been  tlirown.  —  e^aTr- 
e'oTciXe,  sent  forth  from  heaven.  —  airo  Trao-r/s  t^s  Trpo(T8oKLa<;,  from  all 
the  expectation  of  the  Jews  who  were  so  eager  for  liis  execu- 
tion, and  looking  forward  to  it  with  confidence. 


Verses   12-17.     Peter  repairs  to  the  House  of  Mary,  where  some 
of  the  Believers  had  assembled  for  Prayer. 

V.  12.  (Tiij/tScov,  sc.  Ttt  -yevo/xei/a,  having  become  aware  (14,  6), 
conscious  to  himself  of  the  state  of  things  (Whl.  Alf  Mey.). 
Luke  reminds  us  of  this  fact  again  (see  v.  11),  as  if  it  might 
appear  strange  that  Peter  acted  with  so  much  deliberation.  Some 
render  considering,  i,  e.  either  what  he  should  do,  or  where  he 
should  find  an  assembly  of  the  disciples.  Both  the  meaning  and 
the  tense  of  the  participle  favor  this  explanation  less  than  the 
other. — 'Iwai/voD  ....  Map/<ou.  This  Jolm  Mark  is  called  simply 
John  in  13,  5.  13;  and  Mark  in  15,  39.  He  is  supposed  to  have 
been  the  same  Mark  whom  Peter  terms  his  son  in  1  Pet.  5,  13, 
i.  e.  in  a  spiritual  sense,  converted  by  his  instrumentality.  There 
is  no  reason  for  questioning  his  identity  with  the  Evangelist  who 
wrote  the  Gospel  of  Mark.  See  further,  on  v.  25.  —  TrpoaiV)(op.e.vou 
One  of  the  objects  for  which  they  were  praying  was  the  safety 
of  Peter  (v.  5). 

V.  13.  7raiSto-Ki7,  a  maid-servant.  Her  Greek  name,  Rhoda, 
does  not  disprove  her  Jewish  origin;  see  on  1,  23.  The  portress 
among  the  Jews  was  commonly  a  female;  see  John  18,  16.  That 
the  ])ersou  should  be  known  after  so  long  a  time  shows  how 
minute  was  Luke's  information.  —  wTraKoCo-ai,  to  hearken.  This 
was  the  classical  term  signifying  to  answer  a  knock  or  call  at  the 
door. 


200  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XII,  14-17. 

V.  14.  KOL  i-Tnyvova-a  tyjv  (ftf^vqv,  and  having  recognized  his  voice 
(3,  10;  4,  13).  Peter  may  be  supposed  to  have  announced  his 
name,  or  to  have  given  it  in  reply  to  her  inquiry.  —  cItto  r^s  x'^P"?- 
Nothing  could  be  more  hfe-like  than  the  descri})tion  of  the  scene 
which  follows.  Rhoda  in  the  excess  of  her  joy  forgets  to  open 
the  door,  runs  into  the  house,  declares  the  news,  while  Peter  is 
left  in  the  street  still  knocking,  and  exposed  to  arrest.  The  pas- 
sage has  all  the  vividness  of  the  recital  of  an  eye-witness.  Mark 
was  undoubtedly  in  the  house  at  the  time,  and  may  have  com- 
municated the  circumstances  to  Lake  at  Antioch ;  or  Luke  may 
have  obtained  his  information  from  Barnabas,  who  was  a  relative 
of  the  family;  see  Col.  4,  10. 

V.  15.  Sucrxvpi^ero,  affirmed  conpdenthj.  —  6  ayyeXos  avrov  Icrriv, 
It,  is  his  angel,  i.  e.  his  tutelary  angel  with  his  form  and  features. 
It  was  a  common  belief  among  the  Jews,  says  Lightfoot,  that 
every  individual  has  a  guardian  angel,  and  that  this  angel  may 
assume  a  visible  appearance  resembling  that  of  the  person  whose 
destiny  is  committed  to  liim.  This  idea  appears  here  not  as  a 
doctrine  of  the  Scriptures,  but  as  a  popular  opinion,  which  is 
neither  affirmed  nor  denied. 

V.  17.  KaTao-etVas  r^  X^'-P^'  ^i^^ving  motioned  ivith  the  hand  down- 
ivard,  as  a  signal  that  he  would  speak,  and  Avished  them  to  hear. 
Their  joy  was  so  tumultuous,  that  he  could  make  them  iTiider- 
stand  a  gesture  better  than  a  word.  — o-tySv.  Ebs  object  was  not 
to  prevent  their  being  overheard,  and  so  discovered  by  their  ene- 
mies, but  to  secure  to  himself  an  oi)portunity  to  inform  them  how 
he  had  been  liberated.  —  6  Kvpios,  the  Lord,  as  the  angel  had  been 
sent  by  him;  see  v.  7,  11.  —  'laxw^w.  James  is  distinguished 
from  the  others  on  account  of  his  office  as  pastor  of  the  church 
at  Jerusalem;  see  on  v.  2.  —  koX  c^eX^wv,  and  (probably  on  the 
same  night)  having  gone  forth,  i.  e.  from  the  house,  as  the  context 
most  readily  suggests ;  hence  ets  hcpov  roirov  is  indefinite,  and 
may  denote  unto  ajiother  ])lace,  in  the  city  or  out  of  it.  It  is  most 
probable  that  he  left  the  city  for  a  time,  as  he  must  have  fore- 
seen (see  V.  19)  that  vigorous  efforts  would  be  made  to  retake 
and  destroy  him.  We  find  him  at  Jerusalem  again  a  few  years 
after  this ;  see  15,  7.  He  may  have  returned  even  sooner  ' 
than  that,  as  Agrippa  lived  but  a  short  time  after  this  occurrence. 
Catholic  writers  and  some  others  hold  that  Peter  proceeded  to 
Rome  at  this  time,  and  labored  for  the  Jews  there  as  the  apostle 
oF  the  circumcision  (Gal.  2,  7 ;  1  Pet.  1,  1).  If  this  be  true,  he 
must  then  have  been  the  founder  of  the  church  in  that  city,  or 
at  all  events  have  established  a  relation  to  it  personal  and  ofiicial, 


CiiAP.  XII,  18.  19.  COMMENTARY.  201 

stronger  than  that  of  any  other  teacher.  It  is  entirely  ad- 
verse to  this  view,  that  Paul  makes  no  allusion  to  Peter  in  his 
Epistle  to  the  Romans,  but  writes  with  a  tone  of  authority  which 
his  avowed  policy, , his  spirit  of  independence  (2  Cor.  10,  16), 
would  not  have  suffered  him  to  employ,  had  it  belonged  more 
properly  to  some  other  apostle  to  instruct  and  guide  the  Roman 
church.  The  best  opinion  from  traditionary  sources  is  that  Peter 
arrived  at  Rome  just  before  the  outbreak  of  Nero's  persecution, 
where  he  soon  perished  as  a  martyr.  It  is  related  that  he  was 
placed  on  the  cross,  at  his  own  request,  with  his  head  downward, 
as  if  unworthy  to  suffer  in  the  posture  of  the  Master  whom  he 
had  denied. 


Verses   18.19.      Trial  and  Execution  of  the  Soldiers. 

V.  18.  -yevo/ievT/s  rj[xipa<;,  tvhen  day  had  come.  If  the  soldiers  to 
whom  Peter  was  bound  had  been  changed  at  the  expiration  of 
each  watch  (see  on  v.  10),  why  did  they  not  ascertain  the  escape 
sooner  ?  Wieseler  ( Chronologic  u.  s.  w.  p.  220)  replies  that  the 
flight  took  place  in  the  last  watch  not  long  before  break  of  day. 
This  is  doubtful,  as  it  would  abridge  so  niuch  the  time  allowed 
for  the  interview  at  the  house  of  Mary,  and  for  the  departure 
from  the  city.  The  question  requires  no  answer  if  Walch's 
opinion  as  stated  in  v.  10  be  well  founded. — rdpaxo?,  coinmotion, 
partaking  of  the  nature  both  of  inquiry  and  alarm.  The  former 
part  of  the  idea  leads  the  way  to  the  question  which  follows. 
There  was  reason  for  fear,  because  the  soldiers  in  such  a  case 
were  answerable  for  the  safety  of  the  prisoner,  and,  if  he  escaped, 
were  liable  to  suffer  the  punishment  which  would  have  been  in- 
flicted on  him.  Compare  16,  27  ;  Matt.  28,  14.  o-Tpariajrats  would 
include  naturally  the  entire  sixteen  (v.  4),  though  the  four  who 
were  on  guard  at  the  time  of  the  escape  had  most  reason  to 
tremble  for  their  lives.  —  tl  dpa,  k.  t.  X.,  ivhat  then  (syl logistical, 
since  he  was  gone)  was  becoine  of  Peter  ? 

V.  19.  dvaKpiva^,  having  examined,  tried  them  for  a  breach  of 
discipline  ;  see  4,  9 ;  Luke  23,  14.  —  We  need  not  impute  to 
Herod  such  barbarity  as  that  of  putting  to  death  the  entire  de- 
tachment. </)vAaKas  may  be  understood  of  those  who  were  more 
immediately  responsible  for  the  prisoner's  safety.  —  oKax^rivai,  to 
be  led  away,  i.  e.  to  execution.  The  word  was  a  vox  solcnnis  in 
this  sense,  as  Lbsner,  Kypke,  and  others  have  shown.  The  Ro- 
mans employed  ducere  in  the  same  absolute  way.  —  koI  KareXSwv, 
K.  T.  \.  Herod  resided  usually  at  Jerusalem,  and  went  now  to 
26 


202  C  0  M  M  E  N  T  A  E  Y .  Chap.  XH,  20.21. 

Csesarea,  as  Josephus  informs  us,  to  preside  at  the  public  games 
in  honor  of  the  Emperor  Claudius. 


Verses  20-24.     Death  of  Herod  Agrippa  at  Ccesarea. 

V.  20.  Tlie  reader  should  compare  the  narrative  of  this  event 
with  that  of  .losephus,  in  Antt.  19.  8.  2.  The  Jewish  historian  has 
confirmed  Luke's  account  in  the  most  striking  manner.  He  also 
makes  Csesarea  the  scene  of  the  occurrence ;  he  mentions  the 
assembly,  the  oration,  the  robe,  the  impious  acclamations  of  the 
people,  the  sudden  death  of  Herod,  and  adds  to  the  rest  that  his 
terrible  end  was  a  judgment  inflicted  upon  him  for  his  im})iety. — 
l^fjLOfxaxMv  may  refer  to  an  open  war  or  violent  feeling  of  hostility. 
As  Josephus  makes  no  mention  of  any  actual  outbreak  between 
Agrippa  and  the  Phcenicians,  the  latter  is  probably  the  sense  of 
the  word  here.  The  Phoenicians  may  either  have  apprehended 
a  war  as  the  result  of  Agripjia's  anger,  or  they  may  have  been 
threatened  with  an  interruption  of  the  commerce  carried  on  be- 
tween them  and  the  Jews.  —  Trap^o-av  tt/dos  olvtov,  came  unto  him, 
i.  e.  in  the  person  of  their  representatives ;  lit.  ivere  j^f^sent,  the 
antecedent  motion  being  applied.  W.  k  50.  4.  —  Trcto-avrcs,  having 
persuaded,  brought  to  their  interest.  Blastus,  judging  from  his 
name,  may  have  been,  a  Greek  or  a  Roman.  His  influence  with 
the  king  was  the  reason  why  they  were  so  anxious  to  obtain  his 
mediation.  A  bribe  may  have  quickened  his  sympathy  with  the 
strangers.  —  lin  tov  koltwvo?,  over  his  bedchamber,  his  chamberlain. 
His  office  placed  him  near  the  king's  person  and  enabled  him  to 
hold  the  keys  to  his  heart  (Bmg.).  —  tJtowto  dprjv-qv,  desired  peace, 
i.  e.  according  to  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  sought  to  avert 
a  rupture  of  it,  or,  if  it  was  already  impaired,  to  effect  its  restora- 
tion. Their  desire  for  this  result  may  have  been  increased  by 
the  existing  famine. — to  Tpicf>ear^at,  k.  t.  X.,  because  their  country 
was  sustained,  etc.  The  Tyrians  and  Sidonians  were  a  commer- 
cial people,  and  procured  their  supplies  of  grain  chiefly  from  Pal- 
estine in  exchange  for  their  own  merchandise.  This  relation  of 
the  two  countries  to  each  other  had  existed  from  early  times ;  see 
1  Kings  5,  9 ;  Ezra  3,  7 ;  Ezek.  27,  17. 

V.  21.  TaKTTj  i7/x£/)a,  on  an  appointed  day,  which,  according  to 
Josephus,  was  the  1st  of  August,  and  the  second  day  of  the 
public  games.  —  eVSuo-a/xevos  icrSrJTa,  K.  t.  X.  The  circmstances 
related  by  Josephus  may  be  coml)ined  (Howson,  I.  p.  158)  with 
Luke's  account,  as  follows  :  "  On  the  second  day  of  the  festival, 
Agrippa  came  into  the  theatre.    The  stone  seats,  rising  in  a  great 


Chap.  Xn,  21-24.  COMMENTARY.  203 

semicircle,  tier  above  tier,  were  covered  with  an  excited  miilti- 
tiidc.  The  king  came  in,  clothed  in  magnificent  robes,  of  which 
silver  was  the  costly  and  brilliant  material.  It  was  early  in  the 
day,  and  the  sun's  rays  fell  upon  the  king,  so  that  the  eyes  of 
the  beholders  were  dazzled  with  the  brightness  which  surrounded 
him.  Voices  from  the  crowd,  here  and  there,  exclaimed  that  it 
was  the  apparition  of  something  divine.  And  when  he  spoke  and 
made  an  oration  to  them,  they  gave  a  shout,  saying, '  It  is  the  voice 
of  a  god,  and  not  of  a  man.'  But  in  the  midst  of  this  idolatrous 
ostentation,  an  angel  of  God  suddenly  smote  him.  He  was  carried 
out  of  the  theatre  a  dying  man,  and  on  the  6th  of  August  he  was 
dead."  —  iirl  tov  /Jr^/Aaro?,  upo7i  the  seat,  or  throne,  provided  for  him 
in  the  theatre;  see  on  19,  29.  —  iS-qfji-qyofjei,  sjiolce  puhlidy ;  because 
though  he  directed  his  speech  to  the  deputies,  he  was  heard  also 
by  the  people  who  were  present  (v.  22).  The  Phoenicians  were 
there  as  suppliants  for  peace,  and  the  king's  object  now  was  to 
announce  to  them  his  decision.  The  giving  audience  to  ambas- 
sadors and  replying  to  them  in  public  was  not  uncommon  in  an- 
cient times.  —  Trpos  airou's,  unto  them,  i.  e.  the  Tyrians  and  Sido- 
nians  as  represented  by  their  agents.  The  pronoun  does  not 
refer  to  8^/aos.  See  W.  h  22.  3.  1.  It  was  the  messengers,  not 
the  CsBsareans  who  awaited  the  king's  answer. 

V.  22.  €7re</)wvei,  .s/io«^!£'f^^/^p;■(?^(!/»o?^,  again  and  again.  It  enhanced 
the  eloquence  no  doubt,  that  what  they  had  heard  accorded  with 
their  wishes.  In  such  a  city,  the  bulk  of  the  assembly  would  be 
heathen  (see  on  8,  40),  and  ^(.ov  may  be  taken  in  their  sense  of 
the  term. 

V.  23.  di/5'  wv,  K.  T.  A.,  because  he  gave  not  glory  to  God,  i.  e. 
did  not  repel  the  impious  tiattery,  was  willing  to  receive  it.  Some 
editors  insert  nqv  before  Sdfav.  —  Kcd  yevo/Aevos,  k.  t.  A.,  and  Jiaving 
been  eaten  loith  ivnrms,  he  expired.  In  ascribing  Agrippa's  death 
to  such  a  cause,  Luke  makes  it  evident  that  he  did  not  mean  to 
represent  it  as  instantaneous.  His  statement,  therefore,  does  not 
oppose  that  of  Josephus,  who  says  that  Herod  lingered  for  five 
days  after  the  &st  attack,  in  the  greatest  agony,  and  then  died. 
It  is  evident  also  for  the  same  reason,  that  Luke  did  not  consider 
the  angel  as  the  author  of  Herod's  death  in  any  such  sense  as  to 
exclude  the  intervention  of  secondary  causes. 

V.  24.  Se,  but,  contrasts  slightly  the  fate  of  Herod,  the  perse- 
cutor of  the  church,  with  the  prosperity  of  the  church  itself  — 
6  Aoyos  ....  iiv\y]^vv^To,  the  ivord  of  God  grew,  was  diffused  more 
and  more,  and  increased,  i.  e.  (comp.  6,  1)  was  embraced  by  in- 
creasing numbers.     Aoyos  suggests  the  complex  idea  of  doctrine 


204  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XlII,  1. 

and  disciples,  and  the  verbs  wliich  follow  divide  the  idea  into  its 
parts. 

Verse  25.  Barnabas  and  Saul  return  to  Antioch. 
V.  25.  This  verse  appears  to  be  introductory  to  the  subject  of 
the  next  chapter.  It  was  proper  to  apprise  the  reader  that  Barna- 
bas and  Saul  returned  to  Antioch  (see  11,  30),  since  the  narrative 
of  what  next  occurred  in  that  city  imi)lies  that  they  were  there, 
and  no  mention  has  been  made  of  their  return.  Paul  and  Barnabas 
made  this  journey  to  Jerusalem  probably  near  the  beginning  of 
the  year  A.  D.  45 ;  for  the  famine  commenced  at  the  close  of  the 
preceding  year  (see  on  11,  28),  and  the  supplies  collected  in  an- 
ticipation of  that  event  would  naturally  be  forwarded  before  the 
distress  began  to  be  severe.  That  the  journey  took  place  about 
this  time  results  also  from  its  being  mentioned  in  connection  with 
Herod's  death.  The  two  friends  appear  to  have  remained  at 
Jerusalem  but  a  short  time,  as  may  be  inferred  from  the  object 
of  their  mission,  and  still  more  decisively  from  the  absence  of 
any  allusion  to  this  journey  in  Gal.  2,  1  sq.  —  'ItMovvrfv.  John  was 
a  relative  of  Barnabas,  as  we  learn  from  Col.  4,  10;  and  this 
relationship  may  have  led  to  the  present  connection.  He  ap- 
pears next  in  the  history  as  their  associate  in  missionary  labors 
(13,  5).  t 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

Verses  1-3.  Barnabas  and  Said  are  sent  to  jireach  to  the  Hea- 
then. 
V.  1.  The  narrative  mentions  three  different  journeys  of  Paul 
among  the  heathen ;  the  account  of  the  first  of  these  commences 
here. — tivc's  (probably  not  genuine)  would  indicate  that  those 
named  were  not  all  the  teachers  at  Antioch.  —  In  Kara  rr^v  iKKkr]- 
diav  the  preposition  may  be  directive  as  well  as  local :  in  the 
church  and  for  its  benefit.  The  office  supplied  a  corresi)ondent 
(Kara)  want.  Or  the  idea  may  be  that  of  distribution  :  such 
teachers  belonging  to  the  different  churches  (comp.  14,  23),  the 
■^Titer's  mind  passes  along  the  series  to  those  at  Antioch. 
'— iTpo<i>rfTai  (see  on  2,  17)  is  the  specific  term;  SiSao-xaA-oi  the 
generic.  The  prophets  were  all  teachers,  but  the  reverse  was 
not  true.       Compare  the  note  on  14,  23.  —  Sv/xcwv.     Sijmcon  is 


Chap.  XII,  1.2.  COMMENTARY.  205 

Otherwise  unknown.     He  was  evidently  a  Jew,  and  hence  in  his 
intercourse  with  Gentiles   (see  on  v.  9)  was  called  also  Niger. 

The  latter  was  a  familiar  name  among  the  Romans,  and  is  a  pre-  \ 

carious  reason  for  inferring  (AIQ  tliat  he  was  an  African  prose-  | 
lyte. — AovKtos  may  be  the  Lucius  who  is  mentioned  in  Rom.  16, 
21.  Some  have  thought  that  Luke,  the  writer  of  the  Acts  (no 
doubt  a  native  of  Antioch),  may  be  intended  here  ;  but  Aoi'kios 
''">  and  KovKiavos  or  AouKa9  are  different  names.  See  W.  ^  16.  4.  R.  1. 
'  — KiipjvaTos.  See  on  2,  10. — Mavai^vi=nna'2  (2  Kings  15,  14) 
occurs  only  here.  —  'HpoiSou  tov  Terpdpxov.  This  Herod  was  the 
one  who  pufTo^  death  John  the  Baptist ;  a  son  of  Herod  the 
Great,  and  an  uncle  of  Agrippa,  whose  death  has  just  been  re- 
lated. He  was  now  in  exile  on  the  banks  of  the  Rhone,  but  f 
though  divested  of  his  office  is  called  tetrarck,  because  he  was 
best  known  under  that  title  ;  see  on  4,  6.  There  are  two  views 
as  to  the  import  of  avvrpocfio?.  One  is  that  it  means  comrade,  lit, 
one  brought  up,  educated  Avith  another.  It  was  very  common  for 
persons  of  rank  to  associate  other  children  with  their  own,  for 
the  purpose  of  sharing  their  amusements  and  studies,  and  by 
their  example  serving  to  excite  them  to  greater  emulation.  Jose- 
phus,  Plutarch,  Polybius,  and  others,  speak  of  this  ancient  prac- 
tice. So  Calvin,  Grotius,  Schott,  Baumgarten,  and  others.  The 
more  approved  opinion  is  that  it  means  collactaneus^  nourished  at 
the  same  breast,  foster-brother.  Kuinoel,  Olshausen,  Tholuck, 
De  Wette,  and  others,  after_Walch  de  Menachemo,  adopt  tliat 
meaning.  The  mother  of  Manaen,  according  to  this  view,  was 
Herod's  nurse.  In  either  case  the  relation  is  mentioned  as  an 
honorary  one. 

V.  2.     Xf.iTovpyovvT(jiv  refers  here  to  the  rites  of  Christian  wor- 
ship, as  prayer,  exhortation,  fasting,  see  v.  3.  15;  14,  23. — avrdv, 
i.  e.  the  prophets  and  teachers.     The  participation  of  others  in 
the  service  is  not  asserted,  or  denied.     It  is  possible  that  they   [ 
were  observing  a  season  of  prayer  with  reference  to  this  very   ' 
question,  What  were  their  duties  in  relation  to  the  heathen.  — 
atfioptcraTe  8^  /Aot,   Separate  noio  for  me,  i.  e.  for  the   Holy    Spirit 
The  Spirit  makes  the  revelation,  selects  the  missionaries,  assigns 
to  them  their  work.     The  personality  of  the  agent  may  be  in- 
feiTed  from   such  acts.      The   command  in  this    form  was  ad- 
dressed to  the  associates  of  Barnabas  and   Saul,  but  the  latter 
would  hear  the  same  voice   pointing   out  to   them   their   duty 
and  directing  them  to  perform  the  service  laid  upon  them.  —  8^        \^ 
strengthens  the  command;  see  15,  36;  Luke  2,  15.     K.  ^  315.  1. 
The  verb  contains  the  idea  both  of  selection  and  consecration.  — 


^j 


206  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XIII,  3.  4. 

o,  unto  ichich,  without  tlie  preposition  because  the  antecedent  lias 
it;  comp.  77  ^/'X"^  ^'^  ^'  ^^ •  — Trpoa-KeKXrjiJiai  has  a  middle  sense.  W. 
i  39.  3.  The  nature  of  this  work,  not  stated  here,  we  learn,  from 
the  subsequent  narrative  ;  they  were  to  go  into  foreign  countries 
and  publish  the  gospel  to  Jews  and  Gentiles.  Tlie  great  object 
of  the  mission  was  doubtless  to  open  more  eflectually  "  the  door 
of  faith  to  the  heathen." 

V.  3.  Tore,  K.  T.  A..,  Then  ] bating  fasted,  etc.  This  was  a  differ- 
ent fast  from  that  spoken  of  in  v.  2,  and  observed  probably  by 
the  body  of  the  church.  —  On  cTrt^eVres  ras  x^^P^s  avroL^,  see  6,  6. 
The  act  was  a  representative  one,  and  though  performed  by  a 
part  involves  the"idea_af  a  general  participation.  Paul  was  al- 
ready a  minister  and  an  apostle  (see  Gal.  1, 1  sq.,  where  he  claims 
this  character  from  the  ^^utsej;),  and  by  tliis  service  he  and  Barna- 
bas were  now  merely  set  apart  for  the  accomplishment  of  a 
specific  work.  They  were  summoned  to  a  renewed  and  more  sys- 
tematic prosecution  of  the  enterprise  of  converting  the  heathen  ; 
see  on  9,30;  11,20.  —  airiXva-av,  sent  away.  That  the  subject 
of  this  verb  includes  the  Antiochian  Christians  in  general,  may 
be  argued  from  the  analogous  case  in  15,  40.  The  brethren 
commended  Paul  to  God  as  he  departed  on  his  second  mission. 

Verses  4-12.      The  Journey  to  Cyprus,  and  its  Rcsidts. 

V.  4.  eK7re,o:^^evres.  We  may  place  this  mission  in  the  year 
A.  D.  45^  It  does  not  appear  that  they  remained  long  at  Antioch 
before  their  departure.  See  the  note  on  12,  25.  —  ets  t^v  teXf.v- 
K€iav.  Seleucia  lay  west  of  Antioch,  on  the  sea-coast,  five  miles 
^north  of  the  mouth  of  the  Orontcs.  It  was  situated  on  the  rocky 
eminence,  forming  the  southern  extremity  of  the  hilly  range 
called  Pieria.  The  harbor  and  mercantile  .sulrurb  were  on  level 
ground  towards  the  west.  A  village  called  A"t^kia  and  iateiest- 
jng  ruins  point  out  the  ancient  site.  "  The  inner  basin,  or  dock, 
(there  were  two  ports)  is  now  a  morass ;  but  its  dimensions  can 
be  measured,  and  the  walls  that  surrounded  it  can  be  distinctly 
traced.  The  position  of  the  ancient  flood-gates,  and  the  passage 
through  which  the  vessels  were  moved  from  the  inner  to  the 
outer  harbor,  can  be  accurately  marked.  The  very  piers  of  the 
outer  harbor  are  still  to  be  seen  under  the  water.  The  stones 
are  of  great  size,  some  of  them  twenty  feet  long,  five  feet  deep, 
.and  six  feet  wide  ;  and  are  fastened  to  each  other  with  iron 
cramps.  The  masonry  of  ancient  Selucia  is  still  so  good,  that 
not  long  since  a  Turkish  Pacha  conceived  the  idea  of  clearing 


Chap.  XIII,  4.  5.  COMMENTARY.  207 

out  and  repairing  the  harbor."  See  authorities  in  Howson.  Those 
piers  were  still  unbroken,  this  great  seaport  of  the  Seleucids 
Eind  the  Ptolemies  was  as  magnificent  as  ever,  under  the  sway 
of  the  Romans,  when  Paul  and  Barnabas  passed  through  it  on 
their  present  mission.  Whether  they  came  doum  [KarrjXSov) 
from  the  interior  to  the  coast  by  land,  or  by  water,  is  uncertain. 
The  windings  of  the  river  make  the  distance  about  forty-one 
miles,  bat  by  land  it  is  only  sixteen  miles  and  a  half.  At  present, 
the  Orontes  is  not  navigable,  in  consequence  of  a  bar  at  the 
mouth,  and  other  obstructions;  but  Strabo  says  (16.  2),  that  in 
his  time  they  sailed  up  the  stream  in  one  day.  The  road,  though 
it  is  now  mostly  overgrown  with  shrubs,  was  then  doubtless  a 
well  worn  track  like  the  road  from  the  Piraeus  to  Athens,  or  from 
Ostia  to  Rome.  At  Seleucia,  the  two  missionaries  with  their 
companion  went  on  board  (aTreTrXevo-av)  one  of  the  numerous  ves- 
sels which  must  have  been  constantly  plying  between  that  port 
and  the  fertile  Cyprus.  "  As  they  cleared  the  port,  the  whole 
sweep  of  the  bay  of  Antioch  opened  on  their  left,  —  the  low 
ground  by  the  mouth  of  the  Orontes,  —  the  wild  and  woody 
country  beyond  it,  —  and  then  the  peak  of  Mount  Cassius,  rising 
symmetrically  from  the  very  edge  of  the  sea  to  a  height  of  five 
thousand  feet.  On  the  right,  in  the  south-west  horizon,  if  the 
day  was  clear,  they  saw  the  island  of  Cyprus  from  the  first. 
The  current  sets  northerly  and  north-east  between  the  island  and 
the  Syrian  coast.  But  with  a  fair  wind,  a  few  hours  would  ena- 
ble them  to  run  down  from  Seleucia  to  Salamis ;  and  the  land 
would  rapidly  rise  in  forms  well  known  and  familiar  to  Barnabas 
and  Mark."  Howson,  I.  p.  169.  The  fact  that  Barnabas  was  a 
native  of  Cyprus  (4,  36)  may  have  induced  them  to  give  this 
direction  to  their  journey. 

V.  5.  Koi  yev6[j.evot  iv  ^aXafxivt.,  And  having  arrived  in  Salamis. 
This  town  was  on  the  eastern  shore  of  Cyprus,  "  on  a  bight  of 
the  coast  to  the  north  of  the  river  Pedieeus.  A  large  cityT5y  the 
sea-shore,  a  wide-spread  plain  with  corn-fields  and  orchards,  and 
the  blue  distance  of  mountains  beyond,  composed  the  view  on 
which  the  eyes  of  Barnabas  and  Saul  rested  when  they  came  to 
anchor  in  the  bay  of  Salamis." — rais  o-uvaywyaTs  indicates  that 
the  Jews  here  were  numerous,  since  in  other  places  where  they 
were  few  they  had  only  one  synagogue  ;  comp.  17,  1 ;  18,  4. 
This  intimation  is  confirmed  by  ancient  testimony.  In  the  time 
of  Trajan,  A.  D.  116,  the  Jews  in  Cyprus  were  so  powerful  that 
they  rose  and  massacred  two  hundred  and  forty  thousand  of  the 
Greek   inhabitants    (Dio    Cass.    68.   32).      In   revenge   for   this 


208  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XHI,  6. 

slaughter,  Hadrian,  who  was  afterwards  emperor,  landed  on  the 
island,  and  either  put  to  death  or  expelled  the  entire  Jewish  pop- 
ulation. At  the  time  of  Paul's  visit,  many  of  the  Cyprian  Jews 
must  have  resided  at  Salamis,  wliich  was  the  seat  of  a  lucrative 
commerce.  —  et^ov  ....  vTrrjpirrfv,  and  they  had  also  John  (see  12, 
25)  as  an  assistujit  —  in  what?  »cai,  as  I  think,  recalls  most  natu- 
rally Kar-qyyfXov  tov  Xoyov ;  and  J;he^-.answcr  would  he  that  he  as- 
sisted them  in  the  declaration  of  the  word.  Compare  26,  16; 
Luke  1,  2  ;  1  Cor.  4,  1.  But  the  view  of  most  eritics  is  different ; 
they  suppose  John  to  have  had  charge  of  the  incidental  cares 
of  the  party,  so  as  to  leave  Paul  and  Barnabas  more  at  liberty 
to  preach  the  gospel.  We  are  not  informed  how  long  they  re- 
mained at  Salamis,  or  what  success  attended  their  labors. 

V.  6.  huXBovT^';,  K.  T.  A.,  And  having  passed  through  the  ichole 
island  unto  Paphos,  which  was  at  the  other  end  of  Cyprus.  The 
city  intended  here  was  7iew  Paphos,  in  distinction  from  the  old 
city  of  that  name,  which  was  several  miles  farther  .south.  The 
distance  from  east  to  west  was  not  more  than  a  hundred  miles. 
The  Peutingerian  Table^  (which  dates  probably  from  the  time 
of  Alexander  Severus,  i.  e.  about  A.  D.  230)  represents  a  public 
road  as  extending  from  Salamis  to  Paphos.  If  that  road  existed 
at  this  earlier  period,  Paul  arrived  at  Pa})hos  in  a  short  time,  and 
without  difficulty.  The  present.  Baffa  occupies  the  site  of  that 
city.  —  fvpov  TLva.  fidyov,  found  a  certain  Magian,  which,  was  liis 
professional  title,  since  it  stands  for  'EXi'/xas  in  v.  8  ;  not  sorcerer 
(E.  v.),  which  would  be  Q]iprobrious.  —  ij/ev8o7rpo(j>i]Triv  is  thejiar=- 
rator's  term  for  describing  him ;  he  was  a  fortune-teller,  but  his  art 
was  an  imposition.  It  may  appear  singular  that  a  person  of  his 
character  should  so  mislead  and  captivate  the  pnident  Sergius. 
But  the  incident  presents  in  fact  a  true  picture  of  the  times. 
At  that  period  (I  abridge  Mr.  Howson's  paragraph  here)  impos- 
tors from  the  East,  pretending  to  magical  powers,  had  great 
inffiience  over  the  Roman  mind.  The  East  but  recently  thrown 
open  was  the  land  of  mysteiy  to  the  western  nations.  Rejjorts 
of  tlie  strange  arts  practised  there,  of  the  wonderful  events  of 
which  it  was  the  scene,  excited  almost  fanatically  the  imagina- 
tion both  of  the  populace  and  the  aristocracy  of  Rome.  Syrian 
fortune-tellers  crowded  the  capital,  and  appeared  in  all  the 
haunts  of  business  and  amusement.  The  strongest  minds  were 
not  superior  to  their  influence.  Marius  relied  on  a  Jewish 
•  prophetess  for  regulating  the  progress  of  liis  campaigns.    Pompey, 

1  Sec  Forbigcr's  Handbuch  der  altcn  Geographic,  Vol.  I.  p.  469  sq. 


Chap.XIII,  7.  COMMENTARY.  209 

Crassus,  and  Caesar  sought  information  from  Oriental  astrology. 
Juvenal  paints  to  us  the  Emperor  Tiberius  "  sitting  on  the 
rock  of  Capri,  with  his  flock  of  Chaldaeans  round  him."  The 
astrologers  and  sorcerers,  says  Tacitus,  are  a  class  of  men  who 
"  will  always  be  discarded  and  always  cherished." 

V.  7.  OS  ^v,  K.  T.  X.,  ivho  teas  with  the  -pmconsul  Serghis  Faulus. 
It  would  not  have  been  correct  to  apply  this  title  to  the  governor 
of  every  Roman  province,  or  even  to  the  governor  of  the  same 
province  at  different  periods.  It  was  so  difficult  to  observe  accu- 
racy in  the  use  of  the  varying  titles  given  to  Roman  magistrates, 
that  several  of  the  classic  authors  of  this  period  have,  beyond  all 
question,  misapplied  them  in  various  instances.  Luke  was  ex- 
posed to  error  in  this  passage  on  the  right  hand  and  on  the  left. 
On  the  establishment  of  the  empire,  Augustus  divided  the  prov- 
inces into  two  classes.  Those  which  required  a  military  force 
he  retained  in  his  own  hands,  and  the  others  he  committed  to 
the  care  of  the  Senate  and  the  Roman  people.  The  officers  or 
Governors  sent  into  the  emperor's  provinces  were  styled  proprae- 
tors or  legates  {jyroprcetores,  legati,  or  avTiaTpaTrjyoi,  Trpecr/^eurat) ; 
those  sent  into  the  people's  proviiices  were  called  proconsuls 
(proconsules,  avSvTraTOL).  Cyprus,  then,  must  have  been  a  senato- 
rial! province  at  this  time,  or  Luke  has  assigned  to  Sergius  a 
false  title.  But,  further,  the  same  province  was  often  transferred 
from  one  jurisdiction  to  another.  Thus,  in  the  present  instance, 
Augustus  at  first  reserved  Cyprus  to  himself  and  committed  its 
administration  to  propraetors,  or  legates.  Strabo  informs  us  of 
that  circumstance,  and  there  leaves  the  matter.  Hence  it  was 
supposed  for  a  long  time  that  Luke  had  committed  an  oversight 
here,  or  had  styled  Sergius  proconsul  without  knowing  the  exact 
import  of  the  appellation.  But  a  passage  was  discovered  at 
length  in  Dio  Cassius  (53.  12),  which  states  that  Augustus  sub- 
sequently relinquished  Cyprus  to  the  Senate  in  exchange  for 
another  province,  and  (54.  4)  that  it  was  governed  henceforth  by 

proconsuls :     koI    ovtws    avSv-rraTOC    kol    €S    e/cetva    to.    'I^t]    TrifXTreaSat 

i]p^avTo.  Coins,  too,  have  been  found,  struck  in  the  reign  of 
Claudius,  which  confirm  Luke's  accuracy.  Bishop  Marsh  men- 
tions one  on  which  this  very  title,  uvSvTraro?,  is  applied  to 
Cominius  Proclus,  a  governor  of  Cyprus.  It  was  in  the  reign  of 
Claudius  that  Paul  visited  this  island.  For  similar  confirmations 
of  our  histoiy,  see  on  18,  12;  19,  38.  —  trweTw,  intelligent,  discern- 
ing. It  may  have  been  his  possession  of  this  quahty  that 
prompted  him  to  seek  the  acquaintance  of  Elymas ;  he  may 
have  hoped  to  gain  from  him  that  deeper  knowledge  of  futurity 
27 


210  COMMENTARY.  Ciiai-.  XIII,  8.  9. 

and  of  the  mysteries  of  nature  which  the  human  mind  craves  so 
instinctively.  It  certainly  was  proof  of  his  discernment,  that  he 
was  not  deceived  by  the  man";?  pretensions  ;  that,  on  hearing  of 
the  arrival  of  Paul  and  Barnabas,  he  sent  for  them,  aiid  on  the 
strength  of  the  evidence  which  confirmed  their  doctrine,  yielded 
his  mind  to  it.  —  i-Tre^-^rjo-ev,  desired  earnestly.  —  tov  Xoyov  toC  Seov, 
the  word  of  God,  designates  the  new  doctrine  from  Luke's 
point  of  view  (Mey.). 

V.  8.  'EXv/ttas  is  an  Arabic  word  wliich  means  the  uise.  It 
was  a  title  of  honor,  hke  6  /Aayos,  to  which  it  is  here  put  as 
equivalent.  He  was  born,  perhaps,  in  Arabia,  or  had  lived  there ; 
and  may  have  assumed  tliis  name  in  a  boastful  spirit,  or  may 
have  received  it  from  others,  as  a  compliment  to  his  skiU.  — 
^t;tu)v  ....  TTioTco)?,  seeking  to  turn  aside  the  proconsul  from  the 
faith,  i.  e.  from  adopting  it ;  for  he  was  not  yet  a  believer  (see  v. 

12). 

V.  9.  6  Koi  TiavXo^,  the  also  Paul  =  6  kol  koAov/aci'o?  navAos.  6 
is  the  article  here,  not  a  pronoun.  W;  ^  18.  1.  The  origin  of 
tliis  name  is  still  disputed.  Among  the  later  critics,  Olshausen 
and  Meyer  adhere  to  the  older  view,  that  Paul  assumed  it  out 
of  respect  to  Sergius  Paulus,  who  was  converted  by  liis  instru- 
mentality. But  had  the  writer  connected  the  name  with  that 
event,  he  would  have  introduced  it  more  naturally  after  v.  12. 
He  makes  use  of  it,  it  will  be  observed,  before  speaking  of  the 
proconsul's  conversion.  Neander  objects  further,  that  it  was 
customary  among  the  ancients  for  the  pupil  to  adopt  the  name 
of  the  teacher,  not  the  teacher  to  adopt  that  of  the  pupil.  There 
is  force,  too,  in  his  remark,  that,  according  to  this  view,  the  apos- 
tle would  seem  to  recognize  the  salvation  of  a  distinguished 
]ierson  as  more  important  than  that  of  others ;  for  that  Sergius 
was  his  first  convert  from  heathenism,  and  received  this  honor 
on  that  account,  assumes  incorrectly  that  he  had  preached  hith- 
erto to  none  but  those  of  his^own  nation.  It  is  more  probable 
that  Paul  acquired  this  name  like  other  Jews  in  that  age ;  who, 
when  they  associated  with  foreigners,  had  often  two  names,  the 
one  JcM-ish,  the  other  foreign;  sometimes  entirely  distinct,  as 
Onias  and  Menelaus,  Hillel  and  Pollio,  and  sometimes  similar  in 
i-ound,  as  Tarphon  and  Tryi)ho,  Silas  and  Silvanus.  In  like 
manner  the  apostle  may  have  been  known  as  Saul  among  the 
Jews,  and  Paul  among  the  heathen ;  and,  being  a  native  of  a 
foreign  city,  as  Lightfoot  suggests,  he  may  have  borne  the  two 
names  from  early  life.  This  explanation  of  the  origin  of  the 
name  accounts  for  its  introduction  at  this  stage  of  the  history. 


Chap.  XIII,  10-12.  COMMENTARY.  211 

It  is  here  for  the  first  time  that  Luke  speaks  directly  of  Paul's  la- 
bors among  the  heathen ;  and  it  is  natural  that  he  should  apply  to 
him  the  name  by  which  he  was  chiefly  known  in  that  sphere  of 
his  ministry.  According  to  some,  the  name  changes  here,  because 
Luke  has  followed  hitherto  written  memoranda,  in  which  the 
apostle  was  called  Saul  (Neand.  Alf ).  This  hypothesis  is  un- 
necessary, and  improbable.  Luke  had  no  need  of  such  memoirs, 
as  he  could  learn  from  Paul  himself  all  that  he  has  related  of 
him ;  and  further,  the  style  of  what  precedes,  instead  of  indicat- 
ing a  different  hand,  is  homogeneous  with  that  which  follows. 
Zeller,  though  he  denies  that  Luke  wrote  the  Acts,  maintains 
that  a  single  author  must  have  written  it.  —  TrAi^o-^et?,  k.  t.  X.  He 
was  thus  impelled  to  expose  the  man's  wickedness,  and  to  an- 
nounce his  punishment. 

V.  10.  SoXov,  deceit,  refers  to  his  occupation;  paStovpyms,  tcick- 
edness,  to  his  character.  —  vli  SLa(36Xov,  son  of  the  devil.  The 
kindredshij)  is  that  of  disposition,  moral  resemblance ;  see  John 
8,  44.  The  second  noun  is  sufficiently  definite  to  omit  the  article. 
W.  h  19.  1.  It  has  the  article,  however,  in  other  passages,  ex- 
cept 1  Pet.  5,  8,  where  it  stands  in  apposition.  —  ov  Travarj  .... 
€v^€tas ;  Wilt  thou  not  cease  to  pervert,  i.  e.  to  misrepresent,  malign, 
the  right  ways  of  the  Lord  ?  viz.  those  which  he  requires  men  to 
follow,  as  repentance,  faith,  obedience.  It  was  Christian  truth, 
the  gospel,  which  he  opposed.  Most  critics  prefer  the  interroga- 
tive form  of  the  sentence  as  more  forcible  than  the  declarative. 
ov  denies  7ravcrrj=2yersL'it  (W.  j  57.  3),  and  implies  the  ordinary 
affii*mative  answer.  ev3eLa<i  suggests  possibly  a  contrast  with  the 
impostor's  own  ways,  so  full  of  deceit  and  obliquity. 

V.  11.  x"P  KvpLov  sc.  ioTL,  hand  of  the  Lord;  here  God  perhaps 
as  the  phrase  is  common  in  the  Old  Testament. — ctti  a-e,  upon  thee, 
viz.  i.  e.  for  punishment;  in  a  good  sense,  in  11,  21. — /ai)  ^Xi-Khw 
states  a  consequence,  hence  /xi/,  not  ov.  —  a;^t  Kaipov,  until  a  season, 
a  certain  time ;  comp.  Luke  4,  13  The  infliction  would  be  tem- 
porary;  either  because  the  object  (see  next  verse)  did  not  require 
it  to  be  permanent,  or  because  the  mildness  might  conduce  to  the 
man's  repentance.  —  d;i(Xi)s  koI  o-kotos,  a  mist  and  darkness,  related 
as  cause  and  effect ;  or  by  degrees,  first  one  and  then  the  other. 
—  llrjTii  states  his  habit  (imperf)  during  the  period  of  his  blind- 
ness. 

V.  12.  exTrXT/o-o-o'/Aevos  ....  Kvpiov,  being  astonished  at  the  doctrine 
of  the  Lord,  i.  e.  its  confirmation  by  such  a  miracle,  comp.  Mark 
1,  27.  7^-~ 


212  COMMENTARY  Chap.  XIIL  13.  14. 


Verses   13-15.      Theij  j)roceed  to  Perga,  and  tJicnce  to  Antioch  in 
Pisidia. 

V.  13.  dmx-^eVres,  having  jnit  to  sea,  lit.  having  ^one  up  (note 
the  etymology),  because  the  sea  appears  higher  than  the  land. 
Paphos  was  on  the  sea-shore,  and  they  would  embark  at  that 
place.  —  ol  ircpl  Tov  IlaCAov,  Paul  and  his  compactions.  irepL  pre- 
sents the  name  after  it  as  the  central  object  of  the  group,  see 
John  11,  19.  W.  'J  53.  i.  Hitherto  the  order  has  been  Barnabas 
and  Saul ;  but  from  this  time  Paul  appears  in  the  narrative  as 
the  principal  person,  and  Barnabas  as  subordinate.  —  ^XS^ov  ek 
JJipyrjv,  came  unto  Perga.  They  must  have  "  sailed  past  the 
promontories  of  Drepanum  and  Acamas,  and  then  across  the 
waters  of  the  Pamphylian  Sea,  leaving  on  the  right  the  cliffs 
(six  hundred  feet  high)  which  form  the  western  boundary  of 
Cilicia,  to  the  innermost  bend  of  the  bay  of  Attaleia."  Perga 
was  the  chief  city  of  Pamphylia,  situated  on  the  Cestrus,  about 
seven  miles  from  its  mouth.  A  bar  obstructs  the  entrance  of  this 
river  at  the  present  time  ;  but  Strabo  (14.  4)  says  expressly  that 
it  was  navigable  in  his  day  as  far  up  as  Perga.  The  ruins  of 
this  city  are  to  be  seen  still,  sixteen  miles  northeast  of  the  mod- 
ern Adalia,  or  Satalia.  They  consist  of  "walls  and  towers,  col- 
umns and  cornices,  a  theatre  and  a  stadium,  a  broken  aqueduct, 
and  tombs  scattered  on  both  sides  of  the  site  of  the  town.  Noth- 
ing else  remains  of  Perga  but  the  beauty  of  its  natural  situation, 
between  and  upon  the  sides  of  two  hills,  with  an  extensive  val- 
ley in  front,  watered  by  the  river  Cestrus,  and  backed  by  the 
mountains  of  the  Taurus."  i  — 'Iwavi/T?s,  k.  t.  A.,  Why  John  Mark 
loft  them  so  abruptly  is  unknown.  It  is  certain  from  15,  38  (see 
the  note  there)  that  his  reason  for  turning  back  was  not  one  which 
Paul  approved.  He  returned  not  to  Antioch,  but  Jerusalem, 
where  his  home  was  (12,  12). 

V.  14.  avToi,  they  themselves,  unaccompanied  l)y  their  former 
associate.  —  ciTro  r^s  liipyq^.  The  stay  at  Perga,  therefore,  was 
brief;  they  did  not  even  preach  there  at  this  time ;  comp.  14,  25. 
"VVTiat  occasioned  this  singular  haste  ?  Very  possibly,  as  Howson 
suggests,  they  arrived  there  in  the  spring  of  the  year,  and,  in 
order  to  prosecute  their  journey  into  the  interior,  were  obliged  to 
advance  without  delay.  "  Earlier  in  the  season  the  passes  would 
htn-e  been  filled  with  snow.    In  the  heat  of  summer  the  weather 

1  Sir  C.  Fellows's  "Asia  Minor,"  pp.  190-193. 


-n 
1 


Chap.  XIII,  U.  15.  COMMENTARY.  213 

would  have  been  less  favorable  for  the  expedition.  In  the  au- 
tumn the  disadvantages  would  have  been  still  greater,  from  the 
approaching  difficulties  of  winter."  On  the  journey  from  the 
coast  to  the  interior,  Paul  may  liave  encountered  some  of  the 
"  perils  of  robbers"  (klvSvvols  XrjaTwv)  and  "  perils  of  rivers  "  (kivSi;- 
vots  TTora/xaJv),  to  wliich  he  alludes  in  2  Cor.  11,  26.  The  maraud- 
ing habits  of  the  people  on  the  mountains  which  he  now  crossed 
were  notorious  in  all  ancient  history.  The  country  swarmed  with 
banditti  of  the  most  desperate  character.  The  physical  charac- 
ter of  the  region  exposed  him,  also,  to  the  other  class  of  dangers. 
The  streams  here  are  numerous  and  violent,  beyond  those  of  any 
other  tract  in  Asia  Minor.  Torrents  "  burst  out  at  the  base  of 
huge  cliffs,  or  dash  down  wildly  through  narrow  ravines."  See 
Howson  for  fuller  information  on  these  points.  —  cis  'AvTto;^€tav. 
Antioch,  which  lay  north  from  Perga,  was  on  the  central  table- 
land of  Asia  Minor,  on  the  confines  of  Pisidia  and  Phrygia.  It 
was  built  by  the  founder  of  the  Syrian  Antioch.  Under  Augus- 
tus it  rose  to  the  rank  of  a  colony.  It  was  now  an  important 
^city,  inhabited  by  many  Greeks,  Ptomans,  and  Jews,  in  addition 
to  its  native  population.  The  site  of  Antioch  was  first  identified 
by  Mr.  Arundel  in_l&33.  —  twv  aa/S/SaTwv,  of  the  Sabbath,  i.  e.  the 
rest  season.  The  plural  arose  probably  from  the  fact,  that 
such"  a  season  included  often  more  than  one  day.  See  W.  k 
27.   3. 

V.  15.  jnera  Se  r-i]v  dvayvwcrti/,  k.  t.  X.  The  practice  of  reading 
the  Scriptures  in  this  manner  grew  up  probably  during  the  exile. 
Win.  Realw.  II.  p.  548.  vo/aos  here  designates  the  Pentateuch ; 
Trpo^^rat,  the  other  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  see  Matt.  5,  17  ; 
Luke  16,  16,  etc.  The  Psalms  formed  sometimes  a  third  division, 
see  Luke  24,  44.  —  dTreWciXav,  sc.  v-rnqpiT-qv  (Luke  4,  20),  the  nilers 
of  the  synagogue  (see  on  9,  2)  sent  unto  them  a  servant.  It  may 
have  been  knoAvn  that  they  were  teachers,  or,  as  Hemsen  sug- 
gests, they  may  have  occupied  a  seat  which  indicated  that  such 
was  their  office.  — Iv  viuv,  in  you,  in  your  minds  ;  comp.  Gal.  1, 
16;  Phil.  1,  5.  —  TrapaKXijcrfws,  exhortation.  The  object  was  to  in- 
cite them  to  a  stricter  observance  of  the  law. 

Verses   16-41.      Tlte  Discourse  of  Paul  at  Antioch. 

The  topics  are,  first,  the  goodness  of  God  to  Israel,  especially 
in  having  promised  to  send  to  them  a  Saviour,  16-25;  secondly, 
Jesus  has  been  proved  to  be  this  Saviour,  by  his  death  and  res- 
urrection, in  accordance  with  the  prophecies  of  the  Old  Testa- 


2U  C  0  M  :\r  E  N  T  A  E  Y .  Chap.  XIII,  16-20 

ment,  26-37 ;  and,  thirdly,  it  is  the  duty  of  men  to  receive  him  in 
this  character,  since  they  can  be  saved  in  no  other  way,  38-41. 

V.  16.  Karao-eio-as  rrj  x^tpi  (comp.  on  12,  16)  was  the  customary  /-n 
gesture  on  rising  to  speak.  It  betokened  respect  for  the  audience  > 
and  a  request  for  attention.  —  ol  (fiofSovfxo'ot  tov  ^eov,  who  fear 
God,  as  in  10,  2,  i.  e.  Gentiles  Avho  were  friendly  to  Judaism,  but 
uncircumcised.  They  occupied,  it  is  said,  a  separate  place  in  the 
synagogue.  The  contents  of  the  address  show  that  the  Israelites 
greatly  outnumbered  that  class  of  the  hearers.  This  discourse  de- 
serves the  more  attention,  as  furnishing  so  copious  an  illustration 
of  the  apostle's  manner  of  preaching  to  the  Jews. 

V.  17.  vij/wcrev,  exalted,  made  them  numerous  and  powerful. — 
iv  yfj,  in  the  land.  For  the  absence  of  the  article,  see  on  7,  29. 
/ACTtt  ^paxLovo's  v\prjkov,  ivith  a  high  arm,  i.  e.  one  raised  on  high,  and 
so  ever  ready  to  protect  and  defend  them ;  comp.  Ex.  6,  6. 

V.  18.  eTpo(/)o^o/3ijcrev  =  d)S  Tpo(/)os  c^acrrao-ev,  carried  them  as  a 
nurse  (in  the  arras  as  it  were),  sustained,  cared  for  them.  The 
term  is  derived  probably  from  Dent.  1,  31.  IVIost  of  the  later 
editors  prefer  this  word  to  cVpoTroc^opT/o-ev,  endured  their  manners. 
It  suits  the  connection  better  than  the  other  Avord,  since  what  the 
apostle  \vould  bring  to  view  here  is  not  so  much  the  forbearance 
of  God  towards  his  people,  as  his  interpositions,  his  direct  efforts 
in  their  behalf  iTpo(f>o<f>6pr]a€v  is  well  attested  also,  though  the 
evidence  is  not  decisive. 

V.  19.  iSvT]  kirra.,  seven  nations.  See  their  names  in  Deut^JZ,^^ 
They  were  the  principal  tribes  in  Palestine  at  that  time.  —  Iv  yy, 
anarthrous  as  above.  —  KaT€KX7]pov6iJ.r]aev  airoLs,  assigned  to  them  as 
a  2)o,sscssion  ;  Hellenistic  for  the  Hiphil  of  bn:.'  —  W^v  yrjv  avrwv, 
their  land  by  promise,  gift ;  or,  better,  henceforth  theirs  and  that 
of  their  descendants. 

V.  20.  ixera  ravra,  after  these  things,  viz.  the  conquest  and  oc- 
cupation of  the  country.  —  m  h-ecn  ....  Kptras,  during  about,  four 
hundred  andffty  years  he  gave  Judges.  For  the  dative,  see  on  8, 
11.  This  number  is  the  sum  of  the  years  assigned  in  the  Old 
Testament  to  the  administration  of  the  judges  from  the  time  of 
Josluia  to  the  death  of  Eli,  added  to  the  sum  of  the  years  during 
which  the  nation  was  subject  to  foreign  oppressors.  Hence  it 
would  1)0  very  natural  for  the  Jews  to  speak  of  four  hundred  and 
fifty  years  as  the  proximate  number  of  years  during  which  the 
judges  ruled.  But  whether  the  computation  arose  in  that  way, 
or  some  other,  it  was  certainly  in  use  among  the  Jews  ;  for  Jose- 

'  For  tiic  origin  of  such  Hebraisms,  see  the  writer's  Hebrew  Exerci.-^es,  \^.  96. 


Chap.  XIII,  20.  COMMENTARY.  215 

plius  (Antt.  8.2.  1)  gives  the  time  from  the  departure  out  of 
Egypt  till  the  building  of  the  temple  as  five  hundred  and  ninty- 
two  years.  If  we  deduct  from  that  the  forty  years  in  the  wil- 
derness, twenty-five  for  the  administration  of  Joshua  (Antt.  5.  1. 
29,  not  stated  in  the  Old  Testament),  forty  for  Saul's  reign  (see  v. 
21),  forty  for  David's,  and  four  under  Solomon  (1  Kings  6,  1),  we 
have  for  the  period  of  the  judges  four  hundred  and  forty-three 
years,  which  the  apostle  could  call,  in  round  numbers,  about  four 
hundred  and  fifty  years.  It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  Paul  has 
followed  here  a  mode  of  reckoning  which  was  current  at  that 
time,  and  which,  being  a  well-known  received  chronology,  wheth- 
er coiTect  or  incorrect  in  itself  considered,  was  entirely  correct 
for  his  object,  which  was  not  to  settle  a  question  about  dates, 
but  to  recall  to  the  minds  of  those  whom  he  addressed  a  par- 
ticular portion  of  the  Jewish  history.  The  Hebrews  had  still 
another  computation,  as  appears  from  1  Kings  6,  1.  The  time 
from  the  exodus  to  the  building  of  the  temple  is  there  given  as 
four  hundred  and  eighty  years  ;  which  (deducting  the  other  dates 
as  stated  above)  would  allow  but  two  hundred  and  thirty-one 
years  for  the  period  of  the  judges.  In  regard  to  such  differences, 
see  also  on  7,  6.  Some  of  the  best  critics  read  ws  crecn  TeTpaKoo-tois 
Ktti  Tr€VTr]KovTa  Koi  fjieTo.  ravra.  The  four  hundred  and  fifty  years 
belong  then  to  the  preceding  verse,  and  may  be  the  years  from  the 
birth  of  Isaac  when  God  showed  that  he  had  chosen  the  fathers,to 
the  distribution  of  the  land  of  Canaan.  Adding  together  sixty  years 
from  the  birth  of  Isaac  to  that  of  Jacob,  one  hundred  and  thirty 
as  the  age  of  Jacob  on  going  into  Egypt,  two  hundred  and  fifteen 
as  the  sojourn  there,  and  forty-seven  thence  to  the  settlement  of 
the  tribes,  the  sum  is  four  hundred  and  fifty-two.  See  again  on  7,  6. 
This  reading  is  found  in  thej)ldest  manuscripts  (A,  B,  C),  and 
some  others,  and  is  approved  by  Griesbach,  Lachman,  LuthardtJ 
Green,  Wordsworth,  and  others.  The  text  may  have  been  changed 
to  relieve  the  difficulty  (Mey.)  ;  but  it  is  singular  that  the  three 
oldest  witnesses  concur  in  that  variation.  A  summa^ry  decision 
is  not  to  be  pronounced  here.  —  ews  2a/Aou7^X,  unto  Samuel,  who  is 
to  be  included  probably  among  the  judges  ;  or  ews  may  be  taken 
as  exclusive.  How  long  he  governed  is  not  mentioned  in  1  Sam. 
7,  15,  nor  in  28,  3  The  tradition  (Jos.  Antt.  6.  13.  5),  which  is 
not  perhaps  of  much  value,  makes  it  twelve  years,  w?  would 
aUow  us  to  add  these  years  to  four  huntbed  and  fifty,  if  any  one 
prefers  that. 

'  In  Reuter's  Repertorium,  p.  205,  Jahrgang  18.o5. 


216  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XIII,  21-25. 

V.  21.  KaKeiSev,  and  thereafter,  is  here  an  adverb  of  time.  — 
ijT^cravTo,  asked  for  themselves,  etc.  See  1  Sam.  8,  5  ;  10,  1.  —  h~q 
Tea-a-apoLKovTa,  forty  years,  which  agrees  with  Jos.  Aiitt.  6.  14.  9. 
The  Old  Testament  does  not  mention  the  length  of  Saul's 
reign. 

V.  22.  /xerao-TT^o-as  avrov,  having  removed  him,  i.  e.  from  life 
(De  Wet.);  or  from  his  office  (Knin.),  The  two  events  were 
coincident  in  point  of  time.  Saul  reigned  until  his  death,  though 
David  was  anointed  as  prospective  king  during  his  lifetime.  — 
w  .  .  .  .  fxapTvpi^cras,  to  whom  (dat.  conim.)  also  he  testified,  saying. 
The  dative  depends  on  the  participle.  The  apostle  quotes  the 
substance  of  1  Sam.  13,  14,  and  Ps.  89,  21.  This  commendation 
is  not  absolute,  but  describes  the  character  of  David  in  compari- 
son with  that  of  Saul.  The  latter  was  rejected  for  his  disobe- 
dience and  impiety ;  David,  on  the  contrary,  was  always  faithful 
to  the  worship  of  Jehovah,  and  performed  his  commands  as  they 
were  made  known  to  liim  by  revelation,  or  the  messengers  whom 
God  sent  to  him. 

V,  23.  Jesus  could  not  be  the  Messiah,  unless  he  were  de- 
scended from  David,  tovtov  stands  first  in  order  to  give  promi- 
nence to  his  descent  from  that  source.  —  kot  cVayyeXiav,  according 
to  "promise,  as  made  to  the  fathers  (v.  32)  ;  not  to  David  merely. 

V.  24.  'Iwawov.  The  Jews  acknowledged  John's  authority  as 
a  prophet,  and  were  bound,  therefore,  to  admit  his  testimony.  — 
Trpo  TTpocrwTrov  (:^"'3ab)  Trj<;  etcroSov,  before  his  entrance,  i.  e.  upon  his 
,1  public  ministry;  see  Matt.  11,  10:  Luke  7,  27.  —  ^(XTma-fxa  yu-cra- 
voias,  baptism  of  repentance,  i.  e.  such  as  required  repentance  on 
the  part  of  those  who  received  it;  see  19,  4. 

V.  25.  (Ls  .  .  .  •  hpofxov,  Noio  as  John  wa<t  finishing  his  course, 
was  near  its  close  (De  Wet.  Mey.)  ;  not  ivhile  he  was  completing 
it  (Kuin.  Olsh.).  The  forerunner  was  about  to  be  Imprisoned 
when  he  bore  this  testimony  to  his  successor. — nVa /te,  k.  t.  A., 
Whcnn  do  ye  suppose  that  I  am?  I  am  not,  viz.  the  Messiah.  The 
predicate  is  omitted  as  well  known;  comp.  Mark  13,  6;  Luke  21, 
8;  John  13,  19.  Some  critics  (Calv.  Raph.  Kuin.)  exclude  the 
question,  and  render,  lie  whom  (nVa  =  omi/a)  ye  suppose,  I  am  not. 
This  punctuation  does  violence  to  the  pronoun,  while  the  sense 
has  no  advantage  over  the  other.  See  W.  \  25.  1.  —  ep^^rai /act 
ifxt,  K.  T.  X.,  conies  after  me,  etc.  In  tliis  way  he  would  express 
strongly  his  official  and  personal  inferiority  to  Christ.  It  was  an 
office  of  the  lowest  servants,  not  only  among  the  Jews,  but  the 
Greeks  and  Romans,  to  bind  and  unbind  the  sandals  of  their 
masters.     See  Jahn's  Archajol.  i  123. 


Chap.  XIII,  26-28.  COMMENTARY.  217 

V.  26.  avSpe^  aSeX(f)oi,  men,  at  the  same  time  brethren  ;  not  dif- 
ferent classes. —  vfxiu  includes  Ijoth  Jews  and  proselytes. — r^? 
<niiTr}pia<i  TavT7]<;,  of  this  salvation  which  they  preached  (comp.  5, 
20) ;  or  procured  by  Jesus,  named  in  v,  23.  —  aircdrdX-q,  ivas  sent 
forth.,  i.  e.  from  God,  the  author  of  the  word. 

V.  27.  yap  confirms  the  imjilication  in  o-wT'>;pta?  ravT-rj';  in  v.  26, 
viz.  that  Jesus,  whom  Paul  preached,  was  the  promised  Saviour; 
for  {yap)  he  had  suffered  and  been  put  to  death,  and  so  had  ful- 
filled what  was  predicted  of  the  Messiah.  De  Wette,  Winer 
(^  57.  6),  and  others,  maintain  this  view  of  the  connection. 
Meyer  (followed  by  Alf)  opposes  viuv  in  v.  26  to  ol  KaTOLKovvre^ 
here,  i.  e.  the  foreign  Jews,  being  less  guilty,  had  the  message 
of  salvation  sent  to  them,  which  the  other  Jews  had  forfeited. 
This  explanation  arrays  the  passage  against  otlier  passages,  e.  g. 
2,  38 ;  3,  17.  26.  It  was  not  true  that  those  who  crucified  the 
Saviour  excluded  themselves  from  the  offers  of  the  gospel.  — 
TovTov  ....  eirX-qpwa-av,  this  one,  viz.  Jesus  not  having  known,  failed 
to  recognize,  and  the  voices  of  the  propliets  (not  having  known) 
they  fulfilled  them,  viz.  the  prophecies  by  condemning  him  to 
death.  This  is  the  simplest  translation  and  the  one  most  ap- 
proved (Calv.  Grot.  Kuin.  Hmph.).  The  principal  English  ver- 
sions agree  in  this  sense,  dyvor^o-avres  is  milder  than  r]pvrjaaa.^e 
in  3,  13 ;  see  note  there.  In  this  case  we  must  supply  pronouns 
after  KptVavres  and  eTrXr^/Dwo-av,  which  refer  to  different  antecedents. 
The  construction  may  be  harsh,  but  occasions  no  obscurity. 
Meyer  renders  :  Since  they  kneiv  not  this  one  ....  they  also  ful- 
filled the  voices,  etc.  The  Jews  are  usually  represented  as 
rejecting  Christ  because  they  failed  to  discern  the  import  of  the 
predictions  concerning  him.  The  thought  here  would  be  inverted 
somewhat:  the  rejection  appears  as  the  reason  why  they  mis- 
understand and  fulfil  the  prophets.  De  Wette  construes  dyvo-^- 
o-avres  as  a  verb :  they  knciv  him  not,  and  the  voices  ....  fnJfUled. 
This  analysis  secures  more  uniformity  in  the  structure  of  the 
sentence  ;  but  such  a  use  of  the  participle  is  infrequent.  Schole- 
field  translates :  Being  ignorant  of  this  word,  and  the  voices  of  the 
prophets  ....  fulfilled  it  by  condemning  him.  He  assigns  in  this 
way  a  nearer  antecedent  to  rom-ov,  but  must  set  aside  the  more 
obvious  subject  suggested  to  the  mind  by  the  context.  It  is  not 
clear  in  what  sense  he  would  have  us  regard  the  rejection  of 
Christ  as  fulfilling  the  word  or  gospel.  —  tom  Kara.,  k.  t.  X.,  lohich 
are  read  every  Sabbath,  and  hence  their  ignorance  was  the  more 
inexcusable. 

V.  28.  i^rj^efjiCav  ....  cdpovrcs,  although  they  found  no  cause  of 
28 


218  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XIII,  29-33. 

death,  none  that  justified  it,  see  28,  18.  They  charged  liim  with 
blasphemy  and  sedition,  but  could  not  establish  the  accusation. 
See  3,  13 ;  Matt.  27,  24  ;  Luke  23,  22. 

V.'29.  e^r^Kttv  has  the  same  subject  as  the  other  verbs,  see  v. 
27.  The  burial,  however,  was  the  particular  act  of  Joseph  of 
Arimathea  and  Nicodcmus ;  see  John  19,  38  sq.  What  the 
apostle  would  assert  is  that  Cln-ist  had  fulfilled  the  prophecy, 
which  announced  that  he  should  be  put  to  death,  and  rise  again. 
It  was  not  important  that  he  should  discriminate  as  to  the  char- 
acter of  the  agents  in  the  transaction.  Some  translate,  those  who 
took  him  doivn  j)[aced  Jdm,  etc..  The  participle  in  that  relation^o^^ 
to  the  verb  would  require  the  article. 

V.  31.  Tois  (Tvvavafiaaiv  avTw,  those  ivho  came  up  with  him,  i.  e.  the 
Galilean  disciples  who  attended  him  on  his  last  journey  to  Jeru- 
salem. They  knew,  therefore,  what  they  testified ;  their  means 
of  knowledge  had  been  ample.  This  idea  occurs  in  the  Acts 
often.  —  vvv,  now.  The  resurrection  rested  not  on  tradition,  but 
on  the  testimony  of  living  men.  The  English  version,  after  the 
received  text,  omits  this  particle.  —  -n-pos  t6v  \a6v,  unto  the  peoj)le, 
i.  e.  the'  Jews,  see  v  24  ;  10,  42,  etc. 

V.  32.  Kttt  Ty/Acts,  and  so  ice,  i.  e.  in  view  of  these  variou.s 
proofs  that  Jesus  is  the  Messiah ;  see  w.  23.  25.  27.  31.  —  cmyycAi- 
t,6fjL€^a  has  a  double  accusative  only  here.  W.  ^  32.  4.  —  i-n-ayye- 
XtW  stands  in  the  first  clause  with  the  usual  efiect  of  that 
attraction;  see  on  3,  10. 

V.  33.     iKveirXyjpwKe,  has  completely  fulfilled,  stronger  than  lirXrj^ 
pwaav  in  V.  27  ;  because  the  resurrection,  considered  as  involving  | 
the  ascension  and  exaltation,  was  essentially  the  finishing  act  in  ' 
the  fulfilment  of  the  promise  relating  to  the  Messiah.  —  dvao-n^-    t 
o-a?  'lr](Tovv  means,  as  Luther,  Schott,   Stier,  De   Wette,  Meyer, 
Hengstenberg,  Tholuck  and  others,,  decide,  having  raised  vp  Jesus  , 
from  the  grave;  not  having  hrotipht  him  into  existc7icc  (Calv.  Bng. 
Kuin.  Olsh.).     The  mind  attaches  that  sense  to  the  word  most 
readily  after  v.  30.     It  was  unnecessary  to  insert  Ik  veKpwv,  be- 
cause the  context  siiggests  the  specific  meaning :  comp.  2,  24. 
32.     dvao-TT^o-a?,  in  the  sense  of  having  raised  up  merely,  expresses 
too  litlle    for  the  prophecy  which   that  event  is   said   to   have 
fulfilled.     The  original  passage  refers,  not  to  the  incarnation  of 
the  Messiah,  but  to  his  inauguration  or  public  acknowledgment 
on  the  part  of  God  as  the  rightful  Sovereign  of  men.     To  no 
;iiomcnt  in  the  history  of  Christ  would  such  a  prediction  apply 
with  such  significance  as  to  that  of  his  triumphant  resurrection 
from  the  dead.     The  progression  of  the  argument  in  the  next 


Chap.  XIII,  33.  34.  COMMENTARY.  219 

verse  demands  this  interpretation.  To  the  assertion  here  that 
God  had  raised  Jesus  to  hfe  again,  the  apostle  adds  there  that  this 
life  was  one  which  death  would  invade  no  more.  —  ws  /cai,  as  also, 
i.  e.  what  took  place  was  foretold.  —  Trpwro)  «t/'a\/xu>.  The  second 
Psalm  in  our  English  version  is  namedjj^t^e  the  first,  because  in 
some  manuscripts  the  Hebrews  reckoned  the  first  Psalm  merely 
as  prefatory.  Sevripijo  has  much  less  support.  —  wos  .  .  .  .  a-v  (Ps, 
2,  7)  afiirms  the  Sonship  of  the  Messiah,  which  included  his 
divine  nature  ;  see  Rom.  1,  4.  Hence  yeyivvrjKa  ae  cannot  refer 
to  the  origin  of  this  relationship,  but  must  receive  a  figurative 
interpretation ;  either,  I  have  begotten  thee,  brought  thee  into  a 
state  of  glory  and  power  such  as  Christ  assumed  after  his  resur- 
rection as  Mediator  at  the  right  hand  of  God ;  or,  according  to  a 
familiar  Hebrew  usage,  /  have  declared,  exhibited  thee  as  begotten, 
i.  e.  as  my  Son,  viz.  by  the  resurrection  from  the  dead.  The 
thought  here  is  entirely  parallel  to  that  in  Rom.  1,4.  As  to  the 
declarative  sense  of  Hebrew  verbs,  see  the  note  on  10,  15.  — 
a-qixepov,  to-day,  designates  the  precise  point  of  time  on  which  the 
prophet's  eye  was  then  fixed,  viz.  that  of  Christ's  assumption  of 
his  mediatorial  power,  or  that  of  his  open  proclamation  as  Messiah 
on  the  part  of  God  when  he  raised  him  from  the  dead. 

V.  34.  OTL  .  .  .  .  £is  SiacfiSopdv,  Further  (as  proof)  that  he  raised 
him  uj)  from  the  dead  as  one  ivho  loould  die  no  more.  Se  is  progres- 
sive. aveo-Trjo-ev  repeats  the  idea  of  the  foregoing  dmcm^cra?,  for 
the  purpose  of  describing  this  resurrection  more  fully :  it  would 
be  followed  by  no  return  to  death,  c/c  veKpu>v  does  not  distinguish 
the  two  words  as  to  sense,  but  draws  attention  more  strongly  to 
the  contrast  between  the  death  which  he  had  suffered,  and  his 
exemption  from  death  in  future.  ixrjKen  .  .  .  .  cts  StaffiSopdv,  as 
applied  to  Christ,  whose  body  underwent  no  cbange  while  it  re- 
mained in  the  grave,  must  be  equivalent  to  ovKerL  dTro^viyo-Ket  in 
Rom.  6,  9.  The  dissolution  or  corruption  of  the  body  is  the  ordi- 
nary consequent  of  death;  and  hence  in  common  speech,  to 
return  to  corruption  and  to  die,  or  the  opposite,  not  to  return,  to  cor- 
ruption and  7iot  to  die,  are  interchangeable  expressions.  Bengel 
saw  this  import  of  the  phrase.  See  W.  k  66.  10.  The  perpetuity 
of  Christ's  existence  is  an  important  truth  in  the  Christian  system. 
In  Rom.  5,  10,  Paul  urges  it  as  a  ground  of  certainty,  that,  if  men 
believe  on  Christ,  they  will  be  finally  saved,  and  in  Rom.  6,  9,  as 
a  pledge  that,  inasmuch  as  he  "  dies  no  more,  Ave  shall  live  with 
him;"  see  also  John  14,  19;  Heb.  7,  25,  etc.  This  incidental 
agreement  of  the  address  with  Paul's  circle  of  doctrine  speaks 
for  its  genuineness.  —  on  is  the  sign  of  quotation.  —  8ajo-w  .... 


220  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XIII,  35.  36. 

mora  expresses  the  substantial  sense  of  Is.  55,  3:  I  will  give  to 
you,  perform  unto  you,  the  holy,  inviolable  promises  of  David  (i.  e. 
made  to  him),  the  sure.  The  language  is  very  nearly  that  of  the 
Seventy.  One  of  these  promises  was  that  David  should  have  a 
successor  whose  reign  would  be  perpetual,  the  throne  of  whose 
kingdom  God  would  establish  for  ever  and  ever ;  see  2  Sam.  7, 
13  sq.  It  was  essential  to  the  accomphshment  of  that  promise 
that  the  Messiah  should  be  exempt  from  death,  and  hence,  as 
Jesus  had  been  proved  to  be  the  Messiah  by  his  resurrection,  that 
promise  made  it  certain  that  he  would  live  and  reign  henceforth, 
without  being  subject  to  any  interruption  of  liis  existence  or 
power. 

V.  35.  8io  Kai,  Therefore  also,  i.  e.  because  he  was  not  mortal, 
in  further  confirmation  of  that  fact.  —  Iv  iripw,  sc.  i/^oX/xw,  viz.  1 6, 
10.  See  on  2,  25  sq.  The  inspired  declaration  that  the  Messiah 
should  not  experience  the  })ower  of  death  had  not  only  been 
verified  in  his  resurrection,  but  guarantied  that  he  would  not  ex- 
perience that  power  at  any  future  period.  —  Atyet,  sc.  ^co's,  viz. 
through  David;  see  v.  34;  1,  16,  etc. 

V.  36.  yap  vindicates  the  reference  of  the  passage  to  Christ, 
since  it  could  not  apply  to  David. — fiiv  is  antithetic  to  Se  in  v.  37. 
— lSlo.  ycvea  ....  (iovXfj  admits  of  a  twofold  translation.  yeveS.  may 
depend  on  v-n-qp^Trjo-m:  having  served  Ids  own  generation  (been  use- 
ful to  it),  according  to  the  purpose  of  God  (dative  of  norm  or  rule). 
Our  English  translators,  Calvin,  Doddridge,  Robinson,  and  others, 
adopt  this  construction.  OLshausen,  Kuinocl,  De  Wette,  Meyer, 
and  others,  refer  (iov\y  to  the  participle  :  Jiaving  in  his  own  gener- 
ation (dative  of  time),  or  for  it  (dat.  comm.),  served  the  purpose, 
plan  of  God,  i.  e.  as  an  instrument  for  the  execution  of  liis 
designs;  comp.  v.  22.  ycvca,  if  connected  with  the  participle, 
secures  to  it  a  personal  object,  and  in  that  way  forms  a  much 
easier  expression  than  ^ouXfj  with  the  participle.  The  main  idea 
of  the  clause  is  that  David,  lilce  other  men,  had  but  one  genera- 
tion of  contcm[)oraries  ;  that  he  accom])lished  for  that  his  allotted 
work,  and  then  yielded  to  the  universal  law  which  consigns  the 
race  to  death.  Some  join  -rfi  (SovXrj  with  iKOLp.-q&r],  which  renders 
the  remark  much  less  significant.  —  koX  irpoa-eTiSr],  k.  t.  A.,  and  he 
was  added  unto  his  fathers.  This  expression  recognizes  the  ex- 
istence of  the  soul  in  a  future  state  (Bug.  Olsh.  Doddr.).  Gese- 
nius  says  that  it  is  distinguished  expressly  both  from  death  and 
.  burial  in  Gen.  25,  8 ;  35,  29 ;  2  Kings  22,  20 ;  see  Lex.  s.  CiOX. 
—  cTSc  8ia4>Sopdv,  saw  corruption  as  to  his  mortal  part ;  comp. 
2,  31. 


Chap.  XIII,  38.  39.  COMMENTARY.  221 

V.  38.  ovv,  illative.  Jesus  has  been  shown  to  be  the  Messiah, 
and  he  is,  therefore,  the  author  of  pardon  and  salvation  to  those 
who  believe  on  him.  —  lia.  rovrov  belongs  to  a(/)eo-is,  rather  than  the 
verb:  through  this  one  the  forgiveness  of  sins  (having  been  pro- 
cured) is  announced  unto  you ;  comp.  10,36;  Lvike  24,  47.  The 
next  verse  reaffirms  and  amplifies  the  proposition. 

V.  39.  The  sentence  here  depends  still  on  on.  A  comma  is 
the  proper  point  between  tliis  verse  and  the  last.  The  apostle 
declares  now,  first,  that  the  forgiveness  which  Christ  has  pro- 
cured is  not  partial,  but  extends  to  all  the  sins  of  the  trans- 
gressor ;  secondly,  that  all  men  need  it,  since  no  other  way  of 
pardon  remains  for  those  who  are  condemned  by  the  law;  and, 
thirdly,  since  faith  in  Christ  is  the  only  condition  annexed  to  it, 
this  salvation  is  free  to  all.  — koL  oltto  Travrwv,  k.  t.  X.,  and  tliatfrom 
all  things,  i.  e.  sins,  fro^n  which  {=  d</)'  wv  by  attraction)  ije  were 
not  able  by  the  law  of  Moses  to  be  justified,  etc.  We  cannot  sup- 
pose this  to  mean,  according  to  a  possible  sense  of  the  words, 
that  the  gospel  merely  completes  a  justification  which  the  law 
nas  commenced  or  accomplished  in  part ;  for  such  an  admission 
would  be  at  variance  with  the  doctrine  of  the  New  Testament  in 
in  regard  to  the  utter  inefficacy  of  all  legal  obedience  to  cancel 
the  guilt  of  transgression,  and  the  necessity  of  an  exclusive 
rehance  on  the  work  of  Christ  for  our  justification.  We  must 
adopt  a  different  view  of  the  meaning.  As  Olshausen  sug- 
gests, we  may  regard  wv  (=  f\<^  wv)  after  oivo  irdvTU)v,  not  as  a  sup- 
plementary clause,  but  as  explanatory  of  the  other,  or  coextensive 
with  it,  viz.  from  all  sins  from  lohich  (i.  e.from  «// which  sins)  7je 
were  unable,  etc.  In  other  words,  the  first  clause  affirms  the  suf- 
ficiency of  the  gospel  to  justify  from  all  ^ins,  while  the  second 
clause  affirms  the  insufficiency  of  the  law  to  the  same  extent, 
i.  6.  to  justify  from  any  sins ;  comp.  Rom.  8,  3  sq.  To  represent 
this  meaning  to  the  ear,  we  should  read  airo  tt6.vtuw  with  an  em- 
phasis, and  Siv  .  .  .  .  StKaLwS^rjvaL  as  parenthetic.  Neander  (Pflan- 
zung.  I.  p.  195)  declares  himself  strongly  for  this  sense  of  the 
words.  Alford's  comment  (similar  to  Meyer's)  represents  a  dif- 
ferent view  :  "  Christ  shall  do  for  you  all  that  the  law  could  not  do; 
leaving  it  for  inference  or  for  further  teaching  that  this  was  abso- 
lutely all;  that  the  law  could  do  nothing."  According  to  some, 
the  apostle  concedes  a  certain  value  to  the  rites  of  Judaism:  they 
were  the  appointed  means  of  obtaining  the  pardon  of  offences, 
which  concerned  the  ritual  merely  and  social  or  pubUc  relations. 
See  Lange's  Geschichte  der  Kirche,  II.  p.  171.  This  explanation 
rests  on  a  false  view  of  the  nature  of  the  Hebrew  rites.  As  iv  tovtw 


222  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XIII,  40. 41. 

stands   opposed  to  iv  vo'/xw,  it  belongs  to  SiKaioDrat,  not  to  ttio-- 

T€V(xiV. 

V.  40.  ySAcTreTe  oZv,  hcirarc,  therefore,  since  ye  are  thus  guilty 
and  exposed. — )u,^  e-n-ek^rj,  k.  t.  A.,  lest  that  spoken,  etc.,  lest  the 
declaration  be  fulfilled,  verified  in  your  case.  The  mode  of  cit- 
ing the  prophecy  shows  that  the  apostle  did  not  regard  it  as 
spoken  in  view  of  that  occasion.  —  iv  tois  ■!rpo<^r)Tai<;,  in  the  proph- 
ets, i.  e.  the  part  of  the  Old  Testament  which  the  Jews  so  named ; 
comp.  V.  15;  7,  42;  John  6,  45.  See  W.  k  27.  2.  The  passage 
intended  is  Hab.  1,  5. 

V.  41.  The  citation  follows  very  nearly  the  Septuagint,  and 
agrees  essentially  with  the  Hebrew.  In  the  original  passage 
the  prophet  refers  to  a  threatened  invasion  of  the  Jewish  na- 
tion by  the  Chaldeans,  and  he  calls  upon  his  countrymen  to 
behold  the  judgment  to  which  their  sins  had  exposed  them,  and 
to  be  astonished,  to  tremble  on  account  of  it.  Of  this  lan- 
guage the  apostle  avails  himself,  in  order  to  warn  the  Jews 
whom  he  addressed  of  the  punishment  which  awaited  them  if 
they  rejected  the  message  which  they  had  now  heard.  Qalvin  : 
"  Paulus  fideliter  accoramodat  in  usum  suum  prophetro  verba, 
quia  sicuti  semel  minatus  fuerat  Deus  per  prophetam  suum  Ha- 
bacuc,  ita  etiam  semper  fuit  sui  similis."  —  ot  KaTaffipovr^rai,  ye  des- 
pisers,  occurs  in  the  Se})tuagint,  but  not  in  the  Hebrew.  The 
apostle  could  retain  it,  in  perfect  consonance  with  the  original, 
because  it  is  the  incredulity  of  the  wicked,  their  contempt  of 
God's  threatenings,  which  occasions  their  ruin.  What  suggested 
the  word  to  the  Seventy  is  uncertain.  It  is  thought  that  they 
may  have  read  t!"i'7?"ia,  deceitful,  proudly  impious,  instead  of  Cl^'iaa, 
among  the  heathen.  —  koX  ^avfj-daare,  and  xconder,  be  astonished, 
i.  e.  at  the  fearful,  certain  destruction  which  God  prepares  for  liis 
enemies.  The  spectacle  to  which  the  proi)het  directs  attention 
here  is  that  of  the  Chaldeans,  mustering  their  hosts  to  march 
against  the  guilty  Jews.  —  koX  a.<f>avLa&rjT€,  and  perish,  unable  to 
escape  the  punishment  which  their  sins  have  provoked.  This 
word  elicits  an  idea  which  the  Hebrew  text  involves,  though  it 
is  not  expressed  there.  Paul  has  retained  it  from  the  Septuagint. 
—  €y<7ov,  K.  T.  A.,  a  work  of  judgment  I  work,  execute.  The  i'uture 
act  is  represented  as  present,  because  it  was  near.  —  The  sec- 
ond (.pyov  Paul  inserts  for  the  sake  of  emphasis.  The  copies 
which  omit  it  were  corrected  probably  after  the  Septuagint.  —  o 
ov  fjiij,  K.  T.  A.,  ivhich  ye  icill  not  believe,  though  any  one  should  fully 
declare  it  to  you,  i.  c.  although  apprised  ever  so  distinctly  of  their 
danger,  they  would  not  heed  it ;  they  are  infatuated,  they  cling 


CuAP.  XIII,  42-45.  C  0  M  M  E  N  T  A  H  Y  .  223 

to  their  delusive  hopes  of  safety.  The  New  Testament,  hke 
most  of  the  later  Greek,  employs  often  the  subjunctive  aorist  in 
the  sense  of  the  indicative  future.  W.  ^  56.  3  ;  Lob.  Phryn.  p.  723 
sq.  o,  at  the  head  of  the  clause,  is  a  better  reading  than  w. 
That  the  dative,  however,  is  not  a  false  construction,  see  Rom. 
10,  16. 

Verses  42-49.      They  incach  a  second  time  at  Antioch. 

V.  42.  The  best  editions  insert  aurwv  in  place  of  e/c  tt}?  o-wayw- 
y^s  Twv  'lorSatwv  in  the  common  text,  and  omit  ra  'i^vrj  after  Trape- 
KoXovv.  —  atiTwv  must  refer  to  Paul  and  Barnabas.  —  eis  to  fxera^h 
o-oL^ftarov  corresponds  evidently  to  rw  ixofj^^vat  aafi{3dTio  in  v.  44, 
and  means  i/po?t  (lit.  unto,  as  the  hmit)  the  next  Sabbath  (Neand. 
Mey.  De  Wet.)  ;  not  during  the  intermediate  loeek,  as  explained 
by  some  of  the  older  critics.  /Acrafu  has  this  sense  in  the  N.  T. 
here  only,  but  belongs  to  the  later  Greek.  That  the  apostles 
were  not  inactive  during  the  interval,  but  labored  in  private 
circles,  may  be  taken  for  granted. 

V.  43.     XvMarj^  TTjs  o-waytoy^s  seems,  at  first  view,  superfluous 
after  efiovTwv  avTMv.     The  procedure,  says  Neander,  may  have 
been  this.     As  Paul  and  Barnabas  were  going  out  before  the 
general  dispersion  of  the  assembly,  the  rulers  of  the  synagogue 
may  have  requested  that  they  would  repeat  their  discourse  on 
the  next  Sabbath.    The  people  having  then  withdrawn,  many  of 
the  Jews  and  proselytes  followed  the  speakers,  for  the  purpose         • 
of  declaring  their  assent  to  what  they  had  heard,  or  of  seeking       / 
further  instruction.  —  o-e/Jo/AcVwv,  sc.  ^eov,  not  devout  (E.  V.)  above    ''■■' 
others,  but  simply  ivorshippers  of  Jehovah  (see  16,  14)  and  not  of 
idols  as  formerly.  —  rrj  xaptTt  toC  Seov,  the  grace  of  God,  i.  e.  the 
gospel,  which  is  the  fruit  of  his  undeserved  favor. 

V.  44.     (Tx^^ov,  K.  T.  X.,  almost  the  entire  city  assembled ;  where,  vj 
is  not  stated.     Paul  and  Barnabas  on  that  Sabbath  may  have  * 
spoken  to  different  audiences.     If  they  both  repaired  to  the  same 
synagogue,  the  crowd  must  have  filled  not  only  the  synagogue 
itself,  l)ut  every  avenue  to  it ;  comp.  Mark  2,  2  sq. ;  Luke  8,  19.  ; 
The  hearers  on  this  occasion  were  Gentiles,  as  well  as  Jews.  , 

V.  45.  ^Xov,  ivith  indignation,  as  in  v.  17.  —  avrtXeyovre?  is 
neither  superfluous  nor  Ifefemistic,  but,  like  the  participle  united 
with  its  finite  verb  in  the  classics,  emphasizes  dvrcXeyov  (Mey.)  : 
not  only  contradicting,  but  blaspheming.  The  second  participle 
defines  the  extent  or  criminality  of  the  act  stated  by  the"  first. 
W.  h  45.  8. 


224  C  0  M  M  E  N T  A K  Y.  Chap.  XIIl,  46-43. 

V.  46.  t'fjuv  ^v  avayKOLov,  unto  you  it  was  necessary,  liecause  the 
plan  of  God  required  it;  comp.  on  3,  26.  —  irp^Tov,  first  in  time, 
as  in  3,  26.  —  »cai  ovk  ....  ^w^s,  and  ye  judge  yourselves  not  icorihy 
of4lie  eternal  life,  viz.  which  we  preach ;  see  on  5,  20.  This 
mode  of  speaking  is  not  common ;  it  rests  on  the  just  view  that  ^ 
a  man's  actions  may  be  taken  as  his  own  self-pronounced  verdict  / 
as  to  his  character  and  deserts.  —  cts  ra  l^mq,  unto  the  heatli.cn  in 
that  place.  In  like  manner,  the  Jews  whom  they  left  to  their 
doom  were  those  at  Antioch.  They  did  not  turn  from  the  Jewash 
nation  as  such,  to  labor  in  future  for  the  exchisive  benefit  of  the 
Gentiles  ;  see  18,  5  sq. ;   19,  8  sq. 

V.  47.  ovTO),  so  as  they  had  done.  —  riSetKa,  k.  t.  X.  See  Is 
49,  6.  The  prophet  announces  there  that  the  Messiah  whom 
God  promised  to  send  would  be  the  Saviour  of  the  Gentiles  as 
well  as  the  Jews ;  that  all  nations  would  be  called  to  share  in 
the  blessings  of  his  kingdom.  The  passage  is  quoted  to  show 
that  in  turning  now  to  the  heathen  they  were  merely  carrying 
out  the  plan  of  God  as  revealed  in  the  Old  Testament  (see  also 
Is.  11,  1.  10;  Rom.  9,  25  sq.)  ;  the  announcement  of  his  purpose 
in  regard  to  the  unrestricted  design  of  the  gospel  required  them 
as  his  messengers  to  publish  it  to  the  Gentiles. 

V.  48.  eSofa^ov  ....  KvpLov,  they  glorified,  extolled,  the  ivord  ofi 
the  Lord;  they  expressed  their  .joy  and  gratitude  for  the  mercy 
which  had  embraced  them  in  the  plan  of  salvation,  and  had  given 
them  this  opportunity  to  secure  its  benefits.  We  see  from  the 
next  clause  that  they  received  the  message  as  well  as  rejoiced  to 
hear  it.  —  koX  iTrto-Teva-av  ....  atwvtoi/,  and  as  many  as  were  api>ointccl 
unto  eternal  life  believed.  This  is  the  only  translation  wliich  the 
philology  of  the  passage  allows.  So  Calvin,  Kuinoel,  Olshausen, 
Usteri,^  De  Wctte,  Winer,  Meyer,  and  others.  Li  tliis  position 
the  demonstrative  part  of  oo-ot  {those  who)  must  be  the  subject  of 
the  first  verb,  and  the  relative  part  the  subject  of  the  second. 
Hence  it  is  impossible  to  render  those  who  believed  were  ajifointcd. 
Sonie  translate  Tcray/xeVot,  disposed,  inclined;  but  this  term  as 
passive,  though  it  may  signify  disposed  externally,  as,  e.  g.  drawn 
up  in  militaiy  order,  was  not  used  to  denote  an  act  of  the  mind. 
In  20,  13  the  form  is  middle  with  an  accusative  virtually  (see 
note  there),  and  in  1  Cor.  16,  15  the  form  is  active  with  an  accu- 
sative ;  those  cases,  therefore,  so  unhke  this  are  not  to  be  cited 
here.  Mr.  Humphry,  after  Whitby,  and  others,  defends  still  that 
signification,  and  aj)[)eals  for  proof  of  it  to  2  Mace.  6,  21.     The 

1  Entwickelunjr  dcs  ruuliiiisthcn  Lelirbegriffes,  p.  271  (1851). 


Chap.  XIII,  49-51.  C  0  M  M  E  N  T  A  K  Y .  225 

Greek   there    is    oi  8k  Trpos  T(3  irapavojxta  cr7rXay;(VtcrjU,a)  reray/ieVoi,  and 

does  not  mean  "those  who  were  set  or  bent  on  mercy"  (Hmph.),  \ 
but  "  those  appointed  for  the  distribution  of  unlawful  flesh."  See 
Wahl's  Clav.  Libr.  Vet.  Apocrpli.,  and  Biel's  Lex.,  in  LXX,  s. 
trTrXoLyxyLcrixoi.  The  use  of  T£Tayfj.€voi  in  that  passage  not  only  fails 
to  support  the  alleged  meaning  but  confirms  the  other,  ek  ^mtjv 
alwviov  is  not  to  be  torn  from  its  connection  and  joined  to  eVto-TeDo-av. 
In  wliat  sense  men  are  appointed  by  God  (comp.  K.ora.  13,  1) 
unto  eternal  life  is  not  taught  very  distinctly  here,  but  must  be 
gathered  from  a  comparison  with  other  passages.  For  example, 
see  Rom.  8,  28,  sq. ;  9,  1 1 ;  Eph.  1,4.  11;  2  Thess.  2,  13 ;  2  Tim. 
1,9;  1  Pet.  1,  2.  The  explanations  of  this  text  which  have 
been  opposed  to  the  foregoing,  are  forced  and  unsatisfactory. 
Dr.  Wordsworth  (to  give  a  favorable  specimen)  expounds  it  thus : 
Those  who  had  set  or  marshalled  themselves  to  go  forward  in 
the  way  to  eternal  hfe,  professed  their  faith  boldly  in  the  face  of 
every  danger. 

V.  49.  St€^e/3€ro  ....  x'^'P"-^'  And  the  vjord  of  the  Lord  ivas  con- 
veyed through  all  the  region,  i.  e.  in  the  vicinity  of  Antioch.  This 
rapid  extension  of  the  gospel  we  must  attribute  in  some  measure 
to  the  zeal  of  the  recent  converts.  Paul  and  Barnabas  also 
may  have  visited,  personally,  some  of  the  nearest  places ;  for 
Luke  may  have  passed  over  an  interval  between  tliis  verse  and 
the  next,  during  wliich  the  missionaries  could  have  made  such 
excursions. 


Verses  50-52.      They  are  2Jersecuted,  and  depart  to  Iconium. 

V.  50.  ra<;  creySoy^eVa?  yvva'iKa<;.  They  were  Gentile  women  who 
had  embraced  Judaism  (see  17,  4),  and  could  be  easily  excited 
against  a  sect  represented  as  hostile  to  their  faith.  At  Damascus, 
as  jQsephus  states  (Bell.  Jud.  2.  20.  20),  a  majority  of  the  married 
women  were  proselytes,  eiicrx-^yitovas  refers  to  their  rank  (17,  12; 
Mark  15,  43),  as  the  wives  of  the  first  men  of  the  city.  It  was 
the  object  of  the  crafty  Jews  to  gain  the  men  through  the  influ- 
ence of  the  women,  and  thus  effect  the  expulsion  of  the  apostles 
from  the  city.     Paul  alludes  to  this  persecution  in  2  Tim.  3,  11. 

V.  51.  ctt'  avTovs:  =  et?  fjiaprvpiov  Itr  avrov^  in  Luke  9,  5.  Shak- 
mg  off"  the  dust  of  the  feet  imported  disapprobation  and  rejec- 
tion. The  act  derived  its  significancy  from  the  idea  that  those 
renounced  in  this  way  were  so  unworthy  that  the  very  dust  of 
their  land  was  defiling.  In  taking  this  course  Paul  followed  the 
direction  of  Christ,  given  in  Matt.  10, 14.  —  Iconium,  to  which  they 
29 


226  C  0  M  JI  E  N  T  A  R  Y .  Chap.  XIV,  1 .  2. 

came  next,  was  about  forty-five  miles  south-east  from  Antioch. 
It  was  the  principal  city  of  Lyconia,  situated  at  the  foot  of  the 
Taurus,  Its  present  name  is  Konieh.  Leake,  who  approached 
Iconium  from  the  mountains  which  separate  Antioch  from  Philo- 
melium,  says  (Travels  in  Asia  Minor,  p.  45)  :  "  On  the  descent 
from  a  ridge  branching  eastward  from  these  mountains,  we  came 
in  sight  of  the  vast  plain  around  Konieh,  and  of  the  lake  which 
occupies  the  middle  of  it ;  and  we  saw  the  city,  with  its  mosques 
and  ancient  walls,  still  at  the  distance  of  twelve  or  fourteen  miles 
from  us."  "  Konieh,"  says  another  traveller,  "  extends  to  the 
east  and  south  over  the  plain  far  beyond  the  walls,  which  are 
about  two  miles  in  chcumference.  Mountains  covered  with 
snow  rise  on  every  side,  excepting  towards  the  east,  where  a 
plain  as  flat  as  the  desert  of  Arabia  extends  far  beyond  the 
reach  of  the  eye." 

V.  52.  ol  fxaSrjTaL,  the  disciples,  i.  e.  at  Antioch,  where  the  per- 
secution still  continued  ;  see  14,  22. — hrXyjpovvro,  k.  t.  A.,  iverc  filled 
iviih  joy  and  the  Holy  Spirit;  the  relation  is  that  of  effect  a,nd 
author  (see  Gal.  5,  20).  The  idea  suggested  is,  that  though  they 
were  called  to  suffer  as  adherents  of  the  new  faith,  they  had 
sources  of  consolation  opened  to  them  which  more  than  counter- 
balanced their  trials. 

'■  i  V- 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

Verses  1-7.     They  preach  at  Iconium,  hut  are  persecuted  and  ficc 
to  Lystra. 

V.  1.  Kara  to  avro,  together,  like  IttX  to  avro  in  3,  1 ;  not  in  the 
same  manner,  as  they  were  wont.  —  koX  XaXrjcraL  ovrw?,  k.  t.  X.,  and 
they  spake  so,  viz.  with  this  effect,  that  (wcrrc)  a  great  multitude, 
etc.  (Mey.  De  Wet.)  ;  not  with  such  power  that,  ovrm  anticipates 
the  next  clause,  and  makes  it  more  prominent  B.  ^  140.  4. — 
'EXX-qvuiv.  As  the  Greeks  here  were  present  in  the  synagogue, 
they  appear  to  have  been  proselytes  (comp.  13,  43),  and  hence 
were  a  different  class  from  those  in  13,  20. 

V.  2.  ot  8e  dTTct^^o-avTcs,  But  those  xcho  disbelieved,  viz.  when  the 
others  believed.  The  present  i)articiple  (aTrti^ovrrcs  as  in  some 
'editions)  is  less  correct  than  the  aorist.  —  cKaKworav,  retulered  evil, 
hostile.  This  sense  is  found  in  Josephus,  but  not  elsewhere 
(Mey.).     How  the  Jews  produced  this  effect  on  the  minds  of 


Chap.  XIV,  3-6.  COMMENTARY.  227 

the  heathen  we  are  not  told.  They  sometimes  alleged  for  that 
purpose  that  the  Christians  were  disloyal,  that  they  had  a  king 
of  their  own,  and  would  prove  dangerous  to  the  Roman  supre- 
macy; see  18,  5-9. 

V.  3.  ovv,  therefore,  i.  e.  because  they  had  so  much  success 
(see  V.  1),  notwithstanding  the  opposition  excited  against  them. 
Meyer  regards  the  third  and  fourth  verses  as  an  inference  from 
the  fii'st  and  second.  "  In  consequence  of  that  approbation  (v. 
1)  and  this  hostility  (v.  2)  they  preached  boldly  indeed  for  a 
time,  but  a  dissension  also  arose  among  the  people." — t/cwov 
Xpovov.  The  entire  journey  was  evidently  a  rapid  one  and  a  stay 
here  of  a  few  months  would  be  comparatively  a  long  time.  This 
is  our  only  notice  respecting  the  time  spent  at  the  places  visited 
on  this  tour.  —  7rappvycrta^o/Aei/ot  €7rt  t(3  Kvpiio,  speaking  holdly  upon 
the  Lord,  i.  e.  in  dependence  upon  him.  It  was  their  reliance  on 
Christ  that  inspired  them  with  so  much  courage.  —  The  best 
authorities  omit  /cai  between  tw  [haprvpovvn  and  StSoVn :  who  testi- 
fies by  granting  that,  etc. ;  comp,  4,30. 

V.  4.  TO  7rXrj%<;  rrjs  ttoXcco?,  the  multitude  of  the  city,  i.  e.  the 
Gentile  population.  Some  of  them  may  have  favored  the  Chris- 
tian party,  without  having  attached  themselves  to  it;  comp.  19, 
31.  —  ^crav  (jvv  rots  'loi^Satots,  ivere  ivitJt  the  Jeios,\.  e.  in  sympathy, 
espoused  their  side ;  see  5,  17. 

V.  5.  opfji-q,  imjmlse,  inclination;  as  in  James  3,  4  (Mey.  Alf ) ; 
not  onset,  (E.  V.)  because  crwtSdvTes  would  then  be  superfluous, 
and  because  the  object  of  the  flight  was  to  escape  an  attack. 
Plot,  purpose,  is  too  strong  a  sense  of  the  word.  —  (tvv  tols  ap^ova-iv 
avTOJv,  tvith  their  rulers,  i.  e.  those  of  both  nations,  viz.  the  heathen 
magistrates  and  the  officers  of  the  synagogue.  Some  restrict 
avrCyv  to  the  Gentiles,  others  to  the  Jews.  Here,  at  this  distance 
from  Jerusalem,  members  of  the  Sanhedrim  could  not  well  be 
meant  (Rob.). 

V.  6.  crvvtS6vTe<;,  having  become  aivare,  viz.  of  tliis  feeling. 
Meyer  lays  no  stress  at  present  on  the  preposition,  as  if  they  dis- 
covered the  danger  as  well  as  others. — XiSo^oX-rjcraL  avrov?,  in  order 
to  stone  them.  "Once  was  I  stoned,"  says  Paul,  in  2  Cor.  11,  25, 
which  was  the  instance  mentioned  in  v.  19.  Hence,  says  Paley, 
"  had  this  meditated  assault  at  Iconium  been  completed,  had  the 
history  related  that  a  stone  was  thrown,  as  it  relates  that  prejiara- 
tions  were  made  both  l)y  Jews  and  Gentiles  to  stone  Paul  and  his 
companions,  or  even  had  the  account  of  this  transaction  stopped, 
without  going  on  to  inform  us  that  Paul  and  his  companions 
were  'aware  of  the  danger  and  fled,'  a  contradiction  between 


228  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XIV,  6. 7. 

the  history  and  the  Epistles  would  have  ensued.  Truth  is  neces- 
sarily consistent;  but  it  is  scarcely  possible  that  independent 
accounts,  not  having  truth  to  guide  them,  should  thus  advance  to 
the  very  brink  of  contradiction  without  foiling  into  it." — t^s 
AvKaovias.  The  district  of  Lycaonia  extends  from  the  ridges  of 
Mount  Taurus  and  the  borders  of  Cilicia,  on  the  south,  to  the 
Cappadocian  hills  on  the  north.  "  It  is  a  bare  and  dreary  region, 
uuwatored  by  streams,  tliough  in  parts  liable  to  occasional  inunda- 
tions. Across  some  portion  of  this  plain  Paul  and  Barnabas  trav- 
elled, both  before  and  after  their  residence  in  Iconium.  After 
leaving  the  city  the  two  most  prominent  objects  still  in  view  are 
the  snowy  mountains  of  Mount  Argaeus,  rising  high  above  all  the 
interv^ening  hills  in  the  direction  of  Armenia,  and  the  singular 
mass  called  the  '  Kara-Dagh,'  or  '  Black  Mount,'  south-eastwards 
in  the  direction  of  Cilicia.  This  latter  mountain  is  gradually 
approached,  and  discovered  to  be  an  isolated  mass,  with  reaches 
of  the  plain  extending  round  it  like  channels  of  the  sea."  How- 
son,  I.  p.  224.  —  Auorpav  koL  Aepp-qv.  Lystra  and  Dcrhe  were  not 
far  from  the  base  of  the  Black  Mountain.  Their  exact  situation 
is  not  yet  certainly  known.  Lystra  is  marked  on  Kiepert's  map 
as  nearly  south  of  Iconium,  about  twenty  miles  distant ;  Derbe, 
as  nearly  east  from  Lystra,  south-east  from  Iconium.  Kiepert 
appears  to  have  followed  Leake's  conjecture  as  to  the  site  of 
Lystra,  though  no  traveller  speaks  of  any  ruins  at  that  place. 
Mr.  Hamilton  agrees  with  Kiepert  in  the  position  of  Derbe, 
because  it  occurs  on  the  line  of  a  Roman  road,  and  Divle,  the 
modern  name,  resembles  the  ancient  one.  Leake,  on  the  con- 
traiy,  would  place  Derbe  (not  quite  so  far  to  the  east),  at  Bin-bir- 
Kilesseh,  a  Turkish  town,  where  some  remarkable  ruins  have 
been  found,  among  the  rest  those  of  numerous  churches.  Others, 
again,  think  that  these  ruins  mark  the  site  of  Lystra,  since  they 
correspond  bettor  with  the  early  ecclesiastical  reputation  of  this 
city,  than  that  of  Derbe.  —  koL  -njv  Trepix^pov  designates  the  coun- 
try in  the  vicinity  of  the  places  just  named.  A  few  critics  have 
proposed  to  extend  the  term  so  as  to  include  even  Galatia,  and 
would  thus  assign  an  earlier  origin  to  the  churches  in  that 
country  than  it  is  usual  to  assign  to  them.  "  But  TrepLx«ipov"  says 
Ncander,  "  cannot  denote  an  entire  province,  and  still  less  the 
province  of  Galatia,  on  account  of  its  geographical  situation. 
Hence,  the  supposition  that  Paul  preached  the  gospel  to  the 
Galatians  on  this  first  missionary  tour  is  certainly  to  be  rejected." 
See  the  note  on  IG,  6. 

V.  7.     KaKti,  and  there,  viz.  in  those  cities  and  the  adjacent 


Chap.  XIV,  8-10.  COMMENTARY.  229 

region. — rja-av  evayyekilojx^voL,  loere  publishing  glad  tidings,  implies 
that  they  pursued  their  labors  here  for  some  time. 

Verses  8-13.     Paul  heals  a  Lame  Man  at  L^jstra. 

V.  8.  h>  AvcTTpoL';,  at  Lystra;  neuter  plural,  as  in  2  Tim.  3.  11, 
but  feminine  singular  in  v.  6.  21 ;  16,  1.  —  eKa^ijTo,  sat  (Mey.  De 
Wet.),  because  he  was  lame  and  had  never  walked;  others 
dwelt.  (Kuin.  Rob.),  which  is  Hebraistic,  and  rare  in  the  New 
Testament.  —  TrcpnreTrar-^Ka.  Some  editors  write  this  pluperfect 
with  an  augment,  others  more  correctly  omit  it.  W.  ij  12.  9;  K.  ^ 
li!0.  R.  2. 

V.  9.  ^Kov€,  ivas  hearing,  while  Paul  preached.  The  Jews  at 
this  place  were  probably  few,  as  no  synagogue  appears  to  have 
existed  here.  Hence  the  missionaries  repaired  to  the  market,  or 
some  other  place  of  public  resort  (comp.  17,  17),  and  there  en- 
tered into  conversation  with  such  as  they  could  induce  to  listen 
to  them.  The  scene  reminds  us  of  the  manner  in  which  those 
who  carry  the  same  message  of  salvation  to  the  heathen  at  the 
present  day  collect  around  them  groups  of  listeners  in  Burmah 
or  Hindostan.  It  was  on  one  of  these  occasions,  as  Paul  was 
preaching  in  some  thoroughfare  of  the  city,  that  the  lame  man 
heard  him ;  his  friends  perhaps  had  placed  him  there  to  solicit 
alms  (see  3,  10;  John  9,  8). — os  drevto-u,?,  k.  t.  X.,  who  looking 
intently  iqjon  him  and  seeing,  viz.  from  the  expression  of  his 
countenance,  which  Paul  scrutinized  with  such  rigor.  The  man- 
ner in  which  the  participles  follow  each  other  directs  us  to  this 
sense.  Some  think  that  the  apostle  may  have  had,  at  the  mo- 
ment, a  supernatural  insight  into  the  state  of  the  man's  heart. 
The  language  of  the  text  contains  no  intimation  of  that  nature. 
—  TTLCTTLv  Tov  (ToiSrjvai,  tltc  faith  of  being  healed.  The  infinitive 
depends  on  the  noun  as  a  genitive  construction;  comp.  Luke  1, 
57.  See  W.  h  44.  4.  The  faith  so  described  may  be  faith  that 
the  Saviour,  whom  Paul  preached,  was  able  to  heal  him ;  or, 
which  accords  better  with  the  mode  of  expression,  faith  such  as 
made  it  proper  that  he  should  receive  that  benefit  (see  on  9,  33). 
The  requisite  degree  of  faith  would  include,  of  course,  a  persua- 
sion of  Christ's  ability  to  bestow  the  favor  in  question.  Paul 
may  have  been  referring  in  his  remarks  to  the  Saviour's  mira- 
cles of  heahng,  in  illustration  of  his  readiness  and  power  lo  bless 
those  who  confide  in  him. 

V.  10.  fieydXrj  ttj  cftwvrj,  with  a  loud  voice.  The  article  desig- 
nates the  voice  as  that  of  Paul  (see  v.  11 ;  26,  21),  wliile  the 


230  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XIV,  11.  12. 

adjective  refers  to  the  tone  with  wliich  he  spoke.  With  the  idea 
that  his  voice  was  a  powerful  one,  jj-f-yaX-rj  would  have  stood  be- 
tween the  article  and  noun,  or  after  the  noun  with  ttj  repeated. — 
avaarriSi,  k.  t.  X.  Liikc  makes  no  mention  here  of  any  direct  ap- 
peal to  the  name  of  Christ  before  the  performance  of  the  miracle; 
see  on  3,  6.  Tliat  omission  may  be  owing  to  the  brevity  of  the 
record ;  or  the  tenor  of  Paul's  discourse  may  have  been  so  ex- 
plicit in  regard  to  the  source  of  his  authority,  as  to  render  the 
usual  invocation  unnecessary.  —  ^Aaro,  leaped,  sprung  up,  a  single 
act.  For  this  aorist,  see  W.  H5;  K.  ^  149.  R.  2.  ^XX^to  occurs 
in  some  copies,  but  has  no  adequate  support.  The  next  verb 
passes  to  the  imperfect,  because  it  expresses  a  repeated  act. 

V.  11,  ol  ox^oL,  K.  T.  X.  Their  conduct  shows  how  imperfectly 
they  had  understood  the  address  of  Paul,  and  the  olyect  of  the 
miracle.  They  saw  nothing  beyond  what  was  present  and  palpa- 
ble ;  they  confounded  the  instrument  of  the  work  with  its  author, 
o  iirotrjcrev,  what  he  had  done;  see  on  1,  2. — AvKaovia-Ti,  in  Lycaonic, 
i.  e.  the  native  dialect  of  the  province.  Of  the  nature  of  this 
dialect,  nothing  is  kno^vn  with  certainty.  No  relic  of  it  remains, 
or  at  least  has  been  identified;  no  description  of  it  has  been 
handed  down  to  us.  Those  who  have  examined  the  question 
differ  in  their  conclusions.  According  to  one  opinion,  the  Lyca- 
onic was  allied  to  the  Assyrian ;  according  to  another,  it  was  a 
corrupt  species  of  Greek.'  We  have  no  reliable  data  for  fonning 
any  opinion.  Luke  mentions  that  the  Lystrians  spoke  in  their 
native  tongue,  that  we  may  know  why  the  multitude  proceeded 
so  far  in  their  design  before  Paul  and  Barnabas  interposed  to 
aiTcst  it.  In  conferring  with  the  people,  they  had  used,  doubt- 
less, the  Greek,  which  formed  at  that  period  an  extensive  medium 
of  intercourse  between  those  of  different  nations. 

V.  12,  Ata, 'Ep/A^v,  They  fixed  upon  these  gods  because  Jupi- 
ter had  a  temple  there,  and  Mercur}^  who  appeared  in  the  pagan 
mythology  as  his  attendant,  excelled  in  eloquence.  So  Ovid. 
Met.  8.  626  : 

Jupiter  hue  specie  mortali  cumque  pai-ente 
Venit  Atlaiitiades  positis  caducifer  alis. 

See  also  Hor.  Od.  1.  10.  1-5.  Some  suggest,  as  a  further  reason 
for  such  a  distribution  of  the  parts,  that  Barnal)as  may  have  been 
an  older  man  than  Paul,  and  more  imposing  in  his  personal  ap- 


1  Jablonsky  and  Guliling,  who  wrote  dissertations  on  the  suhjcct,  arrived  at  the 
results  stated  above.    Sec  AVin.  Realw.  II.  p.  37. 


Chap.  XIV,  13-15.  COMMENTAKY.  231 

pearance  (comp.  2  Cor.  10,  1.  10).  —  6  ijyov/Aevos  tov  \6yov,  he  ivho 
leads  the  discourse,  is  the  chief  speaker  (comp.  14,  12). 

V.  13.  6  tepcus,  the  priest,  i.  e.  the  principal  one,  or  the  one 
most  active,  at  this  time.  The  pagan  worship  at  Lystra  must 
have  required  several  priests.  —  tov  Aios,  k.  t.  X.,  of  Juinter  who 
was  before  the  city,  i.  e.  who  had  a  statue  and  temple  there  conse- 
crated to  him.  The  temple  of  the  tutelary  god  stood  often  out- 
side of  the  walls.  —  crrifx.iJ.aTa,  garlands,  which  were  to  adorn  the 
victims,  and, perhaps  the  priest  and  the  altar  (De  Wet.).  See 
Jahn's  Archajol.  k  401,  5.  They  had  the  garlands  in  readiness, 
but  had  not  yet  placed  them  on  the  heads  of  the  animals.  Some 
construe  Tavpov;  koI  o-TefifjiaTa  as  =  Tavpovs  iaTefi/xevovs,  bullocks 
adorned  ivith  garlands  (De  Wet.  Rob.).  With  that  idea  the  writer 
would  have  used  naturally  that  expression.  —  eVt  tovs  TTDXoJvas, 
Unto  the  gates  of  the  city  (Neand.  Rob.  Alf  Mey.  in  his  last  ed.), 
since  TroAews  precedes  and  the  term  is  plural  (as  consisting  of 
parts  or  being  double) ;  or  less  probably,  of  the  house  where  the 
apostles  lodged  (Olsh.  De  Wet.).  —  yjSeXe  ^v€lv,  would  sacrifice, 
but  were  disappointed  (De  Wet.),  or  ivas  about  to  sacrifice,  since 
c^eXoj  may  denote  an  act  on  the  point  of  being  done.  See  Mt. 
h  498.  e  ;  C.  ^  583. 


Verses  14-18.      The  Speech  of  Paul  to  the  Lystrians. 

V.  14.  ttKoucravrc?,  liaving  heard,  i.  e.  a  report  of  what  was  tak- 
ing place,  brought  to  them  perhaps  by  some  of  the  converts.  — 
Stapp^^avres  to,  IfxaTLa  avrwv,  having  rent  their  garments,  i.  e.  accord- 
ing to  the  Jewish  custom,  from  the  neck  in  front  down  towards 
the  girdle.  See  Jahn's  Archffiol.  ^  211.  The  Jews  and  other  na- 
tions  performed  this  act  not  only  as  an  expression  of  sorrow,  but 
of  abhorrence  on  hearing  or  seeing  any  thing  which  they  regarded 
as  impious,  t/xarta  may  refer  to  the  plural  subject  of  the  verb, 
but  more  probably  to  their  outer  and  inner  garments ;  comp.  Matt. 
26,  65.  —  i^eir-qS-qa-av  eh  tov  oxXov,  sprang  forth  unto  the  croiod,  i.  e. 
from  the  city  of  which  we  think  most  readily  after  ttoAcws  ;  or 
from  the  house,  if  the  people  had  assembled  in  the  street,  l^  in 
the  verb,  therefore,  does  not  settle  the  question  in  regard  to  eVi 
Tovs  TTvXwa?.  The  English  translation,  "ran  in  among  them," 
I'ests  upon  eto-eTrrjSTjcrav,  now  a  rejected  reading. 

V.  15.  Kttt  connects  what  is  said  with  what  was  in  the  mind: 
Ye  are  men ;  and  we  are  men  like  constituted  with  you.  Passing 
over  the  first  clause,  the  speaker  hastens  at  once  to  the  main 
thought.     o/AoioTra^ets  means  that  they  had  the  same  nature,  pas- 


232  C  0  M  M  E  N  T  A  R  Y .  Chap.  XIV,  1 6-1 8. 

sions,  infirmities.  —  emyyeXito/Acvoi,  k.  t.  X.,  declaring  to  you  as  glad 
tidings,  viz.  that  you  sliould  turn,  etc.  This  requisition  that  they 
should  renounce  their  idols  is  called  glad  tidings,  because  it  was 
founded  on  the  fact  that  God  had  provided  a  way  in  the  gospel 
in  which  he  could  accept  their  repentance,  v^m  answers  here 
to  the  dative,  as  in  8,  25.  —  airo  tovtwv  twv  /xaratcov,  frotn  these 
vanities,  nonentities,  such  as  Jupiter,  Mercury,  and  the  hke.  tov- 
Twv  points  back  to  those  names.  Paul  ajid  Barnabas  had  heard 
in  what  light  the  populace  looked  upon  them,  yxa-raiwv  does  not 
require  ^ewv.  It  is  used  like  d'^^^lI.  ti"'?;^,  which  the  Hebrews 
applied  to  the  gods  of  the  heathen  as  having  no  real  existence ; 
comp.  1  Cor.  8,  4.  Kuinoel  renders  /AaratW,  vain  joractices,  idola- 
try ;  which  destroys  the  evident  opposition  between  the  term  and 
Tov  ^^ov  Tov  ^oivra.  —  os  e7roir;o-c,  k.  t.  X..,  who  made,  etc.  This  rela- 
tive clause  unfolds  the  idea  of  ^oivra,  living. 

V.  16.  eiao-e,  left  them,  withdrew  the  restraints  of  his  grace 
and  providence;  comp.  on  7,  42  and  17,  30.  In  Rom.  1,  23,  the 
apostle  brings  to  view  other  connections  of  this  fact.  The  reason 
why  God  abandoned  the  heathen  was  that  they  first  abandoned 
Yiixa.  —  TTopcvecr^ai  ruts  oSots  avrCjv,  to  walk  (see  on  9,  Si)  in  their 
oivmvays;  dative  of  rule  or  manner.  oSots  includes  belief  and 
conduct. 

V.  17.  KatTotye  ....  acfi^Kev,  although  indeed  he  left  himself  not 
ivithout  ivitncss.  The  desertion  on  the  part  of  God  w-as  not  such 
as  to  destroy  the  evidence  of  their  dependence  on  him,  and  their 
consequent  obligation  to  know  and  acknowledge  him.  The  apos- 
tle's object  docs  not  lead  him  to  press  them  Avith  the  full  con- 
sequences of  this  truth.  It  lies  at  the  foundation  of  his  argiunent 
for  proving  the  accountability  of  the  heathen,  in  Rom.  1,  19  sq. 
Sec  also  17,  27  sq.  —  aya%7roLS)v,  SlSovs,  ifXTTLTrXiov,  are  epexcgetical 
of  afxdpTvpov,  but  the  second  participle  specifies  a  mode  of  the 
first,  and  the  third  a  consequence  of  the  second.  —  vfjuv  after 
oi'pavo^ev  is  the  correct  reading  (Grsb.  Lchm.  Mey.),  instead  of 
the  received  y/juu.  —  rpo^^s,  t/vVA  y?;oc/,  including  the  idea  of  the 
enjoyment  afforded  by  such  fruits  of  the  divine  bounty.  With 
that  accessory  idea,  Tpo<f>yj<;  is  not  incongruous  with  KapSias,  and 
KapSias  vfiCjv  is  not  a  circumlocution  for  vfj.a<:  (Kuin.).  See  W.  ^ 
22.  7.  The  common  text  has  r/yxwi',  which  appears  in  the  English 
version. 

V.  18.  Tou  fir]  SveLV  aurots  states  the  result  of  KaTeirava-av,  not  the 
object :  they  luirdly  restrained  them  that  they  did  not  sacrifice  to 
tliem.  Sec  the  note  on  10,  47.  —  It  is  interesting  to  compare  this 
speech  at  Lystra  with  the  train  of  thought  wliich  Paul  has  de- 


Chap.  XIV,  19.  20,  COMMENTARY.  233 

veloped  in  Rom.  1,  19  sq.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  germ  of  the 
argument  there  may  be  traced  distinctly  here.  The  similarity  is 
precisely  such  as  we  should  expect  on  the  supposition  that  he 
who  wrote  the  Epistle  delivered  the  speech.  The  diversity  in 
the  different  prominence  given  to  particular  ideas  is  that  which 
arises  from  applying  the  same  system  of  truth  to  different  occa- 
sions. 


Vekses   19-28.      Tl Ley  proceed  to  Derbe ;  and  then  retrace  their 
Way  to  Antioch  in  Syria. 

V.  19.  The  Jews  will  be  found,  with  two  exceptions,  to  stir 
up  every  persecution  which  Paul  suffers;  see  on  19,  23. — tov<s 
ox^ov;,  the  croivds.  They  were  mostly  heathen  (see  on  v.  9) ;  but 
that  some  Jews  resided  at  Lystra  is  evident  from  16,  1.  —  Xt-^a- 
o-avres  tov  JlavXov,  having  stoned  Paul.  Barnabas  escapes,  because 
his  associate  here  and  in  the  other  cities  was  the  prominent  man. 
The  nature  of  the  outrage  indicates  that  the  Jews  not  only  origi- 
nated this  attack,  but  controlled  the  mode  of  it.  Stoning  was  a 
Jewish  punishment.  In  the  present  instance,  it  will  be  observed, 
they  had  no  scruple  about  shedding  the  blood  of  their  victim  in 
the  city.  It  was  otherwise  at  Jerusalem ;  see  on  7,  58.  An 
incidental  variation  like  this  attests  the  truth  of  the  narrative. — 
i/0/x.to-avres,  k.  t.  X.,  supposing  that  he  was  dead,  intimates  a  mere 
belief  as  opposed  to  the  reality.  A  slight  accent  on  the  first 
word  brings  this  out  as  the  necessary  meaning. 

V.  20.  KVKXwadvTMV  8e  avrov  twv  {xa^tyrbiv.  The  discijjies  Jiaving 
surrounded  him.  Here  we  learn  incidentally  that  their  labors  had 
not  been  ineffectual.  Kuinoel  decides  too  much  when  he  says 
that  the  disciples  collected  around  Paul  in  order  to  bury  him  ;  it 
may  have  been  to  lament  over  him,  or  to  ascertain  whether  he  was 
really  dead.  In  that  sorrowing  circle  stood  probably  the  youth- 
ful Timothy,  the  apostle's  destuied  associate  in  so  many  future 
labors  and  perils;  see  16,  1;  2  Tim.  3,  11.  —  avaa-To.^,  k.t.X.  After 
the  expression  in  v.  19,  we  can  hardly  regard  this  as  an  instance 
of  actual  restoration  to  life.  If  we  recognize  any  thing  as  mir- 
aculous here,  it  would  be  more  justly  the  apostle's  sudden  recov- 
ery after  such  an  outrage,  enabling  him  to  return  at  once  to  the 
city  and  on  the  next  day  to  resume  his  journey.  Paul  alhides  to 
this  stoning  in  2  Cor.  11,  25.  The  wounds  inflicted  on  him  at  this 
time  may  have  left  some  of  those  scars  on  his  body  to  which  he 
alludes  in  Gal.  6,  17  as  proof  that  he  was  Christ's  servant.  —  eis 
Aip/Srjv,  unto  Derbe.  See  on  v.  6.  A  few  hours  would  be  suffi- 
30 


234  COMMENTARY.  Cu ap.  XIV,  2 1 .  22. 

cient  for  the  journey  hither.     We  have  now  reached  the  eastern 
Hmit  of  the  present  expedition. 

V.  21.     /xa^r^Tcvo-avres  LKavovs,  having  made  many  disciples  (Matt. 
28,  1-9)  as  the  result  of  the  preaching  mentioned  m  the  other 
clause.     One  of  the  converts  was  probably  Gains,  who  is  called 
a  Derbean  in  20,  4.     Their  labors  in  this  city  appear  to  have 
been  unattended  by  any  open  opposition.     Hence,  in  2  Tim.  3, 
11,  Paul  omits  Derbe  from  the  hst  of  places  associated  in  the 
mind  of  Timothy  with  the  "  persecutions,  afflictions,"  which  the 
apostle  had  been  called  to  endure.     Paley  refers  to  that  omission 
as  a  striking  instance  of  conformity  between  the  Epistle  and  the 
Acts.     "  In  the  apostolic  history  Lystra  and  Derbe  are  commonly 
mentioned  together;  in  2  Tim.  3,  11,  Antioch,  Licotiium,  Lystra, 
are  mentioned,  and  not  Derbe.     And  the  distinction  will  appear 
on  this  occasion  to  be  accurate  ;  for  Paul  in  that  passage  is  enu- 
merating his  persecutions,  and  although  he  underwent  grievous 
persecutions  in  each  of  the  three  cities  tlnrough  which  he  passed 
to  Derbe,  at  Derbe  itself  he  met  with  none.     The  Epistle,  there- 
fore, in  the  names  of  the  cities,  in  the  order  in  which  they  are 
enumerated,  and  in  the  place  at  which  the  enumeration  stops, 
corresponds  exactly  with  the  history.     Nor  is  there  any  just  rea- 
son for  thinking  the  agreement  to  be  artificial ;  for  had  the  writer 
of  the  Epistle  sought  a  coincidence  with  the  liistory  upon  this 
head,  and  searched  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  for  the  purpose,  1 
conceive  he  would  have  sent  us  at  once  to  Phihppi  and  Thessa- 
lonica,  where  Paul  suffered  persecution,  and  where,  from  what  is 
stated,  it  may  easily  be  gathered  that  Timothy  accompanied  him, 
rather  than  have  appealed  to  persecutions  as  known  to  Timothy, 
in  the  account  of  which  persecutions  Timothy's  presence  is  not 
mentioned ;  it  not  being  till  after  one  entire  chapter,  and  in  the 
history  of  a  journey  three  or  four  years  subsequent  to  this  (16,  1), 
that  Timothy's  name  occurs  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  for  the 
first  time."  —  vTrearpuf/av,  turned  back.     Advancing  still  eastward 
from  this  point,  they  would  soon  have  reached  the  well-known 
•Cihcian  Gates,'  through  which  they  could  have  descended  easily 
to  Cilicia,  and  then  have  embarked  from   Tarsus  for  Antioch. 
They  had  the  choice,  therefore,  of  a  nearer  way  to  Syria ;  but 
their  solicitude  for  the  welfare  of  the  newly  founded  churches 
constrains  them  to  turn  back,  and  revisit  the  places  where  they 
had  preached. 

V.  22.  cirwr-nypi^ovTc?,  k.  t.  X.,  conjinning  the  souls  of  the  d'lsciples, 
iaot  by  any  outward  rite,  but  by  instruction  and  encouragement, 
as  we  see  in  the  next  clause;  comp.  15,  32.  41 ;  18,  23. — €>/A£Vctv 


Chap.  XIV,  22.  23.  COMMENTARY.  235 

rrj  TTio-rei,  to  adhere  to  the  faith  (see  6,  7  ;  13,  8),  i.  e.  of  Clmst  or 
the  gospel;  comp.  3,  16  ;  20,  21,  etc.  — on  depends  on  irapaKaXovy- 
T€s,  Avhich,  at  this  point  of  the  sentence,  passes  to  the  idea  of 
affirming,  teaching.  —  Set  may  mean  it  is  necessary,  becanse  such 
was  the  appointment  of  God  (9,  16  ;  1  Cor.  15,  25) ;  or  because 
in  the  nature  of  things  it  was  inevitable  (comp.  2  Tim.  3,  12). 
The  first  is  the  more  pertinent  view,  since  it  suggests  a  more 
persuasive  motive  to  submission  and  fidehty  in  the  endurance  of 
trials.  —  7)/xas,  we  who  are  Christians;  comp.  1  Thess.  4,  17. — 
rrjv  jSaa-iKiiav  tov  3eov,  the  kingdom  of  God,  i.  e.  the  state  of  happi- 
ness which  awaits  the  redeemed  in  heaven.  The  expression  can 
have  no  other  meaning  here,  for  those  addressed  were  already 
members  of  Christ's  visible  kingdom,  and  the  perseverance  to 
which  the  apostles  would  incite  them  has  reference  to  a  kingdom 
which  they  are  yet  to  enter. 

V.  23.  ;^€t/30TovTy(javT€s,  K.  T.  X.,  Now  having  apjjohited  for  them 
elders  in  every  church,  ^^'po'^o'^^'''  signifies  properly  to  elect  or 
vote  by  extending  the  hand,  but  also,  in  a  more  general  sense,  to 
choose,  appoint,  without  reference  to  that  formality.  That  for- 
mality could  not  have  been  observed  in  this  instance,  as  but  two 
individuals  performed  the  act  in  question.  When  the  verb  retains 
the  idea  of  stretching  forth  the  hand,  the  act  is  predicated  always 
of  the  subject  of  the  verb,  not  of  those  for  whom  the  act  may  be 
performed.  Hence  the  interpretation  having  appointed  for  them 
by  their  outstretched  hands,  i.  e.  by  taking  their  opinion  or  vote  in 
that  manner,  is  unwarranted ;  for  it  transfers  the  hands  to  the 
WTong  persons.  Whether  Paul  and  Barnabas  appointed  the  pres- 
byters in  this  case  by  their  own  act  solely,  or  ratified  a  previous 
election  of  the  churches  made  at  their  suggestion,  is  disputed. 
If  it  be  clear  from  other  sources  that  the  primitive  churches 
elected  their  officers  by  general  suffrage,  the  verb  here  may  be 
understood  to  denote  a  concurrent  appointment,  in  accordance 
with  that  practice  ;  but  the  burden  of  proof  lies  on  those  who 
contend  for  such  a  modification  of  the  meaning.  Neander's  con- 
clusion on  this  subject  should  be  stated  here.  "  As  regards  the 
election  to  church  offices,  we  are  in  want  of  sufficient  informa- 
tion to  enable  us  to  decide  how  it  was  managed  in  the  early 
apostohc  times.  Indeed,  it  is  quite  possible  that  the  method  of 
procedure  differed  under  different  circumstances.  As  in  the  in- 
stitution of  deacons  the  apostles  left  the  choice  to  the  communi- 
ties themselves,  and  as  the  same  was  the  case  in  the  choice  of 
dejiuties  to  attend  the  apostles  in  the  name  of  the  communities 
(2  Cor.  8,  19),  we  might  argue  that  a  similar  course  would  be 


236  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XIV,  23. 

pursued  in  filling  other  offices  of  the  church.  Yet  it  may  be 
that  in  many  cases  the  apostles  themselves,  where  they  could 
not  as  yet  have  sufficient  confidence  in  the  spirit  of  the  first  new 
communities,  conferred  the  important  office  of  presbyters  on  such 
as  in  their  own  judgment,  under  the  light  of  the  Divine  Spirit, 
appeared  to  be  the  fittest  persons.  Their  choice  would,  moreover, 
deserve,  in  the  highest  degree,  the  confidence  of  the  communities 
(comp.  14,  23  ;  Tit.  1,  5) ;  although,  when  Paul  empowers  Titus 
to  set  presiding  officers  over  the  communities  who  possessed  the 
requisite  qualifications,  this  circumstance  decides  nothing  as  to 
the  mode  of  choice,  nor  is  a  choice  by  the  community  itself 
thereby  necessarily  excluded.  The  regular  course  appears  to 
have  been  this  :  the  church  offices  were  intrusted  to  the  first  con- 
verts in  preference  to  others,  provided  that  in  other  respects  they 
possessed  the  requisite  qualifications.  It  may  have  been  the 
general  practice  for  the  presbyters  themselves,  in  case  of  a  va- 
cancy, to  propose  another  to  the  community  in  place  of  the  per- 
son deceased,  and  leave  it  to  the  whole  body  either  to  approve  or 
decline  their  selection  for  reasons  assigned.  (Clem.  cap.  44.) 
When  asking  for  the  assent  of  the  community  had  not  yet  be- 
come a  mere  formality,  this  mode  of  filling  church  offices  had  the 
salutary  effect  of  causing  the  votes  of  the  majority  to  be  guided 
by  those  capable  of  judging,  and  of  suppressing  divisions  ;  whde, 
at  the  same  time,  no  one  was  obtruded  on  the  community  who 
would  not  be  welcome  to  their  hearts."  Ch.  Hist.  (Dr.  Torrey's 
Tr.),  Vol.  I.  p.  189.  —  irpeafivTipov;  Kar  eKKXtjaiav,  elders  in  every 
church.  The  term  is  plural,  because  each  church  had  its  cc#- 
lege  of  elders  (see  20,  17  ;  Tit.  1,  5)  ;  not  because  there  was  a 
church  in  each  of  the  cities.  The  ekkrs,  ox  presbyters,  in  the  offi- 
cial sense  of  the  term,  were  those  appointed  in  the  first  churc-hes 
to  watch  over  their  general  discipUne  and  welfare.  With  refer- 
ence to  that  duty,  they  were  called,  also,  l-nia-KOTroi,  i.  e.  suifcrin- 
tendcnts,  or  bishops.  The  first  was  their  Jewish  appellation, 
transferred  to  them  perhaps  from  the  similar  class  of  officers  in 
the  synagogues  ;  the  second  was  their  foreign  appellation,  since 
the  Greeks  employed  it  to  designate  such  relations  among  them- 
selves. In  accordance  with  this  distinction,  we  find  the  general 
rule  to  be  this:  those  who  arc  called  elders  in  speaking  of  Jewish 
communities  are  called  bishops  in  speaking  of  Gentile  commu- 
nities. Hence  the  latter  term  is  the  prevailing  one  in  Paul's 
Epistles.  That  the  names  with  this  difference  were  entirely 
synonymous,  appears  from  their  interchange  in  such  passages  as 
20,  17.  28,  and  Tit.  1,  5.  7.     It  may  be  argued,  also,  from  the  fact 


Chap.  XIV,  24-27.  COMMENTARY.  237 

that  in  Phil.  1,  1  and  1  Tim.  3,  1.  8  the  deacons  are  named  im- 
mediately after  the  bishops,  which  excludes  the  idea  of  any 
intermediate  order.  Other  appellations  given  to  these  officers 
were  Trotjaeves,  r]yovfji.€voL,  irpo^(TTZ>T€<i  rwv  aSeXcfiiov.  The  presbyters, 
or  bishops,  were  not  by  virtue  of  their  office  teachers  or  preachers 
at  the  same  time ;  nor,  on  the  other  hand,  were  the  two  spheres 
of  labor  incompatible  with  each  other.  We  see  from  1  Tim.  5, 
17,  that  some  of  those  who  exercised  the  general  oversight 
preached  also  the  word ;  comp.  also  1  Tim.  3,  2.  The  foregoing 
representation  exhibits  the  view  of  Mosheim,  Neander,  Gieseler, 
Rothe,  and  others  eminent  in  such  inquiries.  —  Trpoo-eu^a/Afi/ot  be- 
longs to  the  following  verb,  not  to  the  subordinate  clause  which 
precedes.  —  avTov<;  is  defined  by  eh  ov  TreTrio-TeuKcto-av,  and  must  re- 
fer to  the  believers  in  general,  not  to  the  elders  merely. 

V.  24.  8ieA.^oVres  ttjv  ITtcrtStav,  Imving  passed  through  Plsidia. 
Antioch  was  on  the  northern  hmit  of  Pisidia,  and  hence  they 
traversed  that  district  from  north  to  south.  Their  journey  was  a 
descent  from  the  mountains  to  the  plain. 

V.  25.  eV  IIcpyT/.  They  now  preached  in  Perga,  as  they  ap- 
pear not  to  have  done  on  their  first  visit ;  see  on  13,  13.  Luke's 
silence  as  to  the  result  may  intimate  that  they  were  favored  with 
no  marked  success.  —  eis  'ArTaAetav.  Listead  of  taking  ship  at 
Perga,  and  sailing  down  the  Cestrus,  which  they  had  ascended 
on  their  outward  journey,  they  travelled  across  the  plain  to 
Attaleia,  a  seaport  on  the  Pamphylian  Gulf,  near  the  mouth  of 
the  Catarrhactes.  The  distance  between  the  two  places  was 
about  sixteen  miles;  see  on  13,  13.  The  founder  of  Attaleia 
was  Attains  Philadelphus,  king  of  Pergamus.  It  occupied  the 
site  of  the  modern  Satalia,  which  Admiral  Beaufort  describes  "  as 
beautifully  situated  round  a  small  harbor,  the  streets  appearing 
to  rise  behind  each  other,  like  the  seats  of  a  theatre,  ....  with  a 
double  wall  and  a  series  of  square  towers  on  the  level  summit  of 
the  hill."     See  a  view  of  the  present  town  in  Howson. 

V.  26.  (XTreVAevo-av  ets  'AvTto'xctav,  sailed  away  unto  Antioch; 
though  they  may  have  disembarked  at  Seleucia  as  the  town  and 
its  port  are  one  in  such  designations;  comp.  20,  6.  —  o^ev ^o-av,  k.  t. 
X.,  stands  in  sensu  prcegnanti  for  whence,  having  been  committed  to 
the  favor  of  God,  they  ivere  sent  forth;  see  13,  3.  W.  h  54.  7. — 
CIS  TO  (.pyov,for  the  ivork,  (telic)  for  its  performance. 

V.  27.  ocra  ....  ^er  auTwv,  hoiv  great  things  (on  their  journey) 
God  lorought  with  them,  i.  e.  in  their  behalf  (15,  4;  Luke  1,  72) ; 
not  by  them,  which  would  be  8i'  avrwv  as  in  15,  12.  The  phrase 
comes  from  ts  nbs  ;  comp.  Josh.  2,  12;  Ps.  119,  65,  etc.     Accord- 


238  CO M M E N T  A 11 Y .  Chap.  XV,  1 . 

ing  to  Meyer,  /act'  avrCtv  is  =  wv  /jlct  avrwv,  allied  with  them,  which 
is  less  simple.  —  oVt  ^voife,  k.  t.  X.,  iJuit  he  opened  to  tli.e  Gentiles  a 
door  of  faith,  i.  e.  had  given  them  access  to  the  gospel,  participa- 
tion in  its  blessings,  as  well  as  to  the  Jews ;  not  that  he  had 
opened  to  the  apostles  a  door  of  access  to  the  heathen.  This 
metaphor  is  a  favorite  one  with  Panl  (1  Cor.  16,  9;  2  Cor.  2,12; 
Col.  4,  3)  and  may  have  become  familiar  to  Luke  in  his  inter- 
course with  him  (Alf ). 

V.  28.  SurpifSov,  K.  T.  X.  It  is  necessary  to  inquire  here  how 
long  the  apostle  was  probably  absent  on  the  tour  followed  by 
this  residence  at  Antioch.  "We  must  be  content  with  a  some- 
what vague  answer  to  this  question.  The  Apostolic  Council  at 
Jerusalem  was  held  in  A.  D.  50  (Introd.  ^6.  3)  ;  and  as  Paul 
departed  on  his  first  mission  in  A.  D.  45  (see  on  13,  3),  we  must 
divide  the  intei-val  from  A.  D.  45  to  50  between  his  journey 
among  the  heathen  and  his  subsequent  abode  at  Antioch.  The 
best  authorities,  as  Anger,  Wieseler,  Meyer,  Winer,  De  Wette, 
and  others,  agree  in  this  result.  How  we  are  to  distribute  the 
intermediate  years  is  more  uncertain.  It  will  be  found  that  the 
apostle  travelled  more  extensively  during  his  second  missionary 
tour  than  during  the  first ;  and  as  the  hmitations  of  time  in  that 
part  of  the  history  allow  us  to  assign  but  three  years,  or  three 
and  a  half,  to  that  excursion,  we  may  consider  two  years  per- 
haps as  sufficient  for  this  journey.  This  conclusion  would  place 
the  return  to  Antioch  near  the  close  of  A.  D.  47 ;  since  the  apos- 
tle must  have  set  forth  somewhat  late  in  the  year  A.  D,  45. 
Compare  the  note  on  12,  25  A\'ith  that  on  13,  3.  Accordingly, 
the  years  A.  D.  48  and  49  would  be  the  period  not  brief  (xpovov 
ovK  oXi'yov)  which  Paul  and  Barnabas  spent  at  Antioch  between 
their  return  and  the  Council  at  Jerusalem.  While  they  resided 
in  that  city,  for  the  most  part,  they  would  be  able,  Ijoth  by  their 
own  personal  efforts  and  their  supervision  of  the  cfibrts  of  others, 
to  extend  the  gospel  in  the  regions  around  them. 


CHAPTER   XV, 


Verses  1-5.     Paid  and  Barnabas  are  sent  as  Delegates  to  Jerusa- 
lem. 

v.  1.     OTTO  tt}?  'lovSatas,  fro77i  Judea,  i.   e.  from  Jerusalem  in 
Judca;    comp.  nves  c^  7;/i,wi/  in  v.  24.     It  is  barely  possible  that 


Chap.  XV,  1.2.  COMMENTARY.  239 

Luke  may  include  the  other  churches  in  that  country.  We  are 
not  to  confound  this  party  of  Judaizers  ■\^^ith  those  in  Gal.  2,  12, 
who  "came  from  James"  (i.  e  the  church  over  which  he  presided), 
and  caused  Peter  to  dissemble  his  convictions  from  fear  of  their 
censure.  The  notice  in  the  epistle  refers  to  a  different  and  later 
event;  see  on  18,23.  —  lU^aa-Kov,  ivere  teaching.  They  had  not 
broached  the  error  merely,  but  were  inculcating  it.  —  on  lav,  k.  t. 
X.,  that  U7ilcss  yc  are  circumcised,  etc.  This  transition  to  the 
direct  style  gives  vividness  to  the  naiTative. — tw  l^u,  according 
to  the  custom,  law  (see  6,  14)  ;  dative  of  rule  or  manner. — ov 
Svvao-S^e  awd^rjvat,  ye  cannot  be  saved.  It  was  this  enforced  sub- 
mission to  the  rite  as  necessary  to  salvation,  wliich  made  the 
error  so  fatally  pernicious.  (Compare  the  note  on  16,  3),  The 
doctrine  in  this  form  was  notliing  less  than  an  utter  subversion 
of  the  scheme  of  Christianity.  It  denied  the  sufficiency  of  faith 
in  Christ  as  the  only  condition  of  pardon  and  reconciliation.  It 
involved  the  feeling  that  circumcision  was  an  act  of  merit,  and 
that  those  who  submitted  to  it  acquired  a  virtual  right  to  the 
divine  favor.  In  a  word,  it  substituted  the  law  of  works  for  the 
gratuitous  justification  which  the  gospel  declares  to  be  the  only 
way  in  which  sinners  can  be  saved.     See  Gal.  5,  1,  sq. 

V.  2.  crrao-ews,  dissension  in  their  views ;  t.rjTT^a-ews,  discussion  on 
the  points  which  that  difference  involved.  —  oXiyT/s  belongs  to  both 
uouns  (De  Wet.).  The  adjective  is  not  repeated  because  the 
words  are  of  the  same  gender.  W.  §  59.  5.  —  avTov<;  refers  to 
Tivc's  in  V.  1.  Paul  and  Barnabas  were  the  disputants  on  one 
side,  and  the  individuals  from  Judea  on  the  other.  It  does  not 
appear  that  the  Cluistians  at  Antioch  took  any  open  part  in  the 
controversy.  The  heresy  reappeared  among  them  at  a  later 
period,  and  became  then  so  prevalent  as  to  endanger  the  safety 
of  the  entire  church;  see  Gal.  2,  11,  sq.  Even  Barnabas,  at  that 
time,  compromised  the  principle  for  which  he  was  now  so  earnest. 
—  era^av,  k.  t.  A.,  they  (i.  e.  the  brethren  in  v.  1)  ajypointed  that 
they  should  go  up,  etc.  It  appears  from  Gal.  2,  2,  that  Paul  went 
also  in  compliance  with  a  divine  command.  Whether  the  reve- 
lation was  first,  and  the  action  of  the  church  subsequent,  or  the 
reverse,  it  is  impossible  to  say.  It  may  be  that  Paul  was 
instructed  to  propose  the  mission  to  Jerusalem ;  or,  if  the  mea- 
sure originated  with  the  church,  that  he  was  instructed  to  approve 
it,  and  to  go  as  one  of  the  delegates.  Either  supposition  harmon- 
izes the  notice  in  Gal.  2,  2  with  this  passage. — ni'tts  aAA.ow,  cer- 
^tain  others  as  delegates.  One  of  them  may  have  been  Titus, 
since  we  read  in  Gal,  2,  1  that  he  accompanied  the  apostle  at 


240  C  0  M  M  E  X  T  A  R  Y .  Chap.  XV,  3-5. 

this  time.  Yet  perhaps  cn;/i.7rapaXay8a)v  koI  Tltov,  m  that  place, 
taking  along  also  Titus,  may  indicate,  that  they  traveUed  together 
as  friends  and  not  as  official  associates.  The  fact,  too,  that, 
being  uncircumcised,  he  was  a  party  in  some  sense  to  this  Jew- 
ish question,  may  have  disqualified  him  for  such  an  api)ointment. 

V,  3.  ol  fiiv  ovv  7rpo7r€/i.<^«?eVT€s,  T/iey  having  been  sent  furward, 
i.  e.  attended  part  of  the  way  by  some  of  the  ehurch,  as  a  mark 
of  honor;  comp.  20,  38;  21,  5;  3  John  v,  6.  The  word,  says 
Meyer,  does  not  include  the  viatica,  or  supplies  for  the  journey, 
unless  the  context  point  that  out  as  a  part  of  the  service  rendered, 
as  in  Tit.  3,  13.  —  hr^pxovTo,  k.  t.  A..,  passed  through  Phoinicia  and 
Samaria.  See  on  11,  19.  As  Galilee  is  not  mentioned,  they 
travelled  probably  along  the  coast  as  fiir  south  as  Ptolemais  (21, 
7),  and  then  crossed  the  plain  of  Esdra^lon  into  Samaria.  —  toIs 
dScX^ot?,  unto  the  brethren  in  the  various  towns  on  their  way. 
We  see  here  the  fruits  of  the  seed  which  had  been  scattered  in 
those  regions  (8,  5;  11,  19). 

V.  4.  6.Titlkx^r](Tav,  were  cordially  received;  comp.  18,  27.  It 
was  not  certain  that,  coming  on  such  an  errand,  they  would  be 
greeted  with  entire  favor.  It  weakens  the  sense  to  restrict  it  to 
their  official  recognition  as  messengers.  This  was  the  apostle's 
third  visit  to  Jerusalem  since  his  conversion,  and  was  made  in 
the  year  A.  D.  50  (Introd.  ^  6.  3). — t-^s  iKKXrj<Tta<;,  the  church  in 
general,  while  /cai  adds  the  prominent  parts ;  see  on  1,  14.  The 
existence  of  presbyters  at  Jerusalem  is  first  recognized  in  11, 
30.  Luke  does  not  inform  us  at  what  time,  or  in  what  manner, 
they  were  appointed.  It  was  evidently  no  part  of  his  intention 
to  unfold  any  particular  scheme  of  ecclesiastical  polity.  The 
information  which  he  gives  on  that  subject  is  incidental  and  im- 
perfect.—  /act'  avrCjv,  towards  them,  in  their  behalf;  see  on  14,  27. 

V.  5.  iiavia-Trjo-av,  k.  t.  X.,  But  there  arose  (in  the  assembly  at 
Jerusalem)  so?nc  of  those  from  the  sect  of  tJie  Fharisecs.  It  is  en- 
tirely natural  that  individuals  of  this  class  apjicar  as  the  party 
who  insist  on  circumcision.  The  attachment  to  forms,  which 
rendered  them  Pharisees  out  of  the  church,  rendered  them 
legaUsts  in  it.  These  are  the  persons  e\ndently,  of  whom  Paul 
speaks  so  strongly  in  Gal.  2,  4.  —  avroi'?,  them,  viz.  the  Gentile 
believers  in  the  communication  just  made  (v.  4).  —  Some  regard 
the  contents  of  this  verse  as  a  continuation  of  the  report  (v.  4), 
as  if  the  objectors  were  those  at  Antioch,  and  not  at  Jerusalem; 
but  in  that  case  we  should  have  expected  koL  ttws  or  on,  and  how 
or  that  as  the  connective  between  dvT^ctXav  and  l^avia-rqcrav. 


Ghap.XV,  6-8.  COMMENTARY.  241 


Verses  6-12      Speech  of  Peter  in  the  'Assembly. 

V.  6.  a-vvrix^r](Tav,  k.  t.  A.  This  assembly  is  often  called  the 
fii-st  Christian  Council ;  but  we  must  use  some  license  to  apply 
the  term  in  that  way,  since  a  council  consists  properly  of  dele- 
gates from  various  churches,  whereas  two  churches  only  were 
represented  on  this  occasion.  The  apostles  and  elders  are  men- 
tioned on  account  of  their  rank,  not  as  composing  the  entire 
assembly.  It  is  evident  from  v.  23,  that  the  other  Christians  at 
Jerusalem  were  also  present,  and  gave  their  sanction  to  the  de- 
crees enacted ;  see  also  v.  12,  compared  with  v.  22.  —  In  Gal.  2, 
2,  Paul  states  that,  besides  the  communication  which  he  made  to 
the  believers  in  a  body,  he  had  also  a  private  interview  with  the 
chief  of  the  apostles.  That  interview,  we  may  suppose,  preceded 
the  public  discussion.  The  object  of  it  appears  to  have  been, 
to  put  the  other  apostles  in  full  possession  of  his  views,  and  of 
all  the  facts  in  relation  to  his  ministry  among  the  heathen ;  so 
that,  fortified  by  their  previous  knowledge  of  the  case,  he  might 
have  their  support  in  the  i^romiscuous  assembly,  where  prejudice 
or  misunderstanding  might  otherwise  have  placed  him  in  a  false 
light.  —  Adyou  TovTov,  this  matter,  subject  of  discussion  (De  Wet.)  ; 
not  this  expression  in  v.  5  (Mey.),  because  the  dispute  had  an 
earlier  origin. 

V.  7.  d^'  rifiep(x)v  ap)(ai(i)v,  since  remote  days,  a  long  time  ago ; 
comp.  iv  apxy  in  11,  15.  The  conversion  of  Cornehus  took  place 
during  the  time  that  Paul  was  at  Tarsus  (see  on  11,  15);  and 
the  several  years,  so  eventful  in  their  character,  which  had 
elapsed  since  that  period,  would  appear  in  the  retrospect  a  long 
time.  —  iv  rffiiv  ....  o-Td/Aards  /xov,  made  choice  among  us  (the  apos- 
tles) that  by  my  mouth,  etc.,  (Mey.  De  Wet.  Win.).  The  subse- 
quent clause  forms  the  proper  object  of  i^eXi^aro.  Some  supply 
needlessly  e/Ac  (Olsh.),  and  others  incorrectly  make  iv  rjfuv  a 
Hebraistic  accusative,  selected  me  or  us.  See  W.  ^  32.  3.  The 
meaning  is  not  necessarily  that  no  heathen  had  heard  or  em- 
braced the  gospel  till  Peter  preached  it  to  them ;  but  that  it  was 
he  whom  God  appointed  to  convey  the  gospel  to  them  under 
circumstances  which  showed  it  to  be  manifestly  his  will  that 
they  should  be  admitted  into  the  church  without  circumcision.  — 
For  the  generic  eSv-q,  see  on  11,  18. 

V.  8.     6  Kap8toyvwo-njs  ....  auroi?,  the  heart-knoioing   God  (who 

could  judge,  therefore,  of  the  sincerity  of  their  repentance  and 

.-^  faith)  testified  for  them  (dat.  comm.).     The  testimony  consisted 

31 


242  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XV,  9.  10. 

of  the  miraculous  gifts  which  he  imjiarted  to  them,  see  10,  45. 
He  had  thus  shown  that  ceremonial  ohedience  was  not  essential 
to  his  favor ;  for  he  had  granted  the  sign  of  acceptance  to  tliose 
who  were  entirely  destitute  of  that  recommendation. 

V.  9.  Kol  ouSev  ....  avTwv,  and  made  no  distinction  between  us, 
who  had  practised  the  Jewish  rites,  and  them,  though  they  were 
still  heathen  in  that  respect  {avofiot,  1  Cor.  9,  21).  The  next 
clause  states  how  he  had  manifested  this  impartiality  —  -rfj  ttio-tci 
....  avTwv,  in  that  by  faitli  he  purified  their  hearts,  i.  e.  in  connection 
with  their  reception  of  the  gospel,  had  made  them  partakers  of 
the  hohness  which  renders  those  who  possess  it  acceptable  in  his 
sight.  He  had  bestowed  this  blessing  as  fully  and  freely  on  the 
uncircumcised  believing  Gentiles,  as  he  had  upon  the  circumcised 
beheving  Jews.  Peter  represents  the  purification  as  effected  by 
faith,  in  order  to  deny  the  error  which  would  ascribe  that  ethcacy 
to  circumcision  or  any  other  legal  observance.  The  Jewish  fecl- 
ing  was  that  the  heathen  were  unclean  so  long  as  they  were  un- 
circumcised. The  Spirit  is  the  efficient  author  of  sanctification ; 
but  faith  as  used  here  is  a  behef  of  the  truth  (2  Thess.  :l,  13), 
especially  of  that  which  relates  to  the  atonement  of  Christ  ( 1 
John  1,  7),  and  the  Sjjirit  employs  the  truth  as  the  means  of 
sanctification. 

v.  10.  vvv  ovv,  Noiv  therefore,  i.  e.  after  such  evidence  that 
God  does  not  require  the  heathen  to  submit  to  Jewish  rites.  —  ti 
7reipa^eT€  tov  ^eov,  ivhi/  do  ye  tempt  God,  make  presumptuous  trial 
of  his  power  and  patience  by  demanding  new  proofs  of  his  will ; 
see  5,  9;  Matt.  4,  7 ;  1  Cor.  10,  9.  This  sense  is  partly  Hebra- 
istic, and  we  must  compare  the  verb  with  noj,  in  order  to  obtain 
the  full  idea.  —  tTnSfivai  (=  cVi-^cVtc?)  ^uyov,  that  you  should  place 
(=  by  placing)  a  yoke,  etc.  This  is  a  lax  use  of  the  epexegeti- 
cal  infinitive.  W.  ^  44.  1.  —  tw  ovre,  k.  t.  X.,  which  neither  our 
fathers,  etc.  "  By  this  yoke,"  says  Neander,  "  which  Peter 
represents  as  having  been  always  so  irksome  to  the  Jcavs,  he 
certainly  did  not  mean  the  external  observance  of  ceremonies 
simply  as  such,  ^ince  he  would  by  no  means  persuade  the  Jew- 
ish Christians  to  renounce  them.  But  he  meant  the  external 
obser\'ance  of  the  law,  in  so  far  as  this  proceeded  from  an  inter- 
nal subjection  of  the  conscience  to  its  })owcr,  such  as  exists 
when  justification  and  salvation  are  made  to  depend  on  the 
performance  of  legal  requirements.  Those  in  this  state  of  mind 
must  fear  lest  they  peril  their  salvation  by  the  slightest  deviation 
from  the  law ;  they  suffer  the  painful  scrupulosity  which  leads  to 
the  invention  of  manifold  checks,  in  order  to  guard  themselves, 


Chap.  XV,  11-15.  COMMENTARY.  243 

by  a  self-imposed  constraint,  against  every  possible  transgression 
of  its  commands." 

V.  11.  dXAct  marks  this  connection  :  With  such  an  experience 
as  to  the  law,  we  no  longer  expect  salvation  from  that  source  ; 
hut  through,  the  grace  of  the  Lord  Jesus  believe  that  we  shall  he 
saved.  —  kclkCivoi,  also  they,  viz.  the  heathen  converts.  The  remark 
suggests  its  own  application.  If  the  Jews  had  renounced  their 
own  law  as  unable  to  benefit  them,  and  had  taken  the  position 
of  the  Gentiles,  it  was  inconsistent,  as  well  as  useless,  to  require 
the  Gentiles  to  depend  on  the  system  of  the  Jews.  The  train 
of  thought  in  Gal.  2,  15  sq.  is  singularly  coincident  with  this.  — 
The  reference  of  kclkCivoi  to  o\  iraT€p€<;  introduces  an  idea  irrele- 
vant to  the  subject. 

V.  1 2.  iaiy-qa-e,  hecame  silent,  recalls  us  to  the  ttoXA^s  a-vlrfT-^- 
a-eoy^  in  v.  7.  Peter's  address  had  calmed  the  excitement,  so  that 
they  refrained  from  speaking,  and  gave  Paul  and  Barnabas  an 
opportunity  to  be  heard;  comp.  cnyrjaai  in  the  next  verse. — •^kouov 
(imperf)  implies  a  copious  narration  on  the  part  of  the  speakers. 
—  iir]yovfji.€V(j)v,  k.  t.  X.  They  gave  this  prominence  to  the  mira- 
cles because  these  expressed  so  decisively  God's  approval  of 
their  course  in  receiving  the  heathen  without  circumcision.  That 
was  now  the  main  point  in  question.  We  see  from  Gal.  2,  7  sq., 
that  the  narrative  embraced  also  other  topics. 

Verses   13-21.     Speech  of  the  Apostle  James. 

V.  13.  The  speaker  is  the  James  mentioned  in  12,  17.  Paul 
names  liim  before  Peter  and  John  in  Gal.  2,  9  because  he  was 
pastor  of  the  church  at  Jerusalem  and  perhaps  president  of  the 
council.  —  aTreKpLSrj,  proceeded  to  sp)cdk  (see  3,  12)";  or,  very  prop- 
erly, answered,  since  the  position  of  the  Judaistic  party  challenged 
a  reply. 

V.  14.  2u/A6wi/,  Symeon  (see  13,  1),  as  in  2  Pet.  1,  1  ,  else- 
where St/Aojv,  Simon,  after  the  Heb.  variation  firi'iKJ  (1  Chr.  4,  20) 
and  yj-o-q  (Gen.  29,  33).  This  apostle  is  not  mentioned  again  in 
the  Acts.  His  speech  in  the  council  is  the  last  act  of  Peter 
which  Luke  has  recorded.  —  irpwrov,  at  first,  answers  to  d<^'  rjixepdv 
apxauiiv  in  v.  7.  —  eVeo-Kci/^aro,  graciously  visited,  like  "ij^Q  in  its  good 
sense.  —  im  tw  ovofiaTi  avTov,  after  his  name  (Luke  1,  9),  i.  e.  who 
should  be  called  by  it,  known  as  his  people  (De  Wet.) ;  comp.  v. 
17;  Dent.  28,  10;  Is.  63,  19;  2  Chr.  7,  14,  etc.  But  the  critical 
editions  omit  l-n-i,  and  the  dative  depends  then  on  the  infinitive, 
i.  e.for  thy  name,  its  acknowledgment,  honor. 

V.  15.     KoX  TovTw  K.  T.  X.,  and  ivith  this  (not  masculine,  viz. 


244  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XV,  IG.  17. 

Peter,  but  neuter,  viz.  the  fact  just  statetl)  agree  the  words  of  the 
jiropUets.  ks,  an  example  of  their  testimony,  he  adduces  Am. 
9,  11  sq. 

V.  J  6.  The  citation  conforms  very  nearly  to  the  Septuagint.  — 
dvao-rp e'i//u),  k.  t.  X.,  I  imll  return  and  will  rebuild.  The  expression 
implies  a  restoration  of  favor  after  a  temporary  alienation ;  comp. 
Jer.  12,  15.  Some  recognize  here  the  Hebraism  which  converts 
the  first  of  two  verbs  into  an  adverb  qualifying  the  second  :  I  uil/ 
again  rebuild.  Meyer,  De  Wette,  Winer  {§  54.  5),  reject  that 
explanation.  It  is  the  less  apposite  here,  as  avd  repeats  the  ad- 
verbial idea  in  the  three  following  verbs.  —  woiKoSo/xr^o-w,  k.  t.  X., 
I  will  rebuild  the  tabernacle  of  David  u-hich  has  fallen,  i.  e.  will 
restore  the  decayed  splendor  of  his  family,  to  wit,  in  the  person 
of  his  Son  after  the  flesh  (Rom.  1,  3),  in  the  Messiah.  a-K-qinqv 
represents  the  family  as  having  fallen  into  such  ol^scurity  as  to 
occupy  the  humble  abode  of  a  booth  or  tabernacle.  The  next 
words  of  the  text  describe  the  same  condition  still  more  strongly. 

V.  17.  oTTws  av  eK^TjTTyo-wcrtv,  k.  t.  A.,  that  (telic,  because  the  Sav- 
iour must  be  fii-st  sent)  the  rest  (lit.  those  left  remaining)  of  men 
and  all  the  heathen  may  seek  out  the  Lord,  av  implies  that  it  de- 
pends on  them  whether  the  purpose  will  be  attained  or  defeated. 
See  W.  H2.  6 ;  K.  ^  330.  4.  The  rest  of  men  are  the  others  of 
them  besides  the  Jews,  and  these  others  are  all  the  heathen.  The 
last'  clause  is  explicative,  not  appositional.  The  Hebrew  has 
they,  i.  e.  the  people  of  God,  shall jjossess  the  residue  of  Edom,  i.  e. 
those  of  Edom  reserved  for  mercy,  and  all  the  (other)  heathen. 
The  Seventy  may  have  confounded  some  of  the  original  words 
with  other  similar  words ;  but  the  apostle  followed  their  transla- 
tion of  the  passage,  as  it  contained  the  essential  idea  for  which 
he  appealed  to  it.  The  many  foreign  Jcavs  who  were  present 
were  familiar  Avith  the  Greek  Scriptures,  but  not  the  Hebrew. — 
c^'  0W5  .  .  .  .  /Aov,  upon  whom  my  name  has  been  called,  i.  e.  given, 
applied  to  them  as  a  sign  of  their  relationship  to  God ;  comp. 
James  2,  7.  See  the  references  on  v.  14.  Observe  that  the  verb 
is  perfect.  The  application  of  the  name  was  future  when  the 
l)rophecy  was  uttered,  and  was  still  future  to  a  great  extent 
when  cited  at  this  time  ;  but  the  prediction  was  as  good  as  al- 
ready verified,  because  the  purpose  of  God  made  it  certain. 
—  (.-w  avTou's  is  a  Hebraism,  founded  on  the  use  of  "irx  as  the 
sign  of  relation  (Olsh.  De  Wet.  Mey.).  Gesen.  Heb.  Gr.  H21. 
1.  The  foregoing  citation  from  Amos  was  pertinent  in  a  twofold 
way :  first,  it  announced  that  the  heathen  were  to  be  admitted 
with  the  Jews  into  the  kingdom  of  Christ ;  and,  secondly,  it  con- 


Chap.  XV,  18-20.  COMMENTARY.  245 

tained  no  recognition  of  circumcision,  or  other  Jewish  ceremonies, 
as  prerequisite  to  their  reception.  —  iravTa  after  raura  (T.  R.)  is 
not  approved. 

V.  18.  The  words  here  are  a  comnaent  of  James  on  the  proph- 
ecy.— yvwora  ....  avTov,  Knoivnfrom  the  beginning  unto  God  are  all 
his  works.  The  present  call  of  the  Gentiles,  after  having  been 
so  long  foretold,  was  an  evidence  and  illustration  of  the  truth 
here  asserted.  Hence,  the  apostle  would  argue,  if  God,  in  ex- 
tending the  gospel  to  the  heathen  vidthout  requiring  them  to  be 
circumcised,  was  carrying  into  effect  an  eternal  purpose,  it  be- 
came them  to  acquiesce  in  it ;  their  opposition  to  his  plan  would 
be  as  unavailing  as  it  was  criminal.  —  The  variations  of  the  text 
in  this  verse  are  numerous,  but  nearly  all  yield  the  same  mean- 
ing. They  may  be  seen  in  Griesbach,  Hahn,  Tischendorf,  Green, 
and  others.  Lachman  adheres  to  the  common  reading,  with  the 
exception  of  Kvpi<^  for  .^ew,  and  Ipr^ov  for  Ipya. 

V.  19.  eyoi  KpCvoi,  7  (for  my  part,  without  dictating  to  others) 
judge,  decide  as  my  opinion.  On  eyw,  as  thus  restrictive,  see  W. 
§  22.  6.  The  verb  affords  no  proof  that  the  speaker's  authority 
was  greater  than  that  of  the  other  apostles;  comp.  16,4. — fj,r] 
-n-apevo-^uv,  that  we  ought  not  to  disquiet,  molest,  i.  e.  impose  on 
them  the  yoke  of  Jewish  ceremonies  ;  see  v.  10.     The  infinitive 

i, includes  often  the  idea  of  obligation  or  necessity.  W.  h  44.  3.  b. 
Meyer  urges  the  separate  force  of  ■na.pa,  further ,  i.  e.  in  addition 
to  their  faith,  not  justified  apparently  by  usage;  better  in  his  last 
edition,  thereby,  along  with  their  conversion. 

V.  20.  cTTto-retXat,  k.  t.  X.,  that  ive  should  write  to  them,  direct  by 
letter,  that  they  abstain.  —  dXto-yr//xaTcov  =  ctSwXo^uVwv  in  v.  29.  The 
parts  of  the  victim  not  used  in  sacrifice,  the  heathen  sold  in  the 
market  as  ordinary  food,  or  ate  them  at  feasts.  The  Jews,  in 
their  abhorrence  of  idolatry,  regarded  the  use  of  such  flesh  as 
allied  to  the  guilt  of  participating  in  idol-worship  itself  See 
Rom.  14,  15  sq. ;  1  Cor.  8,  10  sq.  —  koi  rijs  iropveia<;,  and  from  for- 
nication =  licentiousness  (Calv.  Kuin.  Olsh.  Mey.  De  Wet.). 
Repeat  ayro  before  this  noun.     The  other  practices,  it  will  be  ob- 

V,  served,  relate  to  things  which  are  not  sinful  per  se,  but  derive 
their  character  from  positive  law,  or  from  circumstances.  The 
reason,  probably,  for  associating  tliis  immorality  with  such  prac- 
tices is,  that  the  heathen  mind  had  become  so  corrupt  as  almost 
to  have  lost  the  idea  of  chastity  as  a  virtue.^     Other  senses  of 

'  See  Tholuck  on  the  Nature  and  Moral  Influence  of  Heathenism,  in  the  Biblical 
Repository,  Vol.  II.  p.  441  sq. 


246  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XV,  21.  22. 

TTopveta,  as  idolatry,  incest,  marriage  with  unbelievers,  concubin- 
age, have  been  proposed.  It  is  against  any  such  unusual  signifi- 
cation of  the  word,  that  it  occurs  again  in  the  enactment  (v.  29). 
The  object  of- the  decree  would  require  it  to  be  framed  \vith  as 
much  perspicuity  as  possible,  and  would  exclude  the  use  of  terms 
out  of  their  ordinary  acceptation.  —  koI  tov  ttvlktov,  and  from  xchal 
has  been  strangled,  i.  e.  from  the  flesh  of  animals  put  to  death  in 
that  way.  The  Jews  were  not  allowed  to  eat  such  flesh,  because 
it  contained  the  blood;  see  Lev.  17,  13.  14;  Deut.  12,  16,  23.— 
Koi  TOV  atfjiaTos,  and  from  blood,  which  the  heathen  drank  often  at 
their  idolatrous  feasts,  and  at  other  times  and  in  various  ways 
mingled  with  their  food. 

V.  21.  This  verse  assigns  a  reason  for  the  proposed  restric- 
tions, and  that  is,  that  the  Jewish  believers,  being  so  accustomed 
to  hear  the  things  in  question  forbidden,  were  naturally  sensitive 
in  regard  to  them,  and  hence  it  was  necessary,  for  the  sake  of 
peace  and  hamiony,  that  the  heathen  converts  should  refrain 
from  such  practices.  This  view  of  the  connection  is  the  most 
natural  one.  Calvin,  Hemsen,  Olshausen,  De  Wette,  Meyer,  and 
others,  agree  in  it.  Neander  follows  Chiysostom,  who  supposes 
the  words  to  explain  why  it  was  proposed  to  instruct  the  Gentiles 
only :  the  Jews  had  no  occasion  to  be  informed  what  the  law  re- 
quired of  them ;  for  Moses  in  every  city,  etc.  This  interpretation 
not  only  turns  the  mind  abruptly  from  one  train  of  thought  to 
another,  but  appears  to  concede  more  to  the  advocates  of  circum- 
cision than  the  question  at  issue  would  allow.  To  have  justified 
the  prohibitions  on  such  ground  would  be  recognizing  the  perpe- 
tuity of  the  Mosaic  rites,  so  far  as  the  Jews  were  concerned ; 
and  we  cannot  suppose  that  the  apostles  at  this  time  either  enter- 
tained that  view,  or  would  give  any  direct  countenance  to  it  in 
the  minds  of  others. 

Verses  22-29.     They  appoint  Messe^igers  to  the   Churches,  and 
send  a  Letter  by  them. 

V.  22.  TOTc  ISofe,  K.  T.  X.,  T/ien  the  ajiosflcs  ....  resolved,  Imving 
selected  men  from  themselves,  to  send  them,  etc.  cVXetayxeVovs  passes 
into  the  accusative,  because  the  object  of  the  governing  verb, 
ctTroo-ToXois,  serves  at  the  same  time  as  the  subject  of  the  infini- 
tive. K.  ^  307.  K  2.  —  Judas  is  known  only  from  this  notice. 
His  surname  opposes  the  conjecture  that  he  was  Judas  Thad- 
deus,  the  apostle.  There  is  no  ])roof  tliat  he  was  a  brother  of 
Joseph  Barsabas,  the  candidate  for  the  apostleship  (1,23). —  Silas 


Chap.  XV,  23-25.  COMMENTARY.  247 

bacame  Paul's  associate  in  his  second  missionary  tour  (v.  40). 
For  St'Aas  in  the  Acts,  we  have  always  StAovavo's  in  the  Epistles. 
The  former  was  his  Jewish  name  probably,  the  latter  his  Gentile 
or  foreign  name  ;  see  on  13,  9. — riyovfjiivovs,  leading,  eminent  for 
reputation  and  authority  (Luke  22,  26). 

V.  23.  ypa(//ai/T€s.  The  nominative  of  a  participle  refers  often 
to  a  preceding  substantive  in  a  different  case,  when  that  substan- 
tive forms  in  fact  the  logical  subject  of  the  clause.  K.  ^  313.  1 ; 
W.  ^  64.  II.  2.  The  impersonal  expression  at  the  head  of  the 
sentence  is  equivalent  to  a  transitive  verb  with  the  dative  as 
nominative.  K.  ^  307.  R.  5.  —  Kara  t^v 'Avnoxetav,  k.  t.  X.,  through- 
out Antioch  and  Syria,  etc.,  since  the  brethren  were  in  different 
places.  We  see  here  how  extensively  the  Judaizers  had  at- 
tempted to  spread  their  views.  The  scene  at  Antioch  (v.  1)  was 
only  an  example  of  what  had  occurred  in  many  other  places.  As 
to  the  origin  of  the  churches  in  Syria  and  Cilicia,  see  on  v.  41. — 
Xa.ip€Lv,  sc.  XiyovaL.  It  is  remarkable,  says  Neander,  that  this  word, 
as  a  form  of  epistolary  salutation,  occurs  only  here  and  in  James 
1,  1,  with  the  exception  of  23,  26,  where  it  is  a  Roman  who  em- 
ploys it.  It  would  account  for  the  coincidence  if  we  suppose 
that  the  Apostle  James  drew  up  this  document.  His  office  as 
pastor  of  the  church  would  very  naturally  devolve  that  service 
on  him.  The  occurrence  of  ^a'p "i'  here  and  in  the  Epistle,  Ben- 
gel,  Bleek,  and  others,  point  out  as  an  indication  that  the  two 
compositions  are  from  the  same  hand. 

V.  24.  e$  rjfjLwv,  fro?n  us,  which  accords  with  v.  1.  —  irdpa^av, 
disquieted,  Tperplexed;  see  Gal.  1,  7.  —  Xoyot?  may  have,  as  Stier 
thinks,  a  disparaging  force :  with  words  merely,  as  opposed  to  the 
truth  or  sound  doctrine.  —  dvao-Keiia^ovres  ras  i/'ux°'5  vfiojv,  subverting 
your  souls,  i.  e.  unsettling,  removing  them  from  the  pure  faith  of 
the  gospel.  This  clause  describes  the  effect  or  tendency  of  the 
views  which  those  who  received  the  decrees  were  urged  by  the 
false  teachers  to  adopt.  —  TrcpiTt/xveo-^ai,  k.  t.  X.,  that  ye  must  be 
circumcised,  and  keep  the  law.  For  this  power  of  the  infinitive, 
see   on  v.  19.      Seii/   is   not  to    be    supplied.  —  ofs   ov    SiecrrciAayu-e^a, 

whom  roe  did  not  command,  i.  e.  instruct,  authorize.  This  declar- 
ation may  be  aimed  at  a  pretence  on  their  part  that  they  had 
been  sent  forth  by  the  church  at  Jerusalem,  or  at  least  that  they 
represented  the  sentiments  of  that  church. 

V.  25.  y€vo/x,€Voi9  o/Ao^u/AttSov,  having  met  together  (  Vulg.  Ncand. ) ; 
but  better,  having  become  of  one  mind,  unanimous  (Bug.  Str.  Mey.). 
Kuinoel  and  De  Wette  are  undecided.  According  to  tlie  latter 
view,  the  expression  represents  this  perfect  harmony  as  having 


248  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XV,  26-28. 

been  attained  after  some  diversity  of  opinion;  see  v.  5.  —  eVXe^- 
a/Ae'vovs  exemplifies  again  the  construction  in  v.  22.  —  Bapvdfta  koX 
Uavkio.    This  deviation  from  the  usual  order  of  these  names  since 

13,  13,,  as  De  Wette  remarks  after  Bleek,  testifies  to  the  A\aiter's 
diplomatic  accuracy.  Paul  had  spent  but  little  time  at  Jerusalem, 
and  Barnabas  was  still  a  more  famihar  name  there  (comp.  9,  27), 
than  that  of  the  apostle  to  the  Gentiles. 

V.  26.  dv^pu)7rois  ....  avTwv,  men  who  have  given  up,  jeoparded, 
their  lives ;  comp.  9,  24  ;  13,  50  ;  14,  5.  19.  There  was  a  special 
reason,  no  doubt,  for  this  commendation  of  Paul  and  Barnabas. 
It  would  sei-ve  to  counteract  any  attempts  which  the  JeA\dsh  i)arty 
might  make,  or  had  made,  to  discredit  their  religious  views  and 
impair  their  reputation  as  teachers. 

v.  27.  ovv,  therefore,  i.  e.  in  conformity  with  the  conclusion  in 
V.  25.  —  KOX  avTov<;,  k.  t.  X.,  also  themselves  by  word  announcing 
(when  they  shall  be  present)  the  same  things,  i.  e.  that  we  now 
write  to  you  (Neand.  Mey.  De  Wet.)  ;  not  'the  same  things  that 
Paul  and  Barnabas  have  taught.  Sta  Xoyov  indicates  clearly  that 
the  oral  communication  was  to  confirm  the  contents  of  the  letter 
or  the  wi-itten  communication.  "  Judas  and  Silas,"  says  Stier 
(Reden  der  Apostel,  I.  p.  90),  "should  certify  that  the  letter  had 
actually  proceeded  from  a  unanimous  resolve  of  the  church  at 
Jerusalem,  and  that  Barnabas  and  Saul  were  thus  honored  and 
beloved  there ;  they  should  give  fuller  information  respecting  the 
decrees,  and  answer  every  inquiry  that  might  be  projiosed,  as 
living  epistles,  confirmed  by  the  letter  and  confirming  it  in  re- 
turn ;  and  thus  by  their  word  they  should  restore  again  the 
harmony  wliich  those  unsent  members  of  their  church  had  dis- 
turbed." 

V.  28.  Iho^f.  yap,  For  it  seemed  good,  i.  e.  and  especially  how  it 
seemed  good,  yap  specifics  the  part  of  the  letter  which  the  writ- 
ers had  more  particularly  in  view  in  to.  avTo.. — Trvei'/Aan  Kaf))fut'  = 
■TTvevfjiaTi  iv  rjfjilv  (Olsh.).  See  5,  3  and  note  there.  The  expression 
represents  the  two  agencies  as  distinct  from  each  other,  as  well 
as  consentaneous  (De  Wet.).  —  rj/xLv  includes  all  (see  v.  23)  who 
took  part  in  the  action  of  the  council.  They  were  conscious  of 
having  adopted  their  conclusions  under  the  guidance  of  the 
Spirit,  and  claimed  for  them  the  authority  of  infallible  decisions. 
—  Twi/  renders  cVamyKes  an  adjective.  B.  ^  125.  6.  The  things 
in  question  are  said  to  be  necessary,  not  (excepting  the  last  of 
them)  because  they  were  wrong  in  themselves,  but  because  the 
J  Gentile  Christians  were  bound  by  the  law  of  charity  (see   Rom. 

14,  15)  to  avoid  a  course  wldch,  while  it  involved  uo  question  of 


Chap.  XV,  29-34.  COMMENTARY.  249 

conscience  on  their  part,  would  offend  and  grieve   their  Jewish 
brethren,  and  lead  inevitably  to  strife  and  alienation. 

V.  29.  dirix^a-^ai,  to  wit,  that  ye  abstain.  For  this  definitive 
use  of  the  infinitive,  see  W.  k  44.  1 :  C.  ^  623.  —  It  is  not  perhaps 
accidental  that  iropv^oM  has  here  a  different  position  from  that  in  v. 
20  ;  see  also  21,  25.  —  ef  wv  .  .  .  .  eavroi;?  Neander  compares  with 
acr7riA.ov  eavTov  TTjpciv  (xtto  tou  Koa/xov  in  James  1,  27.  The  similarity 
is  striking,  and  may  indicate  tlie  same  hand  in  the  two  passages 
(see  on  v.  23).  —  ev  Trpd^ere,  ye  will  do  ivell,  what  is  right  and  com- 
mendable ;  see  10,  33;  3  Jolm  v.  6.  —  eppiaa-^e,  like  the  Latin 
valete. 


Verses  30-35.     Paul  and  Barnabas  return  to  Antioch. 

V.  30.  ovv,  therefore,  since  the  foregoing  decision  was  prehrai- 
nary  to  their  departure.  —  airoXv^ivTe^,  having  been  dismissed,  i.  e. 
in  all  probability  with  religions  services  (v.  33  ;  13,  3),  and  perhaps 
with  an  escort  for  some  miles  on  the  way  (v.  3).  —  to  7rA^.9o?,  tJie 
multitude;  see  v.  12  and  6,  2.  They  call  at  once  an  assembly  of 
the  behevers  to  hear  their  report. 

V.  31.  IttI  ry  irapaKX-^aei,  at  the  co7isolation  (lit.  ^qwn  as  the 
cause)  furnished  by  the  letter.  They  approve  of  what  had  been 
done ;  they  rejoice  at  the  prospect  of  so  happy  a  termination  of 
the  dispute.  Some  understand  -rrapaKX-qa-eL  of  exhortation,  which 
certainly  is  not  required  by  that  sense  of  the  verb  in  the  next 
verse  (Mey.),  and  does  not  accord  well  with  the  contents  of  so 
authoritative  a  letter. 

V.  32.  Ktti  avTol  7rpocf>7JTai  ovrec,  also  themselves  being  prophets, 
i.  e.  as  well  as  Paul  and  Barnabas,  and  so  competent  to  give  the 
instruction  needed.  —  wapeKaXea-av,  exhorted,  viz.  in  view  of  the 
present  danger,  that  they  should  rely  on  Christ  for  salvation,  and 
not  cleave  to  the  law  of  woi-ks.  —  i-n-ea-TypL^av,  confirmed,  shows 
the  happy  effect  of  their  labors. 

V.  33.  p.^T  dp-qvf]^,  with  peace;  the  parting  salutation  (16,  36; 
Mark  5,  34  ;  Luke  7,  50).  The  brethren  took  leave  of  them  with 
the  best  wishes  for  their  safety  and  welfare.  Judas  and  Silas 
both  returned  to  Jerusalem,  as  their  commission  would  require, 
but  Silas  must  have  soon  rejoined  Paul  at  Antioch,  since  we  find 
him  there  in  v.  40.     Luke  has  passed  over  that  second  journey. 

V.  34.  Griesbacli,  Lachmann,  Tischendorf,  and  others,  strike 
out  this  verse.  Most  of  the  manuscripts  omit  it,  or  read  it  vari- 
ously. It  is  a  gloss  probably,  supposed  to  be  required  by  v.  40. 
If  the  text  be  genuine  and  Silas  remained  at  Antioch,  we  must 
32 


250  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XV,  35-39. 

undeist-ancl  the  plural  in  v.  33  as  including  one  or  more  persons 
along  with  Judas,  who  had.  also  come  down  from  Jerusalem, 
though  the  narrative  is  othei-wise  silent  concerning  them. 

V.  35.  hiirpi^ov.  This  was  the  interval  between  the  return  to 
Antioch  (v.  30),  and  the  departure  on  the  next  missionary  tour 
(v.  40).  Some  propose  to  insert  here  the  scene  described  in  Gal. 
2,  11  sq.;  but  that  such  a  reaction  in  favor  of  Judaism  as  appeared 
on  that  occasion  should  have  taken  place  so  soon  after  the  decis- 
ion at  Jerusalem,  is  altogether  improbable.  See  note  on  18,  23. 
—  Kttt  adds  eiayyeAi^o/Aevot  to  the  Other  participle  as  epexegetical : 
what  they  taught  was  the  glad  tidings  or  the  gospel;  not  in- 
structed believers  and  preached  to  those  who  had  not  believed 
(Alf.).     See  4,  18;  5,  42;  11,  26;  28,  31. 

Verses  36-41.    Paul  and  Barnabas  resume  their  Work  in  different 
Fields  of  Labor. 

V.  36.  //.era  Se  rivas  rjfjiepa^,  Noiv  after  certain  days,  denotes  ap- 
parently a  short  period;  comp.  9,  19;  16,  12.  —  ^  strengthens  the 
exhortation ;  see  13,  2.  —  £7rio-Kci//aj/i.€-9a  ....  ttws  l)(ov(n  may  in- 
volve an  attraction,  viz.  that  of  the  subject  of  the  last  clause 
drawn  into  the  first :  let  us  go  to  see  ...  .  how  the  brethren  are  (W. 
h  66.  5)  ;  or  an  ellipsis :  let  us  visit  the  brethren,  and  see  (as  in  the 
E.  V.)  hoio  they  are.  —  Iv  at?  is  plural  because  Trao-av  -nokiv  is  col- 
lective. W.  k  21.  3;  K.  h  332.  5.  —  ttws  cxovo-t,  Itow  they  are,  in 
the  mind  of  Paul,  would  have  respect  mainly  to  their  spiritual 
welfare. 

V.  37.  i(3ovXe{(TaTo,  determined  (see  v.  5,  33 ;  27,  39).  The 
feelings  of  Barnabas  may  have  influenced  him  in  this  decision, 
more  than  his  judgment,  since  he  and  Mark  were  cousins  (dvct/^tot) ; 
see  Col.  4,  10.  i^ovXero,  icishcd,  is  an  ancient  reading,  but  cm  the 
whole  less  approved,  in  part  because  it  softens  down  the  alterca- 
tion, and  may  have  been  added  for  that  reason. 

V.  38.  ri^lov,  deemed  it  just,  fitting.  Paul  viewed  the  question 
on  its  ethical  side  and  not  as  a  i)ersonal  matter.  —  tov  aTroo-Tan-a 
a-K  a\rTwv,tvho  departed  from  them  (13,  13),  in  dereliction  of  his 
duty  ;  comp.  Luke  8,  13.  —  tovtov,  this  one  (empliatic  here),  wlio 
proved  so  fickle. —  It  is  pleashig  to  know  that  Mark  did  not  forfeit 
the  apostle's  esteem  so  as  to  be  unable  to  regain  it.  He  became 
subsequently  Paul's  companion  in  travel  (Col.  4,  10),  and  in  2 
Tim.  4,11  elicits  from  him  the  commendation  tliat  he  was  "  pro- 
fitable to  him  for  the  ministry." 

V.  39.     cytVcTo  Trapo^CT/xos,  a  severe  contention  arose.    Barnabas 


Chap.  XV,  39.  40  COMMENTARY.  251 

insisted  on  his  purpose,  Paul  on  his  view  of  the  merits  of  the 
case  ;  and  as  neither  would  yield,  they  parted.  Some  writers 
lay  all  the  blame  on  Barnabas  (Bmg.),  in  spite  of  the  impar- 
tiality of  the  text.  There  was  heat  evidently  on  both  sides.  —  wcrre 
....  aXXy]X(ov,  so  that  they  departed  from  one  another.  This  sepa- 
ration refers,  not  to  the  rupture  of  their  friendship,  but  to  their 
proceeding  in  different  directions,  instead  of  laboring  together  as 
heretofore.  The  infinitive  after  wore  is  said  to  represent  the  act 
as  a  necessary  or  logical  sequence  of  what  precedes ;  the  indica- 
tive as  an  absolute  or  unconditioned  fact.  See  Klotz  ad  Devar. 
II.  p.  772.  It  deserves  to  be  remarked,  that  tliis  variance  did  not 
estrange  these  brethren  from  their  work,  or  occasion  any  perma- 
nent diminution  of  their  regard  for  each  other.  In  1  Cor,  9,  6, 
which  was  written  after  this  occurrence,  Paul  alludes  to  Barna- 
bas as  a  Christian  teacher,  who  possessed  and  deserved  the 
fullest  confidence  of  the  churches.  The  passage  contains  fairly 
that  implication.  Even  the  error  of  Barnabas  in  yielding  to  the 
Jewish  party  (Gal.  2,  13)  leads  Paul  to  speak  of  liim  as  one  of 
the  very  last  men  {koL  'Bapvd/3a<;,  i.  e.  even  he)  whom  any  one 
would  suppose  capable  of  swerving  from  the  line  of  duty.  And 
who  can  doubt  that  Barnabas  reciprocated  these  sentiments 
towards  the  early,  long-tried  friend  with  whom  he  had  acted  in 
so  many  eventful  scenes,  and  whom  he  saw  still  animated  by  the 
same  affection  towards  himself,  and  the  same  devotion  to  the 
cause  of  their  common  Master  ?  Luke  does  not  mention  the 
name  of  Barnabas  again  in  the  Acts.  It  is  impossible  to  trace 
him  further  with  any  certainty.  One  tradition  is  that  he  went  to 
Milan,  and  died  as  first  bishop  of  the  church  there ;  another  is, 
that,  after  living  some  years  at  Rome  and  Athens,  he  suffered 
martyrdom  in  liis  native  Cyprus.  The  letter  still  extant,  which 
was  known  as  that  of  Barnabas  even  in  the  second  century,  can- 
not be  defended  as  genuine.  See  Neander's  Church  History, 
Vol.  I.  p.  657.  That  such  a  letter,  however,  was  ascribed  to  him 
at  that  early  period,  shows  how  eminent  a  place  he  occupied 
among  the  Christians  of  his  own  and  the  succeeding  age. 

V.  40.  cTTiXt^a/xtvos,  having  chosen  for  himself  {com.]),  v.  22),  not 
thereupon,  viz.  this  disagreement.  —  irapa8oSel<; ....  {mo  twv  dSeX^wv, 
having  been  committed  unto  the  grace  of  God  by  the  brethren.  Per- 
haps \\je  may  infer  from  this  remark,  that  the  beUevers  at  Anti- 
och  took  Paul's  view  of  the  point  at  issue  between  him  and 
Barnabas.  —  cf^X.?€,  went  forth,  is  used  of  going  forth  as  a  mis- 
sionary in  Luke  9,  6,  and  in  3  John  v.  7.  —  The  departure  on  this 
second  tour  we  may  place  in  A.  D.  51 ;  for  if  Paul  went  to  Jeru- 


252  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVI,  1. 

salem  in  the  year  50  (see  on  15,  4),  the  remainder  of  that  year, 
added  (if  any  one  chooses)  to  the  early  part  of  the  ensuing  year, 
would  suffice  probably  for  the  sojourn  at  Antioch  indicated  by 
Tivas  17/Acpas  in  V.  36.  It  is  impossible  to  be  more  definite  than 
tliis. 

V.  41.  Syria  and  Cilicia  lay  between  Antioch  and  the  eastern 
limit  of  the  apostle's  first  journey.  We  have  had  no  account  of 
the  planting  of  any  churches  there,  but  they  date  undoubtedly 
from  the  period  of  Paul's  residence  in  that  region,  mentioned  in 
Gal,  1,  21.  See  9,  30  and  note  there.  —  i-maTrjpi^wv  tus  eKxAT/o-ia?, 
confirming  the  churches,  not  candidates  for  admission  to  them; 
see  14,  22.  One  of  these  churches  may  have  been  at  Tarsus, 
which  Paul  would  naturally  revisit  at  tliis  time. 


CHAPTER    XVI. 

Verses   1-5.     Paul  and  Silas  revisit  the  Churches  and  deliver  the 
Decrees. 

V.  1.  Aip/Srjv  Kol  AiWpav.  Derbe  and  Lystra  are  mentioned  in 
this  order  (the  reverse  of  that  in  14,  6),  because  the  mis.^ionaries 
travel  now  from  east  to  west.  —  Luke's  exclamation  koL  tSou,  a7id 
bcliold,  shows  how  much  this  meeting  with  Timothy  interested 
his  feelings.  —  Ik^i,  there,  viz  at  Lystra.  Some  refer  the  adverb 
to  Derbe  ;  but  that  view,  so  far  from  being  required  by  Acp^atos 
in  20,  4,  is  forbidden  by  the  text  there.  Lystra  stands  nearest 
to  cKci,  and  is  named  again  in  the  next  verse,  where  Luke 
surely  would  not  pass  over  the  testimony  of  those  who  had  been 
acquainted  with  Timothy  from  early  life.  Wiescler  combines 
the  two  opinions  by  supposing  that  Timothy  may  have  been  a 
native  of  Lystra,  but  Avas  now  living  at  Derbe.  —  For  the  family 
and  the  early  education  of  Timothy,  see  2  Tim.  1,5;  3,  15.  Paul 
terms  him  tIkvov  fj-ov,  my  son,  in  1  Cor.  4,  17,  probably  because  he 
had  been  the  instrument  of  his  conversion;  comp.  1  Cor.  4,  15; 
Gal.  4,  19.  See  the  note  on  14,  20.  —  rtvos  is  to  be  erased  after 
yuvatKo's.  —  TTUTTTi':,  hcliccing ;  see  on  10,45.  The  mother's  name 
was  Eunice.  It  was  an  instance  of  the  mixed  marriages  of  wliich 
Paul  writes  in  1  Cor.  1,  17  S(|.  — 'EAA.rjvos,  a  Greek,  and  still  a  hea- 
then, or  at  all  events  not  a  proselyte  in  full,  as  otherwise  the  son 
would  have  been  circumcised. 


CiiAP.  XVI,  2-4.  COMMENTARY.  253 

V.  2.  ifjiap-njpeiTo,  ivas  attested,  well  reported  of.  See  6,  3  ;  10, 
22.  Supposing  Timothy  to  have  been  converted  during  Paul's 
first  visit  to  Lystra  (see  on  14,  20),  he  had  now  been  a  disciple 
three  or  four  years.  During  this  time  he  had  exerted  himself, 
no  doubt,  for  the  cause  of  Christ  both  in  Lystra  and  Iconium,  and 
had  thus  given  proof  of  the  piety  and  talents  which  rendered 
him  so  useful  as  a  herald  of  the  cross. 

V.  3.  crvv  auTu  l^iXBdv,  to  go  forth  with  him  as  a  preacher  of 
the  word ;  see  2  Tim.  4,  5.  ■'^  Xa^lhv  ....  airov,  having  taken,  he 
circumcised  him,  either  by  his  own  hand  (Mey.  De  Wet.),  or 
procuring  it  to  be  done  (Neand.).  The  Jews  had  no  particular 
class  of  persons  who  performed  this  act.  The  Jewish  custom,  it 
is  said,  required  merely  that  the  administrator  should  not  be  a 
heathen.  See  Win.  Realw.  I.  p.  157.  —  8ta  tou?  'IovSulovs,  k.  t,  X., 
on  account  of  the  Jeivs,  etc.  It  would  have  repelled  the  Jews 
from  his  ministry  to  have  seen  him  associated  with  a  man  whom 
they  knew  to  be  uncircumcised.  Paul  took  tliis  course,  there- 
fore, in  order  to  remove  that  obstacle  to  his  usefulness.  The 
history  presents   Paul  here  as  acting  on  the  principle  stated  in  1 

Cor.  9,  20  :    iyevofjirjv  rot?    ioDSatois  ws  'lovSato?   iva  'lovSaiov;  KepSrjao), 

K.  T.  A,.  It  was  under  circumstances  totally  different  that  he  re- 
fused to  circumcise  Titus,  as  related  in  Gal.  2,  3  sq.  He  was 
then  in  the  midst  of  those  who  would  have  regarded  the  act  as 
ratifying  their  doctrine  that  circumcision  was  necessary  to  salva- 
tion; see  on  15,  1.  In  the  present  instance  he  knew  (that  ad- 
mission is  due  to  his  character  for  intelhgence  as  well  as  consis- 
tency) that  his  conduct  would  not  be  misunderstood  or  perverted; 
that  the  believers  would  view  it  as  an  accommodation  merely  to 
the  prejudices  of  the  Jews,  and  that  the  Jews  themselves  were 
in  no  danger  of  supposing  him  to  countenance  the  idea  that  their 
keeping  the  law  would  entitle  them  to  the  favor  of  God.  —  Other 
passages  extend  our  knowledge  of  this  tran^ction.  Timothy 
was  not  only  circumcised,  but  set  apart  to  the  ministry  "  with  the 
laying  on  of  the  hands  of  the  presbytery "  and  of  the  apostle, 
was  endued  with  special  gifts  for  the  office  (1  Tim.  4,  14 ;  2  Tim. 
1 ,  6),  and  received  at  the  time  prophetic  assurances  of  the  success 
wliich  awaited  liim  in  his  new  career  (1  Tim.  1,  18).  —  ySuaav 
yap,  K.  T.  X.yfor  all  knew  his  father  that,  etc.  The  structure  of  the 
sentence  is  Uke  that  in  3,  10. 

V.  4.  to)s  SicTTopcuovTo  TO.?  TToXci?,  As  thcij  joumeycd  through  the 
cities  on  the  route  pursued  by  them.  They  would  visit  naturally 
all  the  churches  in  Syria  and  Cilicia  (15,  41),  and  most  of  those 
on  the  main  land,  gathered  during  the  apostle's  former  tour.     As 


254  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVI,  5.  6. 

Antiocli  and  Pcrga  were  so  remote  from  their  general  course,  it 
is  possible  that  they  transmitted  copies  of  the  decrees  to  those 
places.  It  is  not  certain  that  the  word  had  taken  root  in  Perga ; 
see  on '  14,  25.  —  TrapeStSovv  ....  Soyfiara,  delivered  (orally  or  in 
writing)  to  them  the  decrees  to  keep.  The  infinitive  may  be  telic  : 
that  they  should  keep  them ;  or  may  involve  a  relative  clause : 
which  they  should  keep.  Compare  a  Trapi\a(3ov  Kparelv  in  Mark  7,  4. 
See  W.  i  A4:.  1.  avrois  refers  to  the  believers  in  these  cities;  not 
to  the  heathen  converts  merely  (Mey.),  since  the  decrees  affected 
also  the  Jews. 

V.  5.  ovv,  therefore,  i.  e.  as  the  result  of  this  visit,  and  of  the 
adjustment  of  the  controversy  which  had  divided  and  enfeebled 
the  churches.  —  to)  apL^/xw,  in  the  number  of  their  members. 

Verses  6-10.     They  prosecute  their  Journey  to  Troas. 

V.  6.  ^pvyiav.  See  on  2,  10.  To  reach  Phrygia  from  Iconium 
or  Antioch,  they  woxdd  direct  their  way  to  the  northeast.  —  ToA.- 
artK^v  x^pai'-  Golatia  was  bounded  on  the  north  by  Paphlagonia 
and  Bithynia,  on  the  east  by  Pontus  and  Cappadocia  (separated 
from  them  by  the  river  Halys),  on  the  south  by  Cappadocia  and 
Phiygia,  and  on  the  west  by  Phrygia  and  Bithynia.  Among  the 
principal  cities  were  Ancyra,  made  the  metropolis  by  Augustus, 
and  Pessinus.  Kiepert  draws  the  line  of  Paul's  course,  on  his 
map,  so  as  to  include  these  })laces,  on  the  natural  supposition  that 
he  would  aim  to  secure  first  the  prominent  towns.  See  on  18,  1. 
It  is  evident  from  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians  (see,  e.  g.,  4,  19), 
that  it  was  the  apostle  Paul  who  first  preached  the  gospel  in  this 
country ;  and  since  he  found  disciples  here  on  his  third  mission- 
ary tour  (see  18,  23),  it  must  have  been  at  this  time  that  he  laid 
the  foundation  of  the  Galatian  churches  (Gal.  1,  2).  Such  is  the 
opinion  of  the  lertding  critics.  See  note  on  14,  6.  —  ko)Xv.9€vt€s, 
K.  T.  X.,  being  restrained  by  the  Holy  Spirit,  etc.  The  act  of  this 
participle,  it  will  be  observed,  was  subsequent  to  that  of  SicX^orres 
and  prior  to  that  of  cA^ovrcs  (v.  7).  The  course  of  the  move- 
ment may  be  sketched  thus.  Tiie  travellers,  having  passed 
through  the  eastern  section  of  Phrygia  into  Galatia,  proposed 
next  to  preach  the  word  in  proconsular  Asia  (see  on  2,  9).  With 
that  view  they  turned  their  steps  to  the  soiithwest,  and,  crossing 
the  north  part  of  Phrygia,  came  down  to  the  frontier  of  Mysia, 
the  first  province  in  Asia  which  they  would  reach  in  that  direc- 
tion. Being  informed  here  that  they  were  not  to  execute  this 
design,  they  turned  again  towards  the  north  and  attempted  to  go 


Chap.  XVI,  7.8.  COMMENTARY.  255 

into  Bitliynia,  which  was  adjacent  to  Mysia.  Restrained  from 
that  purpose,  they  passed  by  Mysia,  i.  e.  did  not  remain  there  to 
preach,  and  proceeded  to  Troas.  —  This  portion  of  the  apostle's 
travels,  though  they  embrace  so  wide  a  circuit,  admits  of  very 
little  geograj)hical  illustration.  Phrygia  and  Galatia  are  parts  of 
Asia  Minor,  of  which  the  ancient  writers  have  left  but  few 
notices  and  which  remain  comparatively  unknown  to  the  pres- 
ent day.  We  must  infer  from  18,  23,  that  Paul  gained  disci- 
ples in  Phrygia  at  this  time,  but  in  what  places  is  uncertain. 
Colosse  was  a  Phrygian  city,  and  may  have  received  the  gospel 
on  this  journey,  unless  it  be  forbidden  by  Col.  2,  1.  The  opinion 
of  the  best  critics  is,  that  the  apostle  includes  the  Colossians  in 
that  passage  among  those  who  had  not  "seen  his  face  in  the 
flesh." — TO  TTvev/xa  'Irjaov,  the  Sjnrit  of  Jesus,  i.  e.  which  he  sends. 
There  is  no  parallel  passage,  unless  it  be  Rom.  8,  9.  'lyja-ov  has 
been  lost  from  some  copies,  but  belongs  to  the  text.  The  Spirit, 
says  Reuss,  appears  here  in  a  sphere  of  activity,  made  more  prom- 
inent in  the  Acts  than  in  all  the  other  writings  of  the  New 
Testament.  "  Thus,  it  is  the  Spirit  who  conducts  Phili[)  in  the 
road  to  Gaza  (8,  29),  who  instructs  Peter  to  receive  the  messen- 
gers of  Cornelius  (10,  19;  11,  12),  who  causes  Barnabas  and  Paul 
to  be  sent  to  the  heathen  (13,  2.  4),  who  directs  the  missionaries 
in  the  choice  of  their  route  (16,  6.  7),  who  urges  Paul  to  Jerusalem 
(20,  22),  who  chooses  the  pastors  of  the  churches  (20,  28),  etc."  ^ 
V.  8.  TrapeX-JovTEs  ttjv  Mucrtav,  having  passed  by  Mijsia,  having 
left  it  aside  without  remaining  to  preach  there ;  comp.  irapaTrXev- 
oratin  20,  16,  and  TrapeX^etv  in  Mark  6,  48.  Wieseler  (Chronolo- 
gic, p.  36),  Alford,  Howson  apparently,  and  others  prefer  tliis 
meaning  here.  Some  render  having  passed  along  Mysia,  i.  e.  the 
border  of  Mysia  Minor,  which  belonged  to  Bithynia,  whereas 
Mysia  Major  belonged  to  proconsular  Asia  (De  Wet.)  The 
boundary  was  a  political  one,  and  no  distinct  frontier  existed, 
which  the  travellers  could  have  had  any  motive  for  tracing  so 
exactly.  —  Karifirjcrav,  came  doivn  from  the  inner  highlands  to  the 
coast.  —  €1?  TpwaSa,  itnto  Troas,  the  name  of  a  district  or  a  city ; 
here  the  latter,  called  fully  Alexandria  Troas,  on  the  Hellespont, 
about  four  miles  from  the  site  of  the  ancient  Troy.  It  was  the 
transit  harbor  between  the  north-west  of  Asia  Minor  and  Mace- 
donia. Paul  passed  and  repassed  here  on  two  other  occasions 
(20,  6;  2  Cor.  2,  12).  It  is  correct  that  Luke  represents  Troas 
here  as  distinct  from  Mysia.     Under  Nero,  Troas  and  the  vicinity 

1  Historie  de  la  Thcologie  Chretienne,  Tome  second,  p.  603  (Strasbourg  1852). 


25G  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVI,  9-11. 

formed  a  separate  territory',  having  the  rights  of  Roman  freedom 
(De  Wet.  Bottg.). 

V.  9.  Koi  opaixa,  k.  t.  X.  Whether  Paul  saw  this  vision  in  a 
dream,  or  in  a  state  of  ecstasy  (see  10,  10;  22,  17),  the  language 
does  not  decide.  8ia  ti}s  wktos  suggests  one  of  the  conditions  of 
the  first  mode,  hut  would  not  be  inconsistent  with  the  other.  — 
avrjp  MaKcSwv,  a  man  revealed  to  him  as  a  Macedonian ;  comp.  9, 
12.  —  StayStts,  having  crossed,  i.  e.  the  northern  part  of  the  ^Egean. 
—  j3o-q3r]aov  rjfjuv,  help  US,  because  the  one  here  represented 
many. 

V.  10.  c^7/T7;o-a)acv,  ive  sought,  i.  e.  by  immediate  inquiiy  for  a 
sliip  (Alf ).  Paul  had  made  known  the  vision  to  his  associates. 
Here  for  the  first  time  the  historian  speaks  of  himself  as  one  of 
tliQ  party,  and  in  all  probablity  because  he  joined  it  at  Troas. 
The  introduction  would  be  abrupt  for  the  style  of  a  modern 
work,  it  is  true ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  to  have  had  from  Luke 
any  formal  account  of  the  manner  in  which  he  became  connected 
with  the  apostle  would  have  been  equally  at  variance  with  the 
simplicity  and  reserve  which  distinguish  the  sacred  writers.  Nor 
does  it  account  at  all  more  naturally  for  this  sudden  use  of  the 
plural,  to  imagine  (it  is  a  figment  purely)  that  Luke  adopts 
liere  the  narrative  of  another  writer;  for,  we  may  just  as  well 
suppose  him  to  speak  thus  abruptly  in  his  own  name,  as  to  allow 
him  to  introduce  another  person  as  doing  it,  without  apprising  us 
of  the  change.     See  marginal  note  on  p.  16. 

Verses   11-15.     Paul  and  his  Associates  arrive  in  Eiiro^ye,  and 
preach  at  Philipjn. 

V.  11.  cv^iiSpo/Aijo-a/Aev,  ive  ran  by  a  straight  course.  In  the 
nautical  language  of  the  ancients,  as  in  that  of  the  moderns,  to  run 
meant  to  sail  before  the  wind,  see  27,  16.  Luke  observes  almost 
a  technical  precision  in  the  use  of  such  terms.  His  account 
of  the  voyage  to  Rome  shows  a  surprising  familiarity  with  sea- 
life. —  €is  ^ap.o^pa.Kriv,  unlo  Samothrace,  which  they  reached  the 
first  day.  This  island,  the  present  Samothraki,  is  about  half  way 
between  Troas  and  Neapolis,  and  is  the  highest  land  in  tliis  part 
of  the  iEgean,  except  Mount  Athos.  The  ordinary  currents  here 
are  adverse  to  saiUng  northward;  but  southerly  winds,  though 
they  are  brief,  blow  strongly  at  times  and  overcome  entirely  that 
dijsadvantage.  With  such  a  wind,  "  the  vessel  in  whicli  Paul 
sailed  would  soon  cleave  her  way  througli  the  strait  between 
Tenedos  and  the  main,  past  the  Dardanelles,  and  near  the  eastern 


Chap.  XVI,  11.12.  COMMENTARY.  257 

shore  of  Imbros.  On  rounding  the  northern  end  of  this  island, 
they  would  open  Samothrace,  which  had  hitherto  appeared  as  a 
higher  and  more  distant  summit  over  the  lower  mountains  of 
Imbros.  Leaving  this  island,  and  bearing  now  a  little  to  the 
west,  and  having  the  wind  still  (as  our  sailors  say)  two  or  three 
points  abaft  the  beam,  they  steered  for  Samotlurace,  and  under 
the  shelter  of  its  high  shore,  anchored  for  the  night."  See  the 
nautical  proofs  in  Howson.  —  ets  NeaTroXiv,  unto  Naples,  a  Thracian 
city  on  the  Strymonic  gulf,  the  modern  Cavallo.  It  was  north- 
west from  Samothrace,  but  even  with  a  southerly  wind  could  be 
reached  in  seven  or  eight  hours.  As  the  same  verb  describes 
the  remainder  of  the  journey,  it  might  seem  as  if  they  merely 
touched  here,  but  did  not  land,  proceeding  along  the  coast  to 
some  harbor  nearer  to  Philippi  than  this.  Some  writers  would 
place  the  port  of  that  city  further  west  than  the  present  Cavallo. 
It  is  generally  agreed,  however,  that  Neapolis  was  the  nearest 
town  on  the  sea,  and  hence,  though  the  distance  was  not  less 
than  ten  miles,  was  identical  with  Philippi  as  to  purposes  of 
travel  and  trade.  Cavallo  is  the  nearest  port  at  present,  and  the 
shore  appears  to  have  imdergone  no  change  either  from  recession 
or  advance.^ 

V.  12.  Philippi  was  on  a  steep  acclivity  of  the  Thracian  Her- 
mus,  where  this  range  slopes  towards  the  sea,  on  a  small  stream 
called  Gangas,  or  Gaugitas.  It  was  at  some  distance  east  of  the 
Strymon,  and  not  on  that  river,  as  some  have  said.  The  adjacent 
plain  is  memorable  in  Roman  history,  as  the  place  where  the 
battle  was  fought  between  the  Republicans  under  Brutus,  and 
the  followers  of  Antony  and  Augustus.  —  7x1?  ....  KoXwvta,  which 
is  the  chief  city  of  the  province  of  Macedonia,  being  a  colony.  ■Kpiat] 
designates  it  as  one  of  the  first  places  there,  and  KoXwvta  explains 
the  ground  of  the  epithet.  Augustus  had  sent  a  colony  thither 
(see  Diet,  of  Antt.  s.  colonia),  which  had  conferred  upon  it  new 
importance.  Some  understand  Trpamj  geographically :  frst  as  they 
entered  Macedonia,  which  Winer  calls  the  simplest  explanation. 
That  Neapolis  lay  farther  east,  does  not  clash  with  this  view ;  for 
those  who  adopt  it  take  Macedonia  here  in  the  Greek  sense, 
which  assigns  Neapolis  to  Thrace.  It  is  a  stronger  objection, 
that  Luke  would  then  mean  Greek  Macedonia  here,  but  else- 
where the  Roman  province  so  named,  i.  e.  Northern  Greece  in 
distinction  from  Achaia,  or  Southern  Greece;  see  on  18,  5.    Fur- 

'  My  thanks  are  due  to  the  Rev.  Dr.  Hill  of  Athens  for  inquiries  in  relation  to 
this  point. 

33 


258  •  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVI,  12.  13. 

ther,  coTt  indicates  a  permanent  distinction  ;  whereas  ^v  would 
have  been  more  natural  to  mark  an  incident  of  the  journey  (was 
^rst  on  their  way).  The  proper  capital  of  Macedonia  (hence 
not  TTpwrr)  in  that  sense)  was  Thessalonica.  If  the  earlier  divis- 
ion into  four  parts  still  continued,  Amphipolis  was  politically  first  in 
pars  prima.  "  It  may  be  added,"  says  Akerman,  "  in  confirmation 
of  the  words  of  Luke,  that  there  are  colonial  coins  of  PhiUppi 
from  the  reign  of  Augustus  to  that  of  Caracalla."  It  is  frequenly 
said,  that  this  was  the  first  place  on  the  continent  of  Europe 
where  the  gospel  was  preached  ;  but  we  have  no  certain  knowl- 
edge of  the  origin  of  the  church  of  Rome,  and,  very  possibly,  it 
may  have  been  founded  by  some  of  the  converts  on  the  day  of 
Pentecost.  The  church  at  Philippi  was  the  first  church  in  Europe 
which  the  apostle  Paul  established.  —  rjfjLepa'i  nvas,  certain  days, 
denotes  apparently  the  few  days  which  they  spent  there  before 
the  arrival  of  the  Sabbath. 

V.  13.  Instead  of  the  received  e^o)  r^s  TT6Xf.^^<;,  the  later  criticism 
would  read  e^w  t^s  ■nv\r\<i,  out  of  the  gate.  This  part  of  the  narrative 
shows  often  the  presence  of  the  historian. — Trapa  Trorafx-ov,  beside  a 
river,  viz.  the  Gangas.  Tlie  name  was  unimportant,  but  could 
hardly  faifto  be  known  to  Luke,  who  was  so  faraihar  with  Philippi ; 
see  on  v.  40.  The  river  may  possil)ly  have  been  the  more  distant 
Strymon  (Neand.  Mey.)  ;  though  if  ttuXt;?  be  the  coiTect  word,  the 
stream  intended  must  be  a  nearer  one.  In  summer  the  Gangas  is 
almost  dry,  but  in  winter  or  after  rains  may  be  full  and  swollen. — 
ov  . . . .  elvai,  where  (according  to  an  ancient  usage  in  that  city)  was 
ivont  to  be  a  place  of  prayer  (Kuin.  Neand.  Mey.  De  Wet.).  The 
Jews  preferred  to  assemble  near  the  water  on  account  of  the  lus- 
trations which  accomimnied  their  worsliip.  Neander  illustrates 
this  usage  from  what  TertuUian  says  of  them  (De  Jejun.,  c.  16) : 

"  per  omne  litus  quocunque  in  aperto preces  ad  ccelum  mittunt." 

See  also  Jos.  Antt.  14.  10.  23.  The  ■npoai.vx^  here  appears  to  have 
been,  not  an  edifice,  but  a  space  or  inclosure  in  the  open  air  con- 
secrated to  this  use.  The  word  was  so  well  known  as  the  desig- 
nation of  a  Jewish  chapel  or  oratory  that  it  passed  into  the  Latin 
language  in  that  sense.  The  rendering  lohere  prayer  xcas  ivont  to 
be  miule  (E.  V.)  does  not  agree  easily  with  Civai.  Instead  of  the 
substantive  verb,  the  predicate  would  be  yiveaSai  (12, 5),  or  ttolcio-- 
Sai  (1  Tim.  2,  1).  —  In  iXaXovfitv  Luke  appears  as  one  of  the 
speakers.  —  rats  crweX-^ovcrais  yvvai^i,  the  it'onien  ivlio  came  together 
fqr  prayer.  The  absence  of  a  synagogue  shows  that  the  Jews 
here  were  not  numerous.  Those  who  met  for  prayer  were  chiefly 
women,  and  even  some  of  these  were  converts  to  Judaism. 


Chap.  XVI,  14.  15.  COMMENTARY.  259 

V.  14.  Kai  Tt?  yvvT],  k.  t.  X.  Lijdia  was  a  very  common  name 
among  the  Greeks  and  the  Romans.  It  is  not  surprising,  there- 
fore, that  it  coincided  with  the  name  of  her  country.  Possibly 
she  may  have  borne  a  different  name  at  home,  but  was  known 
among  strangers  as  Lydia  or  the  Lydian  (Wetst.).  She  is  said 
to  have  been  a  seller  of  purple,  sc.  cloths,  from  Thyatira.  That 
city  was  on  the  confines  of  Lydia  and  Mysia;  and  the  Lydians, 
as  ancient  writers  testify,  were  famous  for  precisely  such  fabrics. 
They  possessed  that  reputation  even  in  Homer's  time ;  see  II.  4. 
141.  An  inscription,  "the  dyers,"  has  been  found  among  the 
ruins  of  Thyatira.  —  rjKovev  (relative  imperf)  ivas  hearing,  while 
he  discoursed  (14,  9;  15,  12);  not  when  the  act  (Sir^vot^e)  took 
place  (Alf.).  —  ■^s  ....  KapStW,  ivliose  heart  the  Lord  opened,  i.  e. 
in  conformity  with  other  passages  (Matt.  11,  25  sq. ;  Luke  24,  45; 
1  Cor.  3,  6.  7),  enUghtened,  impressed  by  his  Spirit,  and  so  pre- 
pared to  receive  the  truth.  —  irpoaix^iv,  so  as  to  attend  (ecbatic) ; 
or  less  obvious,  to  attend  (telic). 

V.  15.  u)s  Se  iBaTTTta-Sr].  It  is  left  indefinite  whether  she  was 
baptized  at  once,  or  after  an  interval  of  some  days. — 6  oT/cos  avT^<;, 
her  house,  family.  "  Here,"  says  De  Wette,  "  as  well  as  in  v.  33  ; 
18,  8  ;  1  Cor.  1,  16,  some  would  fijid  a  proof  for  the  apostolic 
baptism  of  children ;  but  there  is  notliing  here  which  shows  that 
any  except  adults  were  baptized."  According  to  his  view  (in 
Stud,  und  Krit.,  p.  669,  1830)  of  the  meaning  of  1  Cor.  7,  14,  it 
is  impossible  that  baptism  should  have  been  applied  to  children 
in  the  primitive  churches.  In  arguing  from  the  case  of  chikh-en 
to  that  of  married  persons,  one  of  whom  is  an  unbeliever,  in 
order  to  justify  the  continuance  of  the  relation,  "  the  apostle  must 
appeal  to  something  which  lay  out  of  the  disputed  case,  but 
which  had  a  certain  similarity  and  admitted  of  an  application  to 
it.  Tliis  something  is  nothing  else  than  the  relation  which  the 
children  of  Christian  parents  in  general  sustain  to  the  Christian 
church,  and  the  expression  '  your  children '  refers  to  all  the  Cor- 
inthian Christians.  The  children  of  Christians  were  not  yet  re- 
ceived properly  into  a  Cluistian  community,  ivere  not  yet  haptizcd, 
and  did  not  take  part  in  the  devotional  exercises  and  love-feasts 
of  the  church ;  accordingly,  they  might  have  been  regarded  as 
unclean  (d^aJapTa),  with  as  much  reason  as  the  unbelieving 
consorts  could  be  so  regarded.  In  this  passage,  therefore,  we 
have  a  proof  that  children  had  not  begun  to  be  baptized  in  the 
time  of  the  apostles."  The  oTkos  aur^?,  as  Meyer  remarks,  con- 
sisted probably  of  women  who  assisted  Lydia  in  her  business. 
"  When  Jewish  or  heathen  famihes,"  he  says  further,  "  became 


260  COMMENTAEY.  Chap.  XVI,  15. 

Christians,  the  children  in  them  could  have  been  baptized  only 
in  cases  in  which  they  were  so  far  develojied  that  they  could 
profess  their  faith  in  Christ,  and  did  actually  profess  it ;  for  this 
was  the  universal  requisition  for  the  reception  of  baptism ;  see, 
also,  V.  31.  33 ;  18,  8,  On  the  contraiy,  if  the  children  were  still 
imable  to  believe,  they  did  not  partake  of  the  rite,  since  they 
were  wanting  in  what  the  act  presupposed.  The  baptism  of 
children  is  not  to  be  considered  as  an  apostolic  institution,  but 
arose  gradually  in  the  post-apostolic  age,  after  early  and  long 
continued  resistance,  in  connection  with  certain  views  of  doctrine, 
and  did  not  become  general  in  the  church  till  after  the  time  of 
Augustine.  The  defence  of  infant  baptism  transcends  the  domain 
of  exegesis,  and  must  be  given  up  to  that  of  dogmatics."  Since 
a  confession  of  faith  preceded  baptism,  says  Olshausen,  "  it  is  im- 
probable in  the  highest  degree  that  by  'her  household'  (oTkos 
avrrj?)  children  of  an  immature  age  are  to  be  understood ;  those 
baptized  with  her  w^ere  relatives,  servants,  grown  up  children. 
We  have  not,  in  fact,  a  single  sure  proof-text  for  the  baptism  of 
children  in  the  apostolic  age,  and  the  necessity  of  it  cannot  be 
derived  from  the  idea  of  baptism."  He  says  on  1  Cor.  1,  17,  that 
"  nothing  can  be  inferred  in  favor  of  infant  baptism  from  the  word 
'household'  (oTkos),  because  the  adult  members  of  the  household 
(comp.  1  Cor.  16,  15),  or  the  servants  in  it,  may  alone  be  meant." 
Neander  maintains  the  same  view  of  this  class  of  passages. 
"  Since  baptism  marked  the  entrance  into  communion  with  Christ, 
it  resulted  from  the  nature  of  the  rite,  that  a  confession  of  faith 
in  Jesus  as  the  Redeemer  would  be  made  by  the  person  to  be 
baptized.  As  baptism  was  closely  united  with  a  conscious  en- 
trance on  Christian  communion,  faith  and  baptism  were  always 
connected  with  one  another ;  and  thus  it  is  in  the  highest  degree 
probable  that  baptism  was  performed  only  in  instances  where 
both  could  meet  together,  and  that  the  practice  of  infant  baptism 
was  imknown  at  this  period.  We  cannot  infer  the  existence  of 
infant  baptism  from  the  instance  of  the  baptism  of  whole  fam- 
ilies ;  for  the  passage  in  1  Cor.  16,  15  shows  the  fallacy  of  such  a 
conclusion,  as  from  that  it  appears  that  the  whole  family  of  Ste- 
phanus,  who  were  baptized  by  Paul,  consisted  of  adults.  .  .  .  From 
whom  (if  it  belonged  to  the  first  Christian  age)  could  the  institu- 
tion of  infant  baptism  have  proceeded  ?  Certainly  it  did  not 
come  directly  from  Christ  himself  Was  it  from  the  primitive 
church  in  Palestine,  from  an  injunction  given  by  the  earlier  apos- 
tles ?  But  among  the  Jewish  Christians  circumcision  was  held 
as  a  seal  of  the  covenant,  and  hence  they  had  so  much  less 


Chap.  XVI,  15.  16.  COMMENTARY.  261 

occasion  to  make  use  of  another  dedication  for  their  children. 
Could  it  then  have  been  Paul  that  first  introduced  among  hea- 
then Christians  this  change  in  the  use  of  baptism  ?  But  this 
would  agree  least  of  all  with  the  peculiar  Christian  characteris- 
tics of  this  apostle.  He  who  says  of  himself  that  Christ  sent 
him,  not  to  baptize,  but  to  preach  the  gospel;  he  who  always 
kept  liis  eye  fixed  on  one  thing,  justification  by  faith,  and 
so  carefully  avoided  everything  which  could  give  a  handle  or 
a  support  to  the  notion  of  justification  by  outward  things 
(a-apKLKa),  —  how  could  he  have  set  up  infant  baptism  against 
the  circumcision  that  continued  to  be  practised  by  the  Jewish 
Christians  ?  In  this  case,  the  dispute  carried  on  with  the  Juda- 
izing  party,  on  the  necessity  of  circumcision,  would  easily  have 
given  an  opportunity  of  introducing  this  substitute  into  the  contro- 
versy, if  it  had  really  existed.  The  evidence  arising  from  silence 
on  this  topic  has,  therefore,  the  greater  weight."  '  It  may  be 
proper  to  regard  the  decisions  of  such  men  as  representing  the 
testimony  of  the  present  biblical  scholarship  on  this  controverted 
subject.  It  is  the  more  proper  to  accord  to  them  this  character, 
because  they  proceed  from  men  whose  ecclesiastical  position 
would  naturally  dispose  them  to  adopt  a  different  view;  who 
contend  that  infant  baptism,  having  been  introduced,  is  allow- 
able, notwithstanding  their  acknowledgment  that  it  has  no  scrip- 
tural warrant.  —  ct  KeKptKare,  if  ye  have  judged,  i.  e.  by  admitting 
her  to  baptism,  and  thus  declaring  their  confidence  in  her.  ct  is 
preferred  to  Ittu  o\\i  of  modesty.  —  Tno-Tr^v  rQ  KvpLw,  trusting  to  the 
Lord,  i.  e.  having  faith  in  him,  a  behever;  comp.  10,  45;  16,  1. — 
irape/SidaaTo  r/yua?,  constrained  us ;  not  that  they  needed  so  much 
entreaty,  but  that  she  could  not  employ  less  in  justice  to  her 
grateful  feelings.  Some  think  that  they  were  reluctant  to  accept 
the  proffered  hospitality,  lest  they  should  seem  to  be  actuated  by 
mercenary  motives.  The  apostle  was  by  no  means  indifferent 
to  that  imputation  (20,  34  ;  2  Cor.  12,  17.  19)  ;  but  it  is  incorrect 
to  say  that  he  never  showed  liimself  unmindful  of  it.  He  was 
the  guest  of  Gains  at  Corinth  (Pi,om.  16,  23),  and  was  aided  re- 
peatedly by  Christian  friends,  when  his  circumstances  made  it 
necessary  (24,  23 ;  28,  10 ;  Phil.  4,  15  sq.). 

Verses   16-18.     Healing  of  a  Demoniac  Woman. 

v.  16.     lyevcTo  84,  Now  it  came  to  pass  on  a  subsequent  day 
(Neand.  De  Wet.).  —  cis  Trpocrev;^*/^,  unto  the  place  of  prayer,  which 

*  Abridged  from  Ryland's  translation.     Pflanzung,  u.  s.  w.,  Band  I.  p.  278. 


262  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVI,  16-18 

may  omit  the  article  as  definite,  because  it  was  the  only  such 
place  there.  But  some  editors  (Grsb.  Lchm.)  insert  ttjv.  —  TraiSi- 
(TK-qv  ....  TTv'^wvos,  a  female  slave  (Gal.  4,  22)  having  the  spirit  of 
a  pythoness,  i.  e.  of  a  diviner  who  was  supposed  to  have  received 
her  gift  of  prophecy  from  Apollo.  Luke  describes  the  woman 
according  to  her  reputed  character ;  he  does  not  express  here  his 
own  opinion  of  the  case.  His  view  agreed  no  doubt  with  that 
of  Paul,  and  what  that  was  we  learn  from  the  sequel.  To  sup- 
pose him  to  acknowledge  Apollo  as  a  real  existence  would  con- 
tradict 1  Cor.  8,  4.  —  Trapctxc,  procured.  Winer  {^  38.  5)  says,  that 
the  active  is  more  appropriate  here  than  the  middle  (cornp.  19, 
24 ;  Col.  4,  1 ;  Tit.  2,  7),  because  the  gain  was  involuntary  on  her 
part.  —  Tots  Kvpioi'i  avTTJ<;,  unto  her  masters.  A  slave  among  the 
ancients  who  possessed  a  lucrative  talent  was  often  the  joint 
property  of  two  or  more  owners.  —  fjiavrevofxivr],  by  divining,  was 
the  heathen  term  to  denote  the  act.  Luke  would  have  said  more 
naturally  7rpo(f)r]Tevovaa,  had  he  been  affirming  his  own  belief  in 
the  reality  of  the  pretension.  — The  woman  was  in  fact  a  demoniac 
(see  V.  18)  ;  and  as  those  subject  to  the  power  of  evil  spirits  were 
often  bereft  of  their  reason,  her  divinations  were  probably  the 
ravings  of  insanity.  The  superstitious  have  always  been  prone 
to  attach  a  mysterious  meaning  to  the  utterances  of  the  insane. 
We  may  take  it  for  granted  that  the  craft  of  the  managers  in 
this  case  was  exerted  to  assist  the  delusion. 

V.  17.  ovToi,  K.  T.  X.,  These  men  are  servants,  etc.  Some  have 
supposed  that  she  merely  repeated  what  she  had  heard  them  de- 
clare of  themselves,  or  what  she  had  heard  reported  of  them  by 
others.  But  the  similarity  of  the  entire  account  to  that  of  the 
demoniacs  mentioned  in  the  Gospels  requires  us  to  refer  this 
case  to  the  same  class  of  phenomena ;  see  Matt.  8,  29 ;  Mark  3, 
1 1 ;  Luke  4,  41;  8,  28,  etc.  According  to  those  passages,  we 
must  recognize  the  acknowledgment  here  as  a  supernatural 
testimony  to  the  mission  of  Paul  and  his  associates,  and  to  the 
truth  of  the  gospel  which  they  preached. 

V.  18.  8ta7rov7;^ci9  Hesychius  defines  by  \v7rr]Sei<;,  being  grieved. 
With  that  sense  it  would  refer  to  Paul's  commiseration  of  the 
woman's  unhappy  condition.  Taken  as  in  4,  2,  being  indignant, 
it  would  show  how  he  felt  to  witness  such  an  exhibition  of  the 
malice  of  a  wicked  spirit;  comp.  Luke  13,  16.  The  latter  mean- 
ing directs  the  act  of  the  participle  to  the  same  object  as  that  of 
iTn(TTpiipa<;  and  eiTTf.  It  is  better  to  preserve  a  unity  in  that  re- 
spect. —  Tw  TrvciyxaTt,  to  the  spirit,  who  is  addressed  here  as  distinct 
from  the  w^oman  herself     The  apostle  deals  with  the  case  as  it 


Chap.  XVI,  19-21.  COMMENTARY.  263 

actually  was,  and  his  knowledge  as  an  inspired  teacher  would 
enable  him  to  judge  correctly  of  its  character. 

Verses   19-24.     Imprisonment  of  Paul  and  Silas. 

V  1 9.  oTi  e^X^cv,  K.  T.  X.,  that  the  hope  of  their  gain  went  forth, 
i.  e.  with  the  exorcism  (De  Wet.).  —  e7riXtt^oju.evot,  k.  t.  \.,  having 
laid  hold  upon  Paul  and  Silas.  Luke  and  Timothy  may  have 
been  out  of  reach  just  at  that  moment  (comp.  17,  5),  or  may  have 
been  s})ared  because  they  were  Greeks.  —  els  rrjv  ayopdv.  In  an- 
cient cities  the  seats  of  the  magistrates  were  erected  commonly  in 
the  markets,  or  near  to  them.  —  cttI  tovs  ap^ovras,  before  the  rulers, 
called  in  the  next  verse  (TTpaTr]yoL<;.  The  chief  magistrates  in  a 
Roman  colony  were  the  duumviri,  or  quatuorviri,  as  the  number 
was  not  always  the  same.  They  frequently  took,  however,  the 
name  oi  proetors,  as  one  of  greater  honor,  and  that  in  Greek  was 
cTTpaT-qyoi.  It  appears,  therefore,  that  the  magistrates  at  Philippi 
affected  this  latter  title.  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  this  is  the 
only  occasion  in  the  Acts  on  which  Luke  applies  the  term  to  the 
rulers  of  a  city.  Here  in  a  Roman  colony  the  government  would 
be  modelled  naturally  after  the  Roman  form ;  and  the  manner 
in  which  the  narrative  reveals  that  circumstance  marks  its  au- 
thenticity. 

V.  20.  'louSatoi  {iTrapxovTcs,  being  Jews.  They  say  this  at  the 
outset,  in  order  to  give  more  effect  to  the  subsequent  accusation. 
No  people  were  regarded  by  the  Romans  with  such  contempt 
and  hatred  as  the  Jews.  It  is  not  probable  that  the  Philippians 
at  this  time  recognized  any  distinction  between  Judaism  and 
Christianity;  they  arraigned  Paul  and  Silas  as  Jews,  or  as  the 
leaders  of  some  particular  Jewish  sect. 

V.  21.  £-^77,  customs,  religious  practices.  —  ovk  l^ecmv,  k.  t.  X. 
The  Roman  laws  suffered  foreigners  to  worship  in  their  own  way, 
but  did  not  allow  Roman  citizens  to  forsake  their  religion  for 
that  of  other  nations.  This  was  the  general  policy.  But  beyond 
that,  Judaism  had  been  specially  interdicted.  "  It  was  a  religio 
licita  for  the  Jews,"  says  Neander  ;  "  but  they  were  by  no  means 
allowed  to  propagate  their  religion  among  the  Roman  pagans ; 
the  laws  expressly  forbade  the  latter,  under  severe  penalties,  to 
receive  circumcision.  It  was  the  case,  indeed  at  this  time,  that 
the  number  of  proselytes  from  the  pagans  was  greatly  multiplied. 
This  the  public  authorities  sometimes  allowed  to  pass  unnoticed  ; 
but  occasionally  severe  laws  were  passed  anew  to  repress  the 
evil."     Ch.  Hist.  Vol.  I.  p.  89.     Still  the  charge  in  this  instance, 


264  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVI,  22-24. 

though  formally  false,  since  they  were  not  making  proselytes  to 
Judaism,  was  true  sul)stantially.  It  was  impossible  that  the  gos- 
pel should  be  preached  without  coming  into  collision  with  the 
Roman  laws.  The  gospel  was  designed  to  subvert  one  system 
of  false  religion  as  well  as  another.  It  proposed  to  save  the 
souls  of  men  without  respect  to  the  particular  government  or 
political  institutions  under  which  they  lived.  The  apostles,  in 
the  promulgation  of  their  message,  acted  under  a  higher  autliority 
than  that  of  the  Cajsars ;  and  the  opposition  between  Christianity 
and  heathenism  soon  became  apparent,  and  led  to  the  persecu- 
tions which  the  Roman  power  inflicted  on  the  church  in  the  first 
centuries. 

V.  22.  Koi  a-vveTria-rr],  k.  t.  X.,  and  the  multitude  rose  up  together 
against  them.  The  prisoners  were  now  in  the  hands  of  the  offi- 
cers ;  hence  we  are  not  to  think  here  of  any  actual  onset  upon 
them,  but  of  a  tumultuous  outburst  of  rage,  a  cry  on  all  sides  for 
the  punishment  of  the  offenders.  The  magistrates  hasten  to 
obey  the  voice  of  the  mob.  —  Treptppr^favres  auraJv  TO.  IfiaTia,  having 
torn  off  their  garments,  not  their  own,  but  those  of  Paul  and  Silas. 
The  rulers  are  said  to  do  what  they  ordered  to  be  done  ;  corap. 
TTcpUTefxev  in  v.  3.  It  was  customary  to  inflict  the  blows  on  the 
naked  body.  Livy  (2,  5)  :  "  Missique  lictores  ad  sumendum  sup- 
plicium,  nudatos  virgis  cffidunt."  —  iKeXevov  pa^SL^etv,  ordered  to  beat 
with  rods.  The  verb  declares  the  mode  as  well  as  the  act.  Ob- 
serve the  official  brevity  of  the  expression.  The  imperfect  de- 
scribes the  beating  in  its  relation  to  a-vve-TriaTT),  pr  as  taking  place 
under  the  eye  of  the  narrator.  For  the  latter  usage,  see  W  i 
40. 3.  d.;  Mt.  ^  505.  II.  1.  In  2  Cor.  11,  25,  Paul  says  that  he 
was  "  thrice  beaten  with  rods."  This  was  one  of  the  instances  ; 
the  other  tAvo  the  history  has  not  recorded.  Such  omissions  prove 
that  Luke's  narrative  and  the  Epistles  of  Paul  have  not  been 
drawn  from  each  other  ;  that  they  are  independent  produc- 
tions. 

V.  23.  TToAAas  irXrjyd<;  shows  that  no  ordinary  rigor  would  sat- 
isfy their  exas[)erated  feehngs  ;  see  also  v.  33.  The  Jewish  law 
restricted  the  blows  to  "  forty  save  one."  The  severity  of  the 
punishment  among  the  Romans  depended  on  the  equity  or  caprice 
of  the  judge.  In  regard  to  the  silence  of  Paul  and  Silas  under 
this  outrage,  see  on  v.  37. 

V.  24.  OS  ...  .  (lXr]<f>iL<;,  who  having  received  such  a  command. 
We  need  not  impute  to  the  jailer  any  gratuitous  inhumanity  ;  he 
obeyed  his  instructions.  —  «ts  rrjv  iau)Tipav  <i>vXaK7Jv,  into  the  inner 
prison,  the  remotest  part,  whence  escape  would  be  most  difficult. 


Chap.  XVI,  25-27.  COMMENTARY.  265 

Some  confound  this  prison  with  the  dungeon,  which  was  under 
ground,  and  would  be  differently  described.  Walch's  Dissertatio 
de  vinculis  Apostoli  PauUi  treats  of  this  passage.  —  koi  toi^s  Tro'Sas, 
K.  T.  A.,  and  secured  their  feet  into  the  block  {=nervus).  This  was 
an  instriuiient  for  torture  as  well  as  confinement.  It  was 
a  heavy  piece  of  wood  with  holes  into  which  the  feet  were  put, 
so  far  apart  as  to  distend  the  Umbs  in  the  most  painful  manner. 
Yet  in  this  situation,  with  their  bodies  still  bleeding  from  the 
effect  of  their  recent  chastisement,  and  looking  forward  to  the 
morrow  only  in  the  expectation  that  it  would  renew  their  pains, 
they  could  still  rejoice  ;  their  prison  at  midnight  resounds  with  the 
voice  of  prayer  and  praise.  Neander  cites  here  Tertullian's  fine 
remark :  "  Nihil  crus  sentit  in  nervo,  quuni  animus  in  ccelo  est." 

Verses  25-29.     An  Earthquake  shakes  the  Prison. 

V.  25.  7rpo(revxpiJ.evoL  ,  .  .  ^eoV,  praying,  they  praised  God.  Their 
prayers  and  praises  were  not  distinct  acts  (hence  the  form  of  the 
expression),  but  their  worship  consisted  chiefly  of  thanksgiving,, 
the  language  of  which  they  would  derive  more  or  less  from  the 
Psalms.  The  Hebrews  were  so  familiar  with  the  old  Testament, 
especially  its  devotional  parts,  that  they  clothed  their  religious 
thoughts  spontaneously  in  terms  borrowed  from  that  source.  See, 
e.  g.,  the  songs  of  Mary  and  Elizabeth  (Luke  1,  39  sq.),  and  of 
Zacharias  (Luke  1,  67  sq.),  and  Simeon  (Luke  2,  28  sq.).  —  lin]- 
KpoC)VTo,  listened  to  them  while  they  sung.  The  imperfect  describes 
the  act ;  the  aorist  would  have  related  it  merely. 

V.  26.  Svpai  iraaat.  Some  ascribe  this  opening  of  the  doors  to 
the  shock  of  the  earthquake ;  others,  more  reasonably,  to  the 
power  which  caused  the  earthquake.  —  koL  TrdvTwv,  k.  t.  X.,  and  the 
chains  of  all,  i.  e.  the  prisoners  (see  v.  28),  tvere  loosened,  avi^rj  is 
first  aorist  passive  from  d,vtr//i,i.  B.  k  108;  S.  k  81.  L  That  the 
other  prisoners  were  released  in  this  manner  was,  no  doubt,  mir- 
aculous ;  it  was  adapted  to  augment  the  impression  of  the  occur- 
rence, and  to  attest  more  signally  the  truth  of  the  gospel.  That 
they  made  no  effort  to  escape  may  have  been  owing  to  the  terror 
of  the  scene,  or  to  a  restraining  influence  which  the  author  of  the 
interposition  exerted  upon  them. 

V.  27.  e/AcXXcv,  K.  T.  A.,  was  about  to  kill  himself.  The  jailer 
adopted  this  resolution  because  he  knew  that  his  hfe  was  for- 
feited if  the  prisoners  had  escaped;  comp.  12,  19;  27,  42.  —  vo/a- 
t^oji/  ....  Seer/Atoll?,  supposing  the  prisoners  to  have  fled,  and  to  be 
gone ;  infin.  perfect,  because  the  act  though  past  was  connected 
with  the  present.  W.  }  44.  7. 
34 


266  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVI,  28^0. 

V.  28.  (fioivrj  fxiyaXr],  u'ith  a  voice  bud;  see  note  on  14,  10. — 
ftiySev  ....  KaKov,  do  thyself  no  injury.  For  the  mode  and  tense, 
see  on  7,  CO.  How,  it  has  been  asked,  conld  Paul  have  known 
the  jailer's  intention  ?  The  narrative  leaves  us  in  doubt  on  that 
point,  but  suggests  various  possibilities.  It  is  not  certain  that 
the  prison  was  entirely  dark  (see  on  v.  29),  and  the  jailer  may 
have  stood  at  that  moment  where  Paul  could  distinguish  his 
form ;  or,  as  Doddridge  suggests,  he  may  have  heard  some  ex- 
clamation from  him,  which  disclosed  his  purpose.  The  fact  was 
revealed  to  the  apostle,  if  he  could  not  ascertain  it  by  natural 
means.  —  aTravres  ....  iv^d8e,  we  are  all  here.  We  do  not  know 
the  structure  of  the  prison.  The  part  of  it  where  the  apostle 
was,  and  the  position  in  which  he  sat,  may  have  enabled  him  to 
see  that  no  one  of  the  prisoners  had  passed  through  the  open 
doors  ;  or  he  may  have  been  divinely  instructed  ^to  give  tliis  as- 
surance. 

V.  29.  aiTTyo-as  </>aJTa,  having  called  for  lights,  which  could  be 
carried  in  the  hand.  The  noun  is  neuter  and  in  the  plural,  not 
singular  (E.  V.).  The  ordinary  night-lamps,  if  such  liad  been 
kept  burning,  were  fastened  jjcrhaps,  or  furnished  only  a  faint 
ghmmer.  f^wra  may  be  a  generic  plural,  but  refers  more  probably 
to  the  jailer's  summoning  those  in  his  semce  to  procure  lights, 
to  enable  him  to  ascertain  the  condition  of  the  prison.  The  se- 
quel shows  that  the  whole  family  were  aroused.  —  TrpocrcVecre,  fell 
down,  cast  liimself  at  their  feet  in  token  of  reverence  ;  see  Mark 
3,11;  Luke  8,  28.  He  knew  that  the  miracle  was  on  their 
account. 


Verses  30-34.     Conversion  of  the  Jailer  and  his  Family. 

V.  30.  Trpoayaywv  avrovs  c^w,  having  led  them  forth  out,  i.  e.  of 
the  inner  prison  into  another  room,  not  into  his  own  house;  see 
v.  34.  —  Ti  /te  .  .  .  .  tva  o-cj-^oi ;  What  must  I  do  in  order  that  I  may 
he  saved.  Their  answer  in  the  next  verse  shows  with  what 
meaning  the  jailer  proposed  this  question.  It  cannot  refer  to  any 
fear  of  jjunishmcnt  from  the  magistrates  ;  for  he  liad  now  ascer- 
tained that  the  prisoners  were  all  safe,  and  that  he  was  in  no 
danger,  from  that  source.  Besides,  had  he  felt  exposed  to  any 
such  danger,  he  must  have  known  that  Paul  and  Silas  had  no 
power  to  protect  him ;  it  would  have  been  useless  to  come  to 
them  for  assistance.  The  (piestion  in  the  other  sense  appears 
abrupt,  it  is  true  ;  but  we  are  to  remember  that  Luke  has  re- 
corded only  parts  of  the   transaction.      The  unwritten  liistory 


Chap.  XVI,  30-33,  COMMENTARY.  2  67 

would  perhaps  justify  some  such  view  of  the  circumstances  as  tliis. 
The  jailer  is  suddenly  aroused  from  sleep  by  the  noise  of  the  earth- 
quake ;  he  sees  the  doors  of  the  prison  open  ;  the  thought  instantly 
seizes  him, — the  prisoners  have  fled.  He  knows  the  rigor  of  the 
Roman  law,  and  is  on  the  point  of  anticipating  his  doom  by  self- 
murder.  But  the  friendly  voice  of  Paul  recalls  his  presence  qf 
mind.  His  thoughts  take  at  once  a  new  direction.  He  is  aware 
that  these  men  claim  to  be  the  servants  of  God ;  that  they  pro- 
fess to  teach  the  way  of  salvation.  It  would  be  nothing  strange 
if,  during  the  several  days  or  weeks  that  Paul  and  Silas  had  been 
at  Philippi,  he  had  heard  the  gospel  from  their  own  lips,  had 
been  one  among  those  at  the  river-side,  or  in  the  market,  whom 
they  had  warned  of  their  danger,  and  urged  to  repent  and  lay 
hold  of  the  mercy  offered  to  them  in  the  name  of  Christ.  And 
now  suddenly  an  event  had  taken  place,  which  convinces  him  in 
a  moment  that  the  things  which  he  has  heard  are  realities  ;  it 
was  the  last  argument,  perha})s,  which  he  needed  to  give  cer- 
tainty to  a  mind  already  inquiring,  hesitating.  He  comes  trem- 
bling, therefore,  before  Paul  and  Silas,  and  asks  them  to  tell  him 
—  again,  more  fully  —  what  he  must  do  to  be  saved. 

V.  31.  Koi  a(D^^(rr],  k.  t.  X.,  and  thou  shall  be  saved  and  thy  family. 
They  represent  the  salvation  as  ample ;  it  was  free  not  only  to  him 
but  to  all  the  members  of  his  household  who  accept  the  proffered 
mercy.  The  apostle  includes  them,  because,  as  we  see  from  the 
next  verse,  they  were  present  and  listened  with  the  jailer  to  the 
preaching  of  the  gospel.  As  Meyer  remarks,  6  oTkos  croi;  belongs 
in  effect  to  irlfntvaov  and  o-w^tjctt;,  as  well  as  o-u. 

V.  32.  Kttt  i\.a.Xr]crav,  k.  t.  A.,  and  they  spake  to  him  the  word  of  the 
Lord,  and  to  all  who  were  in  his  house.  This  refers  to  the  more 
particular  instruction  respecting  the  way  of  salvation,  which  they 
proceeded  to  give  after  the  general  direction  in  the  preceding 
verse.  —  tois  cv  ttj  oIklo.  avTov,  those  in  his  family,  cannot  embrace 
infants,  because  they  are  incapable  of  receiving  the  instruction 
which  was  addressed  to  those  whom  the  expression  designates 
here. 

V.  33.  TrapaXa^wv  avrovs,  taking  them  along,  says  Howson  cor- 
rectly, implies  a  change  of  place.  The  jailer  repaired  with  Paul 
and  Silas  from  the  outer  room  (see  c^w  in  v.  30)  to  the  water, 
which  he  needed  for  bathing  their  bodies.  —  fXovaev  aTrb  twv 
■TrXrfywv  stands  concisely  for  washed  and  cleansed  them  frotn  their 
stripes.  W.  ^  47,  5.  b.  This  verb,  says  Dr.  Robinson  (Lex.  N.  T. 
s.  v.),  signifies  to  wash  the  entire  body,  not  merely  a  part  of  it, 
like  vtTTTw.      Trench  says  :  "  vitttciv  and  vii/^aor^ai  almost  always 


268  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVI,  34-35. 

express  the  washing  of  a  part  of  the  body  (the  hands  in  Mark 
7,  3,  the  feet  in  John  13,  5,  the  face  in  Matt.  6,  17,  the  eyes  iii 
John  9,  7 ) ;  while  Xoi'ctv,  which  is  not  so  much  '  to  wash '  as  '  to 
bathe,'  and  AoCo-^ai,  or  in  common  Greek  Xovecr^at,  '  to  bathe  one's 
self,'  imply  always,  not  the  bathing  of  a  part  of  the  body,  but 
of  the  whole ;  comp.  Heb.  10,  23 ;  Acts  9,  37 ;  2  Pet.  2,  22  ;  Rev. 
1,5;  Plato,  Phaed.  115  a."  To  the  same  effect,  see  Tittm.  Synra. 
N.  T.  p.  175.' — i^aTTTLorSr],  tvus  hajjtized.  The  rite  may  have  been 
performed,  says  De  Wette,  in  the  same  fountain  or  tank  in  which 
the  jailer  had  washed  them.  "  Perhaps  the  water,"  says  Meyer, 
"  was  in  the  court  of  the  house  ;  and  the  baptism  was  that  of 
immersion,  which  formed  an  essential  part  of  the  symbohsm  of 
the  act  (see  Rom.  6,  3  sq.)."  Ancient  houses,  as  usually  built, 
enclosed  a  rectangular  reservoir  or  basin  (the  imjiluvium  so  called) 
for  receiving  the  rain  which  flowed  from  the  slightly  inclined 
roof  Some  suggest  that  they  may  have  used  a  KoXvixft-q^fja,  or 
sivimming-bath,  found  within  the  walls  of  the  prison  (Grsb. 
Rosnm.  Kuin.).  Such  a  bath  was  a  common  appurtenance  of 
houses  and  public  edifices  among  the  Greeks  and  Romans. 
Whether  the  Gangas  flowed  near  the  prison  so  as  to  be  easily 
accessible,  cannot  be  decided.  — koX  ol  avTov  Travrcs,  and  all  his,  are 
evidently  the  Trao-t  rots  iv  rrj  oIklo.  avTov  to  whom  they  had  just 
preached  the  word,  as  stated  in  v.  32. 

V.  34.  dvcyaywv,  k.  t.  X.,  having  brought  them  up  into  his  house, 
which  appears  to  have  been  over  the  prison.  —  lyyaAXtacraTo  iravoiKt, 
he  rejoiced  with  all  his  family,  i,  e.  he  and  all  his  family  rejoiced. 
—  7r£7ri<jT£u«ws  T(3  ^€(2,  haviug  believed  in  God,  states  the  object  or 
occasion  of  their  joy  (comp.  1  Cor.  14,  18).  This  act,  like  that 
of  the  verb,  is  predicated  of  the  jailer's  family  as  well  as  of 
himself. 

Verses    35-40.       They   are    set    at    Liberty,   and   depart  from 
Philippi. 

V.  35.  Tovs  paftSovxov;,  the  rod-bearers  (lictores),  who  waited 
upon  Roman  magistrates  and  executed  their  orders.  In  the  colo- 
nics they  carried  staves,  not  fasces  as  at  Rome.  It  deserves 
notice  that  Luke  introduces  this  term  just  here.  Though  applied 
occasionally  to  Greek  magistrates  as  bearing  the  staff  of  authority, 
it  was  properly  in  this  age  a  Roman  designation,  and  is  found 
here  in  the  right  place  as  denoting  the  attendants  of  Roman 

1  Synonyms  of  the  New  Testament  (p.  216),  by  Richard  Chevenix  Trench, 
King's  College,  London  (New  York,  1857). 


Chap.  XVI,  36. 37.  COMMENTARY.  269 

officers.  —  (ZTroXvo-ov,  release  them.  The  rulers  did  not  command 
them  to  leave  the  city,  but  expected  them,  doubtless,  to  use  their 
liberty  for  that  purpose.  It  is  uncertain  how  we  are  to  account 
for  this  sudden  change  of  disposition  towards  Paul  and  Silas. 
The  magistrates  may  have  reflected  in  the  interval  on  the  injus- 
tice of  their  conduct,  and  have  relented;  or,  possibly,  as  they 
were  heathen  and  superstitious,  they  had  been  alarmed  by  the 
earthquake,  and  feared  the  anger  of  the  gods  on  accent  of  their 
inhumanity  to  the  strangers. 

V.  36.  aTTT/yyetAc,  k.  t.  X.,  The  jailer  reported  these  words  unto 
Paul,  i.  e.  from  the  hctors  who,  therefore,  did  not  accompany 
him  into  the  prison.  The  same  verb  occurs  in  v.  38,  of  the  an- 
swer which  the  lictors  conveyed  to  the  magistrates.  —  on  aTreo-- 
TtiXKacriv,  that  they  have  sent,  sc.  a  message,  or  messengers.  —  kv 
clfj-qvij,  in  jjeace,  unmolested ;  see  on  15,  33.  The  jailer  antici- 
pates their  ready  acceptance  of  the  offer. 

V.  37.  €</>-7  TT/aos  avTovs,  said  unto  them,  the  lictors,  i.  e.  by  the 
mouth  of  the  jailer.  —  SctparTc?,  k.  t.  X.,  having  scourged  us  pub- 
licly unco7idemned,  men  loho  are  Romans.  Almost  every  word  in 
this  reply  contains  a  distinct  allegation.  It  would  be  difficult  to  find 
or  frame  a  sentence  superior  to  it  in  point  of  energetic  brevity. 
Both  the  lex  Valeria  and  the  lex  Porcia  made  it  a  crime  to  inflict 
blows  or  any  species  of  torture  on  a  Roman  citizen.  "  Facinus 
est  vinciri  civem  Romanum,  scelus  verberari,  prope  parricidium 
necari."  (Cic.  in  Verr.  5.  66).  —  hyjixoaia.  It  would  have  been  a 
crime  to  have  struck  them  a  single  blow,  even  in  secret ;  they 
had  been  cruelly  scourged  in  open  day,  and  before  hundreds  of 
witnesses.  —  aKaraKpLTow;.  The  Roman  laws  held  it  to  be  one  of 
the  most  sacred  rights  of  the  citizen  that  he  should  be  tried  in 
due  form  before  he  was  condemned.  "  Causa  cognita  multi  pos- 
sunt  absolvi ;  incognita  quidem  condemnari  nemo  potest."  (Cic. 
in  Verr.  1.  9).  Even  slaves  had  an  admitted  legal,  as  well  as 
natural,  right  to  be  heard  in  their  defence  before  they  were  pun- 
ished. —  'Foifxaiov;.  In  22,  28,  Paul  says  that  he  was  "free  born." 
In  regard  to  the  probable  origin  of  his  Roman  citizenship,  see 
the  note  on  22,  25.  It  appears  that  Silas  possessed  the  same 
rights,  but  it  is  not  known  how  he  obtained  them.  At  first  view 
it  may  appear  surprising  that  Paul  did  not  avow  himself  a  Roman 
at  the  outset,  and  thus  prevent  the  indignity  to  which  he  had 
been  subjected.  "  But  the  infliction  of  it,"  says  Biscoe,  "  was  so 
hasty,  that  he  had  not  time  to  say  anything  that  might  make  for 
his  defence ;  and  the  noise  and  confusion  were  so  great,  that, 
had  he  cried  out  with  ever  so  loud  a  voice  that  he  was  a  Roman, 


270  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVI,  37-39. 

he  might  reasonably  behevc  that  he  should  not  be  regarded. 
Seemg  also  the  fury  of  the  multitude  (v.  22),  it  is  not  improbable 
he  might  think  it  most  advisable  to  submit  to  the  sentence  pro- 
nounced, however  unjust,  in  order  to  quiet  the  people,  and  pre- 
vent a  greater  evil ;  for  he  was  in  danger  of  being  forced  out  of 
the  hands  of  the  magistrates,  and  torn  in  pieces.  But  whatever 
were  the  true  reasons  which  induced  the  apostle  to  be  silent,  the 
overruhng  hand  of  Providence  was  herein  plainly  visible ;  for 
the  conversion  of  the  jailer  and  his  household  was  occasioned  by 
the  execution  of  this  hasty  and  unjust  sentence." — koI  vvv  XdSpa, 
K.  T.  X.,  and  do  they  now  send  us  forth  secretly  ?  Some  render 
iK/3(iXXov(TLv,  thrust  forth;  which  is  too  strong  (comp.  9,  40),  and 
draws  away  the  emphasis  from  Xd&pa,  to  which  it  belongs.  —  oi 
yap,  No,  certainly ;  they  do  not  dismiss  us  in  that  manner.  In 
this  use,  ye  (resolving  ydp  into  its  parts)  strengthens  the  denial, 
while  apa  shows  the  dependence  of  the  answer  on  what  pre- 
cedes :  not  according  to  that,  i.  e.  after  such  treatment.  Klotz  (ad 
Devar.  II.  p.  242),  Winer  (^  53.  8.  b),  and  others,  adopt  this  anal- 
ysis.—  ai'Tot,  they  themselves,  instead  of  sending  their  servants  to 
us. — Li  asserting  so  strongly  their  personal  rights,  they  may  have 
been  influenced  in  part  by  a  natural  sense  of  justice,  and  in  part 
by  a  regard  to  the  necessity  of  such  a  vindication  of  their  inno- 
cence to  the  cause  of  Christ  at  Philippi.  It  was  important  that 
no  stain  should  rest  upon  their  reputation.  It  was  notorious  that 
they  had  been  scourged  and  imprisoned  as  criminals ;  and  if  after 
their  departure  any  one  had  suspected,  or  could  have  insinuated, 
that  possibly  they  had  suffered  not  without  cause,  it  would  have 
created  a  prejudice  against  the  truth.  It  was  in  their  power  to 
save  the  gospel  from  that  reproach,  and  they  used  the  opportu- 
nity. It  may  be  proper  at  times  to  allow  the  wicked  or  misguided 
to  trample  u[)on  our  individual  rights  and  interests  if  they  choose ; 
but  tliose  who  are  "  set  for  the  defence  of  the  gospel "  owe  their 
good  name  and  their  influence  to  Christ  and  the  church,  and  have 
a  riglit  to  invoke  the  protection  of  the  laws  against  any  invasion 
of  their  means  of  public  usefulness. 

V.  38.  dvrjyy(.LXav,  reported  back;  see  on  v.  36.  —  i<f>oPy]Sr]crav, 
were  afraid.  They  had  cause  for  apprehension ;  comp.  22,  29. 
A  magistrate  who  punished  a  Roman  citizen  wrongfully  might 
be  indicted  for  treason ;  he  was  liable  to  suffer  death,  and  the 
confiscation  of  all  his  property  (Grot.). 

V.  39.  rjpil)Ttjiv,  entreated,  begged  (3,  3).  This  was  not  an  un- 
exampled humiliation  for  a  Roman  officer.  Lucian  mentions  a 
case  of  false  imprisonment  in  which  the  governor  of  a  province 


Chap.  XVII,  1 .  COMMENTARY.  271 

not  only  acknowledged  his  error,  but  paid  a  large  sum  of  money 
to  those  whom  he  had  injured,  in  order  to  bribe  them  to  be 
silent. 

V.  40.  Trpos  Trjv  AvStai/,  tmfo  Lydia,  whose  guests  they  were 
(v.  15),  and  where  the  disciples  may  have  been  accustomed  to 
meet. — toii?  dSeA^ous,  the  hrethxcn,  who  had  been  converted  at 
Philippi,  and  who  formed  the  beginning  of  the  church,  afterwards 
addressed  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Philippians.  This  church  was 
founded,  therefore,  about  A.  D.  52.  We  have  evidence  in  that 
letter  that  no  one  of  all  the  churches  planted  by  Paul  possessed 
so  entirely  his  contldence,  or  exhibited  the  power  of  the  gospel 
in  greater  purity.  —  Trape/caXeo-ai/,  exhorted,  Vyz..  to  be  firm,  to  cleave 
to  the  gospel  (comp.  11,  23)  ;  not  comforted,  which  would  be  too 
specific  for  the  occasion.  —  i^X^ov,  they  xccnt  forth.  The  narrator, 
it  will  be  seen,  proceeds  now  in  the  third  person,  and  maintains 
that  style  as  far  as  20,  5.  Some  have  infeiTed  from  this,  that 
Luke  remained  at  Philippi  until  Paul's  last  visit  to  Macedonia. 
We  find  Timothy  with  the  apostle  at  Beroea  (17,  14),  but  whether 
he  accompanied  him  at  this  time,  or  rejoined  him  afterwards, 
cannot  be  decided.     See  further,  on  17,  10. 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

Verses  1-4.     TJiey  2Jroceed  to  TJiessalonica  and  preach  there. 

V.  1.  The  place  which  invited  their  labors  next  was  TJiessalon- 
ica, about  a  hundred  miles  southwest  of  Pliilippi.  They  travelled 
thither  on  the  great  military  road  which  led  from  Byzantium  to 
Dyrrachium  or  Aulona,  opposite  to  Brundusium  in  Italy.  It  was 
the  Macedonian  extension  of  the  Appian  way.  They  could  ac- 
coraphsh  the  journey  in  three  or  four  days  (Wiesl.).  —  On  leaving 
Philippi,  they  came  first  to  Amphipolis,  which  was  southwest, 
distant  about  thirty  miles.  This  place  was  about  three  miles 
from  the  sea,  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Strymon,  which  flowed 
almost  round  it,  and  gave  to  it  its  name.  —  Apolhnia,  their  next 
station  was  about  the  same  distance  southwest  from  AmphipoHs. 
They  remained  a  night,  perhaps,  at  each  of  these  towns.  —  TJies- 
salonica was  a  rich,  commercial  city,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Eche- 
dorus,  on  the  Thermaic  Gulf,  about  twenty-eight  miles  nearly 
west  of  Apollonia.    It  is  now  called  SaloniJci,  having  a  population 


272  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVII,  2-4. 

of  seventy  thousand,  of  whom  thirty  thousand  are  Jews.  Luke's 
record  almost  reminds  us  of  a  leaf  from  a  traveller's  note  book. 
He  mentions  the  places  in  their  exact  order.  We  turn  to  the 
Itinerarium  Antonini  Augusti  (ed.  Parth.  et  Find.  p.  157)  and 
read :  From  Philippi  to  Amphipolis,  thirty-two  miles ;  from  Am- 
phipolis  to  ApoUonia,  thirty-two  miles ;  from  Apollonia  to  Thes- 
salonica,  thirty-six  miles.  —  r]  avvaytoyrj,  the  synagogue ;  definite 
because  the  Jews  in  that  region  may  have  had  but  one  such  jjlace 
of  worship.     W.  ^  17.  1. 

V.  2.  Here  again,  according  to  his  custom,  Paul  betakes  him- 
self first  to  the  Jews;  comp.  13,  5.  14;  14.  1.  etw^o's  has  the 
construction  of  a  noun,  but  governs  the  dative  as  a  verb ;  comp. 
Luke  4,  16.  The  genitive  would  have  been  the  ordinaiy  case. 
W.  ^  31.  7.  N.  2.  — aTTo  Twv  ypa(^uiv,from  tlte  Scriptures.  He  drew 
the  contents  of  his  discourse  from  that  source.     W.  ^  47.  p.  333. 

V.  3.  Siavotywv,  sc.  Tas  ypa^ci?,  opening,  unfolding  their  sense ; 
comp.  Luke  24,  32.  —  TrapaTt^iixivos,  propounding,  maintaining.  — 
OTL  Tov  XpioTov,  K.  T.  X.,  that  thc  Messiah  must  suffer,  in  order  to  ful- 
fil the  Scriptures;  comp.  3,  18;  Matt.  26,  54.  56  ;  Mark  14,  49.— 
Koi  OTL  ovTos,  K.  T.  X.,  and  that,  this  one  (viz.  he  who  was  to  die  and 
rise  again)  is  the  Messiah  Jesus  (i.  e.  the  Jesus  called  Messiah) 
xvhom  I  announce  unto  you.  The  scope  of  the  argument  is  this : 
The  true  Messiah  must  die  and  rise  again ;  Jesus  has  fulfilled 
that  condition  of  prophecy,  and  is,  therefore,  the  promised  Mes- 
siah; comp.  2,  24  sq. ;  13,  27  sq. 

V.  4.  TLvh  i$  avTwv,  certain  of  them,  i.  e.  of  the  Jews ;  see  v.  1. 
and  2. —  Trpoa-eKXrjpw^rjaav  (as  middle),  attached  themselves  to  Paul 
and  Silas  (Olsh.  Whl.  Rob.).  This  is  the  easier  sense,  and  receives 
support  from  v.  34  and  14, 4,  where  we  meet  with  the  same  thought 
in  like  circumstances.  Others  render  ^vere  allotted,  granted  to 
them,  as  it  were  by  divine  favor.  This  may  be  the  surer  phi- 
lological sense,  and  is  adopted  by  Winer  (^  39.  2),  Dc  Wette, 
Meyer,  and  Alford.  —  yvvaLKujv  ....  oXtyat,  and  of  the  first  women 
(comp.  13,  50)  not  a  feio.  The  women  were  evidently  "devout" 
(aefSojjiivwv)  or  prosclytes  (comp.  13,  50),  as  well  as  the  men;  .so 
that  all  those  mentioned  as  converts  in  this  verse  were  won  to 
Christianity  from  the  Jewish  faith,  not  from  a  state  of  heathenism. 
But  in  1  Thess.  1,  9,  Paul  speaks  as  if  many  of  the  Thcssalo- 
nian  Christians  had  been  idolaters  (iirea-Tpeij/aTc  Trpos  rbv  Seov  airo 
Toil/  dBwXwv).  Hence  it  is  possible,  as  Paley  conjectures,  that  this 
verse  describes  the  result  of  Paul's  labors  during  the  three  weeks 
that  he  preached  in  thc  synagogue  (v.  2) ;  and  that  an  interval 
which  Luke  passes  over  preceded  the  events  related  in  v.  5-10. 


Chap.  XVII,  5.  6.  C  0  M  M  E  N  T  A  R  Y .  273 

During  this  intei'val  the  apostle,  having  been  excluded  from  the 
synagogue  by  the  bigotry  of  tlie  Jews,  may  have  preached  directly 
to  the  heathen.  Another  opinion  is,  that  he  preached  to  the 
Gentiles  during  the  week-time,  while  on  the  Sabbath  he  labored 
for  the  Jews  in  their  public  assemblies  (Neand.). 

Verses  5-9.      The  Jews  accuse  Paul  and  Silas  before  the  Mag- 
istrates. 

V.  5.  ctTrei^ouvrcs  before  'Ioi;8atot  (T.  R.)  lacks  support.  —  twv 
ayopaioiv,  market-hungers  {^suhrostrani,  subhasilicani).  Had  it  been 
in  the  East,  where  such  people  loiter  about  the  gates,  the  term 
would  have  been  inappropriate.  It  is  instructive  to  observe  how 
true  the  narrative  is  to  the  habits  of  different  nations,  though  the 
scene  changes  so  rapidly  from  one  land  to  another.  But  why 
should  the  Jews  seek  such  coadjutors  ?  The  reason  is  found  in 
their  situation :  the  Jews  out  of  Judea  had  but  little  power,  and 
must  secure  the  aid  of  the  native  inhabitants.  —  'lao-ovos.  Jason 
was  their  host  (v.  7),  and  also  a  relative  of  Paul,  if  he  was  the 
one  mentioned  in  Rom.  16,  21.  In  the  latter  case,  he  must  have 
been  at  Corinth  when  Paul  wrote  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans. 
So  common  a  name  amounts  to  little  as  proof  of  the  relation- 
ship. —  lt,rfTovv  ....  8^/u.ov,  sought  to  bring  them  unto  the  people, 
and  at  the  same  time  eVt  toijs  TroXiTOLpxa-^  (v.  6),  i.  e.  into  the 
forum,  where  the  magistrates  were  accustomed  to  try  causes  in 
the  presence  of  the  people;  comp.  16,  19.  They  raised  a  mob 
(oxA-oTToiTjo-avTcs)  iu  oidcr  to  arrest  the  offenders ;  but  ek  rov  8^/xov 
shows  that  they  expected  the  trial  to  take  place  before  an  orderly 
assembly. 

V.  6.  firj  evp6vT€'i,  k.  t.  X.,  but  not  having  found  them,  they  drag- 
ged Jason  and  certain  brethren  before  the  citjj  rulers.  Instead  of 
changing  their  plan  on  failing  to  apprehend  the  leaders,  they 
seized  upon  such  others  as  fell  in  their  way,  and  treated  them 
as  they  had  designed  to  treat  Paul  and  Silas.  Lange's  remark 
is  incorrect  that  they  would  have  sacrificed  the  strangers  at  once 
to  the  popular  fury,  but  must  be  more  cautious  in  dealing  with 
citizens.  The  dSeX</)ovs  appear  to  have  been  with  Jason  at  the 
time  of  the  assault ;  probably  they  were  some  of  the  Thessaloni- 
ans  who  had  beheved.  —  ovtoi,  these,  are  Paul  and  Silas,  since  they 
are  those  whom  Jason  entertained.  •—  koI  iv^dSe  irapucnv,  are  jjres- 
ent  also  here,  as  they  have  been  in  other  places,  and  for  the  same 
purpose.  —  Here  and  in  v.  8,  Luke  terms  the  magistrates  of  Thes- 
salonica  politarclis ;  and  his  accuracy  in  tliis  respect  is  confirmed 

35 


274  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVII,  7-10. 

by  an  inscription  of  that  place.  See  Boeckh's  Corpus,  Vol.  II. 
p.  53,  No.  1967.  The  inscription,  which  is  of  the  Roman  times, 
gives  a  Ust  of  seven  magistrates  bearing  this  title.  This  is  the 
more  worthy  of  remark  because  the  title  is  a  very  rare  one,  and 
might  easily  be  confounded  with  that  of  jwliarchs,  which  is  an- 
other appellation  of  magistrates  in  Greek  cities.^ 

V.  7.  0VT06  Travres,  all  these,  viz.  Paul,  Silas,  and  their  followers. 
The  pronoun  includes  more  than  its  grammatical  antecedent.  — 
Twv  8oy/AaTO)v  Katcrapo?,  i.  e.  the  Roman  laws  against  rebellion  or 
treason.  They  are  said  to  be  the  decrees  of  the  emperor,  i.  e.  of 
each  successive  emperor,  because  they  emanated  from  him, 
guarded  his  rights,  and  had  the  support  of  his  authority.  The 
reigning  emperor  at  this  time  was  Claudius.  —  fiacrtXea  erepov, 
another  kins:,  sovereign;  comp.  John  19,  15;  1  Pet.  2,  13.  The 
Greeks  applied  this  term  to  the  emperor,  though  the  Romans 
never  styled  him  rex. 

V.  8.  irdpa^av,  k.  t.  \.  The  statement  alarmed  them,  because 
the  existence  of  such  a  party  in  their  midst  would  compromise 
their  character  for  loyalty,  and  expose  them  to  the  vengeance  of 
their  Roman  masters.     See  on  19,  40. 

V.  9.  A.a/3oVr€<;  to  iKavov,  having  taken  bail,  or  security;  said  to 
be  a  law  pln-ase  adopted  in  Greek  for  satis  accijjere.  What  they 
engaged  would  naturally  be,  that,  as  far  as  it  depended  on  them, 
the  public  peace  should  not  be  violated,  and  that  the  alleged  au- 
thors of  the  disturbance  should  leave  the  city  (Neand.).  Instead 
of  combining  the  two  objects,  some  restrict  the  stipulation  to  the 
first  point  (Mey.),  while  others  restrict  it  to  the  last  (Kuin.). — 
Twv  XoiTTwv,  tJie  others  who  had  been  brought  before  the  tribunal 
with  Jason  (see  v.  6).  —  aTre'Xvo-av  aurou?,  dismissed  them  from  cus- 
tody, viz.  the  Thessalonians,  not  the  missionaries  who  had  es- 
caped arrest. 

Verses  10-13.     Faul  and  Silas  proceed  to  Beraa. 

V.  10.  cu^c'ws,  immediately,  on  the  evening  of  the  day  of  the 
tumult.  Paul  and  Silas  had  spent  three  or  four  weeks  at  least 
in  Thessalonica  (see  v.  2),  and  very  possibly  some  time  longer 
(see  on  V.  4).  Wieseler  proposes  six  or  eight  weeks  as  the  term 
of  their  residence  in  that  city.  Being  obliged  to  leave  so  hastily, 
Paul  was  anxious  for  the  welfare  and  stability  of  the  recent  con- 

'  This  note  is  due  to  President  Woolsey,  in  the  New  Englander,  Vol.  X, 
p    144. 


Chap.  XVII,  11-14.  COMMENTARY.  275 

verts,  and  departed  with  the  intention  of  returning  as  soon  as  the 
present  exasperation  against  him  should  be  allayed  so  as  to  justify 
it  (1  Thess.  2,  18).  Subsequent  events  frustrated  this  purpose, 
and  under  that  disappointment  he  sent  Timothy  to  them  to  sup- 
ply his  place  (1  Thess.  3,  2).  It  may  be  added,  that  while  Paul 
was  here  he  received  supplies  twice  from  the  church  at  Philippi ; 
see  Phil.  4,  15.  16.  From  this  source,  and  from  his  own  personal 
labor,  he  derived  his  support,  without  being  dependent  at  all  on 
the  Thessalonians  ;  see  1  Thess.  2,  9 ;  2  Thess.  3,  8.  —  Sia  t^? 
i/uKTos,  during  the  night.  This  secrecy  indicates  that  they  were 
still  in  danger  from  the  enmity  of  the  Jews ;  comp.  20,  3.  —  ets 
Bepoiav.  Bercca,  now  Verria,  was  about  forty-five  miles  south- 
west of  Thessalonica,  on  the  Astrseus,  a  small  tributary  of  the 
Hahacmon.  See  Forbg.  Handb.  III.  p.  1061.  The  modern  town 
has  six  thousand  inhabitants,  of  whom  two  hundred  are  Jews, 
ten  or  fifteen  hundred  Turks,  and  the  rest  Greeks. 

V.  11.  evyevi(XT€poi,  more  noble  in  their  disposition.  —  For  Trda-r}^ 
without  the  article,  see  on  4,  29. — to  Ka^' rjixipav,  viz.  from  day 
to  day.  TO  particularizes  the  repetition  or  constancy  of  the  act. 
W.  ^  20.  3.  —  €t  (.)(0L  raura  ourws,  if  these  things  taught  by  Paul  were 
so,  as  he  affirmed,  i.  e.  when  examined  by  the  Scriptures. 

V.  12.  'EXXtji/iSojv  agrees  with  both  yuvat/caJv  and  avhpwv.  The 
men  were  Greeks  as  well  as  the  women.  See  the  note  on  2,  42. 
—  For  evcrxriP'Ovoiv,  see  13,  50.  —  oXiyoi  may  be  masculine  because 
dvSpwv  is  the  nearer  word,  or  out  of  regard  to  the  leading  gender. 

V,  13.  Kat,  a/so,  associates  Beroea  Avith  Thessalonica.  —  kolko: 
belongs  to  the  participle,  not  to  the  verb.  They  excited  the  pop- 
ulace there  also,  as  they  had  done  in  Thessalonica.  —  Luke's  nar- 
rative implies  that  the  Jews  were  somewhat  numerous  and  in- 
fluential at  Bercea.  Coins  of  this  city  are  still  extant,  and,  unlike 
most  other  examples  of  ancient  money,  have  on  them  no  pagan 
figure  or  symbol.  Akerman  suggests  (Num.  Ulustr.)  in  explana- 
tion of  this  singular  fact,  that  the  magistrates  may  have  rejected 
such  devices,  as  a  concession  to  the  feelmgs  of  the  Jewish  popu- 
lation. 


Verses   14.15.     Paid  advances  to  Athens. 

V.  14.  TTopeveaSaL  ws  ctti  ttjv  SdXaa-crav,  to  journey  as  upon  the 
sea,  i.  e.  as  if  with  such  a  purpose,  w?  with  l-n-i,  ek,  or  Trpo's 
denotes  design,  but  leaves  it  uncertain  whether  the  design  be 
executed,  or  professed  merely.  See  W.  ^  65.  9  ;  K.  ^  290.  R.  2  ; 
B.  ^   149.      Lachmann   would   substitute  Iws  for  ws,  as  far  as 


276  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVII,  15.  16. 

unto  the  sea,  but  against  the  evidence.  Some  suppose  the 
movement  here  to  have  been  a  feint ;  that  Paul's  conductors, 
having  set  out  ostensibly  for  tlie  sea,  afterward  in  order  to  elude 
pursuit,  changed  their  course,  and  proceeded  to  Athens  by  land 
( Grot.  Bng.  Olsh.).  But  in  that  event,  they  would  have  ])assed 
through  various  important  places  on  the  way,  and  Luke  might 
be  expected  to  name  some  of  them,  as  he  has  done  in  v.  1.  The 
journey  by  land  would  have  been  two  hundred  and  fifty-one  Ro- 
man miles  (Itiner.  Anton.).  With  a  fair  wind  Paul  and  his  party 
could  have  sailed  from  BercEa  or  the  mouth  of  the  Heliacmon 
to  Athens  in  about  three  days  ( Wiesl.) ;  and  the  probability  is,  that 
they  took  this  more  expeditious  course  (Win.  De  Wet.  Wiesl. 
Mey.).  —  For  an  interesting  sketch  of  the  places  and  objects 
which  would  be  seen  on  such  a  voyage,  the  reader  is  refenred  to 
Howson,  I.  p.  403  sq.  —  Timothy  was  last  mentioned  in  16,  1. 

v.  15.  01  Ka^JicTTtovres,  Those  who  conducted,  lit.  set  him  along 
on  the  journey  whether  by  sea  or  land.  —  Xa(36vTes,  having  received 
before  their  departure,  rather  than  receiving  (E.  V.),  which  might 
imply  that  they  returned  in  consequence  of  the  command.  —  ws 
rdxta-Ta,  as  soon  as  j^ossible  (K.  k  239.  R.  2.  d),  i,  e.  after  })erform- 
ing  the  service  for  which  they  had  remained.  Whether  they  re- 
joined the  apostle  at  Athens,  or  not,  is  uncertain  ;  see  on  the  next 
verse. 

Veeses  16-18.     How  he  was  affected  by  the  Idolatry  at  Atheiis. 

V.  16.  €k89(oju,ci/ou  auTov's,  while  he  was  waiting  for  them,  viz. 
Silas  and  Timothy.  The  most  natural  inference  from  1  Thess. 
3,  1,  is  that  Timothy,  at  least,  soon  arrived,  in  accordance  with 
Paul's  expectation,  but  was  immediately  sent  away  by  the  apos- 
tle to  Thessalonica.  As  Silas  is  not  mentioned  in  that  passage, 
it  has  been  supposed  that  he  may  have  failed  for  some  reason  to 
come  at  tliis  time,  or,  if  he  came,  that,  like  Timothy,  he  may 
have  left  again  at  once,  but  for  a  different  destination ;  which 
last  circumstance  would  account  for  the  omission  of  his  name  in 
that  passage  of  the  Epistle.  Our  next  notice  of  them  occurs  in 
18,  5,  where  they  are  re})resented  as  coming  down  from  Mace- 
donia to  Corinth ;  and  we  may  suppose  cither  tliat  they  went  to 
that  city  directly  from  BeroBa,  without  having  followed  Paul  to 
Athens,  or  that  they  returned  from  Athens  to  Macedonia,  and 
proceeded  from  there  to  Corinth.  The  latter  view  assumes 
that  Luke  has  passed  over  the  intermediate  journey  in  silence. 
Such  omissions  are  entirely  consistent  with  the  character  of  a 


Chap.  XVII,  16. 17.  COMMENTARY.  277 

fragmentary  history  like  that  of  the  Acts.  Still  other  combina- 
tions are  possible.  —  Trapto^vero  .  .  .  .  ev  auT(3,  ]us  sjnrit  ivas  aroused 
in  him,  comp.  15,  39 ;  1  Cor.  13,  5.  This  verb  represents  the 
apostle  as  deeply  moved  with  a  feeling  allied  to  that  of  indig- 
nation, at  beholding  such  a  profanation  of  the  worship  due  to 
God  as  forced  itself  upon  his  view  on  every  side.  —  Karet^wXov 
means,  not  given  to  idolatry,  but  full  of  idols.  The  word  is  other- 
wise unknown  to  the  extant  Greek,  but  is  formed  after  a  common 
analogy,  e.  g.  xaTa/ATreXos,  KaraSevSpos,  /cardc^o/^os,  etc.  The  epithet 
applies  to  the  city,  not  directly  to  the  inhabitants.  A  person 
could  hardly  take  his  position  at  any  point  in  ancient  Athens, 
where  the  eye  did  not  range  over  temples,  altars,  and  statues  of 
the  gods  almost  without  number.  Petronius  says  satirically,  that 
it  was  easier  to  find  a  god  at  Athens  than  a  man.  Another 
ancient  writer  says  that  some  of  the  streets  were  so  crowded 
with  those  who  sold  idols,  that  it  was  almost  impossible  for  one 
to  make  his  way  through  them.  Pausanias  declares  that  Athens 
had  more  images  than  all  the  rest  of  Greece  put  together.  Wet- 
stein  quotes  Xenophon,  Isocrates,  Cicero,  Livy,  Strabo,  Lucian, 
and  others,  as  bearing  the  same  testimony.  Luke,  therefore,  has 
not  applied  this  epithet  at  random.  The  Greek  language  offered 
to  him  a  hundred  other  terms  which  would  have  stated  what 
was  true  in  relation  to  a  heathen  city ;  but  we  see  that  he  has 
chosen  among  them  all  the  very  one  which  describes  the  precise 
external  aspect  of  Athens  that  would  be  the  first  to  strike  the 
eye  of  a  stranger  like  Paul.  This  mark  of  accuracy  in  the 
wi-iter,  those  obliterate,  or  very  nearly  obliterate,  who  make  the 
expression  refer  to  the  devotion  of  the  Athenians  to  idolatry.^ 

V.  17.  The  apostle's  ordinary  course  was  to  address  himself  ex- 
clusively at  first  to  his  own  countrymen  and  the  Jewish  proselytes. 
At  Athens  he  departed  from  this  rule.  —  ovv,  therefore,  i.  e.  being 
aroused  by  the  sight  of  so  much  idolatry.  The  spectacle  around 
him  urges  him  to  commence  preaching  simultaneously  to  Jews  and 
Greeks.  Some  adopt  a  looser  connection :  therefore,  i.  e.  being  at 
Athens  (De  Wette).  Some  restrict  ovv  to  the  second  clause  :  his 
zeal  impelled  him  to  preach  in  the  market.  It  is  arbitraiy  to  divide 
the  sentence  in  that  manner.  —  eV  t^  a-yopS.,  in  the  market,  i.  e.  of 
the  city;  not  the  one  in  which  he  happened  to  be  (Mey.).  It  is 
generally  admitted  that  the  Athenians  had  properly  but  one  market, 


1  Hermann  (ad  Vig.  p.  638,  ed.  1824)  turns  aside  to  correct  this  error  :  "  Karef- 
^(iiXos  ttSkis,  Actor.  Apost.  17,  16,  non  est,  uti  quidam  opinantur,  s/mu/acm  dedila 
urbs,  sed  simulacris  referta." 


278  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVH,  18. 

although  Leake  has  shown  it  to  be  probable,  that,  "  during  the 
many  centuries  of  Athenian  prosperity,  the  boundaries  of  the  Ago- 
ra, or  at  least  of  its  frequented  })art,  underwent  considerable  vari- 
ation." ^  The  notices  of  ancient  writers  are  somewhat  vague  as 
to  its  course  and  extent;  but  it  is  agreed  that  the  site  was  never 
so  changed  as  to  exclude  the  famous  oroa  ttoiklXt],  which,  accord- 
ing to  Forchammer's  Plan,  stood  off  against  the  Acropohs  on  the 
west.  Li  this  i)orch,  as  is  well  known,  the  philosoi)hers,  rhetori- 
cians, and  others  were  accustomed  to  meet  for  conversation  and  dis- 
cussion ;  and  hence  it  lay  entirely  m  the  course  of  things  that  some 
of  these  men  should  fall,  as  Luke  states,  in  the  way  of  the  apostle, 
V.  18.  Twv  'ETTiKovpctW.  The  Epicweans  were  the  "  minute 
philosophers,"  the  Greek  Sadducees  of  the  age ;  they  admitted 
the  existence  of  gods,  but  regarded  them  as  indolent  beings,  who 
paid  no  attention  to  the  actions  or  affairs  of  men  ;  they  had  no 
faith  in  a  providence,  or  in  accountability,  or  in  any  retribution 
to  come.  Their  great  practical  dogma  was,  that  a  wise  man 
will  make  the  most  of  all  the  means  of  enjoyment  witliin  his 
reach.  Epicurus,  the  founder  of  the  sect,  had  taught  a  higher 
idea  of  happiness ;  but  his  followers  in  the  Roman  age,  and 
earlier  still,  had  reduced  it  to  the  grossest  sensualism.  The 
frivolous  spirit  of  this  sect,  appears  perhaps  in  the  first  of  the 
questions  addressed  to  Paul.  —  roJv  SrwiKaiv.  The  Stoics  were 
distinguished  in  some  respects  for  a  more  reflecting  turn  of  mind; 
they  extolled  virtue,  insisted  on  subjecting  the  passions  to  reason, 
and  urged  the  importance  of  becoming  independent  of  the  ordi- 
nary sources  of  enjoyment  and  suffering.  Some  of  the  most 
admired  characters  of  antiquity  belonged  to  this  school.  But  the 
Stoics  were  essentially  fatalists  in  their  religious  views;  they 
were  self-complacent,  boasted  of  their  indifference  to  the  world, 
and  affected  a  style  of  morals  so  impracticable  as  to  render  them 
almost  necessarily  insincere  or  hypocritical.  In  Epicureanism  it 
was  man's  sensual  nature  which  arrayed  itself  against  tlie  claims 
of  the  gospel  ;  in  Stoicism  it  was  his  self-righteousness  and 
pride  of  intellect ;  and  it  is  difficult  to  say  which  of  the  two  sys- 
tems rendered  its  votaries  the  more  indisposed  to  embrace  the 
truth.  It  miglit  have  seemed  to  the  credit  of  Christianity,  had 
it  been  represented  as  gaining  at  least  a  few  i)roselytes,  in  this 
centre  of  Grecian  refinement,  from  tlie  ranks  of  its  scholars  and 
j)hilosophers  ;  but  Luke  has  no  such  triumi)hs  to  record.  He  re- 
lates the  case  as  it  was ;  the  apostle  was  ridiculed,  his  message 

1  Athens  and  Demi,  p.  217. 


Chap.  XVII,  18. 19.  COMMENTARY.  279 

was  treated  with  contempt.  —  o-vvef^aXXov  airot,  conversed  or  dis- 
puted with  him  (E  v.,  De  Wet.),  comp.  4,  15  ;  not  met  with  him  as 
in  20,  14  (Bng.  Mey.) ;  since  the  forna  as  imperf.  appHes  better  to 
a  discussion,  than  to  a  single  contact  of  the  parties  such  as  Luke 
mentions  here.  Kai  e'Aeyov  agrees  with  either  sense.  —  rt  av  ^k\oi, 
K.  T.  \.,  ivJiat  ivould  this  babbler  say,  does  he  mean  to  say  ?  av 
sharpens  the  taunt:  if  he  has  any  meaning  (Mey.).  See  W.  § 
42.  1 ;  C.  {  604.  o-Trep/AoAoyos  denotes  strictly  a  seed-gatherer,  and 
then,  as  used  here,  one  who  picks  up  and  retails  scraps  of 
knowledge  without  sense  or  aim,  an  idle  prater.  —  ^evcjv  Sat/AoviW, 
foreign  gods,  hitherto  unknown  to  us.  As  the  expression  is  cited 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Greeks,  we  are  to  attach  to  it  their  sense 
of  8ai/Aovtov,  which  was  different  from  that  of  the  Jews.  The 
noun  may  be  plural,  because  it  refers  to  Jesus  as  an  example  of 
the  class  or  category  (see  W.  J  27.  2 ;  S.  §  95.  2)  ;  or  it  may 
be  founded  on  what  Paul  had  said  to  them  concerning  God, 
especially  his  agency  in  raising  up  Christ  from  the  dead  (comp. 
V.  31).  The  latter  is  the  best  view  (De  Wet.).  Both  Jesus  and 
the  God  of  whom  they  now  heard  were  new  to  them.  Many  of 
the  older  critics,  and  some  of  the  more  recent,  explain  the  plural 
as  embracing  dvao-racrtv,  supposing  the  Athenians  to  have  under- 
stood Paul  to  speak  of  some  goddess  when  he  preached  to  them 
the  resurrection.  But  one  can  hardly  conceive  that  the  apostle 
would  express  himself  so  obscurely  on  this  subject  as  to  give 
them  any  occasion  for  falling  into  so  gross  a  mistake  ;  and  we  are 
not  authorized  by  any  intimation  in  the  narrative  to  impute  to 
them  a  wilful  perversion  of  his  language. 

Verses  19-21.     Paul  repairs  to  Mars'  Hill  to  explain  his  Doc- 
trine. 

V.  1 9.  lirika^ofievoi  t€  auroC,  and  taking  hold  lojoon  him,  not  with 
violence,  which  would  be  at  variance  with  the  general  spirit  of 
the  transaction,  but  rather  by  the  hand,  for  the  purpose  of  leading 
him  onward ;  comp.  9,  27 ;  Mark  8,  23 ;  Luke  9,  47.  —  iirl  tov 
"Apaov  Trayov,  upon  Mars'  Hill,  i.  e.  the  top  of  it;  comp.  10,  9; 
Matt.  4,  5;  24,  16,  etc.  The  Areiopagus,  whither  Paul  was  now 
brought,  was  a  rocky  eminence  a  httle  to  the  west  of  the  Acrop- 
olis. See  Leake's  Athens,  p.  165.  The  object  of  the  movement 
was  to  place  the  apostle  in  a  situation  where  he  coidd  be  heard 
by  the  multitude  to  greater  advantage.  The  following  is  Dr. 
Robinson's  descri})tion  of  this  important  locality :  ''  This  is  a  nar- 
row, naked  ridge  of  limestone  rock,  rising  gradually  from  the 


2S0  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVH.  19. 

northern  end,  and  terminating  abruptly  on  the  south,  over  against 
the  west  end  of  the  Acroj)ohs,  from  which  it  bears  about  north; 
being  separated  from  it  by  an  elevated  valley.  This  southern 
end  is  fifty  or  sixty  feet  above  the  said  valley  ;  though  yet  much 
lower  than  the  Acropolis.  On  its  top  are  still  to  be  seen  the  seats 
of  the  judges  and  parties,  hewn  in  the  rock ;  and  towards  the 
southwest  is  a  descent  by  a  flight  of  steps,  also  cut  in  the  rock 
into  the  valley  below.  Standing  on  this  elevated  platform,  sur- 
rounded by  the  learned  and  the  wise  of  Athens,  the  multitude 
perhaps  being  on  the  steps  and  the  vale  below,  Paul  had  directly 
before  him  the  far-famed  Acropolis,  with  its  wonders  of  Grecian 
art ;  and  beneath  him,  on  his  left,  the  majestic  Theseium,  the 
earliest  and  still  most  perfect  of  Athenian  structures ;  while  all 
around,  other  temples  and  altars  filled  the  whole  city.  On  the 
Acropolis,  too,  were  the  three  celebrated  statues  of  Minerva ;  one 
of  olive-wood ;  another  of  gold  and  ivory  in  the  Parthenon,  the 
masterpiece  of  Phidias ;  and  the  colossal  statue  in  the  open  air, 
tlie  point  of  whose  spear  was  seen  over  the  Parthenon  by  those 
sailing  along  the  gulf."  Bibl.  Res.  I.  p.  10  sq.  The  reader  would 
do  well  to  consult  the  admirable  article  on  Athens  in  Smith's  Dic- 
tionaiy  of  Greek  and  Roman  Geography.  He  will  find  a  Plan 
of  that  city  and  a  view  of  the  Acropolis  restored  as  seen  from 
the  Areiopagus,  in  Mr.  Howson's  work.  To  understand  the  pe- 
cuhar  boldness  and  power  of  the  speech,  we  must  have  distinctly 
before  us  the  objects  and  scenes  which  met  the  apostle's  view 
at  the  moment.  —  Some  translate  cttI  T6v''ApeLov  -n-dyov,  before  the 
Areiopagus  (comp.  16,  19;  18,  12;  24,  8),  and  maintain  that  Paul 
was  arraigned  at  this  time  before  the  celebrated  court  of  that 
name,  and  underwent  a  formal  trial  on  the  charge  of  having  at- 
tempted to  change  the  religion  of  the  state.  But  this  oi)inion 
rests  entirely  upon  two  or  three  expressions,  which,  like  the  one 
just  noticed,  are  ambiguous  in  themselves ;  while  in  other  re- 
spects the  entire  narrative,  as  well  as  the  improbability  of  such 
a  procedure,  testify  against  tlie  idea.  First,  we  find  here  no  trace 
whatever  of  any  thing  like  the  formality  of  a  legal  process.  Sec- 
ondly, the  professed  object  of  bringing  the  apostle  iirl  Tov'AptLov 
■n-dyov  was  to  ascertain  from  him  what  his  opinions  were,  not  to  put 
him  on  his  defence  for  them  before  they  were  known.  Thirdly, 
the  manner  in  which  the  aflair  terminated  would  have  been  a 
singular  issue  for  a  judicial  investigation  in  the  highest  court  of 
Athens.  And,  finally,  the  speech  which  Paul  delivered  on  the 
occasion  was  precisely  such  as  we  should  expect  before  a  pro- 
miscuous assembly ;  whereas,  if  he  had  stood  now  as  an  accused 


Chap.  XVII,  19-21.  COMMENTAEY.  281 

person  before  a  legal  tribunal,  his  plea  has  most  strangely  failed 
to  connect  itself,  at  any  single  point,  with  that  peculiarity  of  his 
situation.  It  proves  nothing  in  regard  to  the  question,  to  show 
that  the  court  of  the  Areiopagus  had  powers  (that  is  admitted) 
which  would  have  given  to  it  jurisdiction  in  the  case  of  Paul, 
supposing  that  he  had  been  charged  at  this  time  with  subverting 
the  established  worship ;  since  the  narrative  on  which  we  must 
rely  for  our  information  as  to  what  was  done,  not  only  contains 
no  evidence  that  the  Athenians  took  this  serious  view  of  his  doc- 
trine, but  ascribes  their  eagerness  to  hear  him  to  a  mere  love  of 
novelty;  see  v.  21.  Calvin,  Kuinoel,  Neander,  Winer,  Olshausen, 
De  Wette,  Meyer,  Baur,  Doddridge,  and  the  best  critics  generally, 
at  present,  reject  the  opinion  that  Paul  was  carried  before  the 
Areiopagus  for  a  judicial  examination.  The  authority  of  Chrys- 
ostom,  among  the  ancient  critics,  stands  in  favor  of  it.  A  few 
among  the  Germans,  as  Hess,  Hemsen,  Scholz,  follow  on  that 
side ;  except  that  some  of  them  would  say  (this  is  true  of  Hem- 
sen),  that  the  Areiopagus  was  called  together,  not  exactly  to  try 
the  apostle,  but  to  hear  from  him  some  account  of  his  doctrine. 
"  The  process,"  says  Wordsworth,  "  may  have  been  only  a  prepar- 
atory inquiry,  an  ctvaKpto-ts.  They  who  laid  hands  on  him,  may 
have  intended  to  frighten  the  apostle  by  the  judicial  associations 
of  the  place,  and  to  drive  him  out  of  the  city."  Most  of  our 
English  commentaries  assume  that  Paul  was  arraigned  at  this 
time  as  a  religious  innovator.  The  other  ambiguous  expressions, 
which  have  been  supposed  to  favor  this  view,  will  be  noticed  in 
their  place.  —  Swa/te^a  yvaJmt,  Can  loe  know  ?  Would  it  not  have 
been  an  excess  even  of  the  Attic  politeness,  to  have  interrogated 
a  prisoner  at  the  bar  in  this  manner?  The  object,  too,  of  the 
inquiry,  as  defined  by  the  accompanying  terms,  shows  clearly 
that  they  did  not  regard  him  as  occupying  that  position. 

V.  20.  ^evitpvra,  surprising,  since  the  things  were  foreign,  un- 
heard of  before.  —  eicr^epets  ....  rjfjiCiv,  thou  bringest  to  our  ears. 
This  phrase,  drawn  from  common  life,  has  an  appearance  of  real- 
ity in  this  connection.  — ri  av  ^eXot.  See  on  v.  18.  ti  in  apposi- 
tion with  ravra  should  be  noticed.  It  is  not  precisely  like  the 
plural.  "The  singular  ti,"  says  Kriiger  (Gr.  §  61.  8.  2),  "may 
stand  in  such  connections  as  tl  raura  ccm,  when  the  question  is, 
what  sort  of  a  whole,  what  combined  result,  do  the  particulars 
form  ?  " 

V.  21.  The  object  of  this  verse  is  to  explain  why  they  ad- 
dressed to  him  such  inquiries.  Their  motive  for  proposing  them 
was  that  their  curiosity  might  be  gratified.  —  'A^ijvatoc.  hi  Trdrres, 
36 


282  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVII,  21. 

now  all  Athenians.  Tlie  omission  of  the  article  unites  the  charac- 
teristic more  closely  with  the  name,  as  its  invariable  attend- 
ant. K.  ^  246.  5.  a.  —  ol  e7riS7//AowT€s,  i.  e.  the  foreigners  perma- 
nently resident  there  (comp.  2,  10) ;  uncle  iidem  mores,  as  Bengel 
remarks.  —  ets  oiSo/  ....  evKaipovp,  sjient  their  leisure  for  nothing 
else.  This  sense  of  the  verb  is  a  later  usage.  Lob.  ad  Phryn. 
p.  125.  The  imperfect  does  not  exclude  the  continued  existence 
of  the  peculiarity,  but  blends  the  reference  to  it  with  the  history. 
See  similar  examples  in  27,  8;  John  11,  18;  18,  1;  19,  14.  K.  k 
256.  4.  a ;  C.  567.  y.  —  Kaivorepov,  newer,  sc.  than  before.  W.  k  35. 
4  ;  S.  H18.  4;  K.  ^  323.  R.  7.  The  comparative  or  the  positive 
form  of  the  adjective  could  be  used  in  this  phrase ;  but  the 
former  characterizes  their  state  of  mind  more  forcibly  than  the 
latter.  Bengel  has  liit  the  point  of  the  idiom :  "  Nova  statim 
sordebant ;  noviora  queer chantur."  —  It  is  worth  remarking,  that 
tills  singular  scene  of  setting  up  the  apostle  to  speak  for  the  en- 
tertainment of  the  people  occurs,  not  at  Ephesus,  or  rhilip})i,  or 
Corinth,  but  at  Athens  ;  not  only  the  only  place,  in  all  his  journey- 
mg,wliere  Paul  met  with  such  a  reception,  but  just  the  place  whore 
the  incident  arises  in  perfect  harmony  \vith  the  disposition  and 
the  tastes  of  the  people.  We  know,  from  the  testimony  of  ancient 
writers,  that  this  fondness  for  hearing  and  telling  some  new  thing, 
which  Luke  mentions,  was  a  notorious  characteristic  of  the  Athe- 
nians. Their  great  orator  reproaches  them  with  the  same  pro- 
pensity :  l^ovXea-^e,  etTre  /xoi,  Trepiiovres  aurwi/  Trui/^avco-^at  Kara  rrjv 
dyopdv  keyerai  Ti  KaLvov ;  (Philipp.  I.  43).  The  entirely  incidental 
manner  in  which  the  exemplilication  of  this  trait  comes  forth  in. 
the  narrative  here,  bears  witness  to  its  authenticity 


Outline  of  the  Course  of  Thought. 

The  speech  wliich  Paul  delivered  at  this  time  is  remarkable 
for  its  adaptation,  not  only  to  the  outward  circumstances  under 
which  he  spoke,  but  to  the  peculiar  mental  state  of  his  auditors. 
De  Wctte  pronounces  it  "  a  model  of  the  apologetic  style  of 
discourse."  "  The  address  of  Paul  before  this  assembly,"  says 
Neander,  "is  a  living  proof  of  his  apostolic  wisdom  and  elo- 
quence ;  we  perceive  here  how  the  apostle,  according  to  his  own 
expression,  could  become  also  a  heathen  to  the  heathen,  that  he 
might  win  the  heathen  to  a  reception  of  the  gospel."  "■  The  skill," 
says  Hemsen,  "with  which  he  was  able  to  bring  the  truth  near 
to  the  Athenians,  deserves  admiration.  We  find  in  this  discourse 
of  Paul  notliing  of  an  ill-timed  zeal,  notliing  like  declamatory 


Chap.  XVII,  21 .  CO M M E N T A 11 Y .  283 

pomp;  it  is  distinguished  for  clearness,  brevity,  coherence,  and  sim- 
phcity  of  representation."  Dr.  Robinson,  speaking  under  the  im- 
pression produced  on  his  mind  by  a  personal  survey  of  the  scene, 
says  that,  "  masterly  "  as  the  address  is,  as  we  read  it  under  ordi- 
nary circumstances,  "  the  full  force  and  energy  and  boldness  of 
the  apostle's  language  can  be  duly  felt  only  when  one  has  stood 
upon  the  spot."  ^  The  writer  can  never  forget  the  emotions  of 
thrilling  interest,  which  were  excited  in  his  own  mind,  as  he  read 
and  rehearsed  the  discourse,  on  that  memorable  rock.  —  We 
have  first  the  introduction,  which,  in  the  technical  language  of 
rhetoric,  is  eminently  conciliatory.  The  apostle  begins  by  ac- 
knowledging and  commending  the  respect  of  the  Athenians  for 
religion  (v.  22.  23).  He  states  next,  at  the  close  of  v.  23,  his 
design,  which  is  to  guide  their  religious  instincts  and  aspirations 
to  their  proper  object,  i.  e.  to  teach  them  what  God  is,  his  nature 
and  attributes,  in  opposition  to  their  false  views  and  practices  as 
idolaters.  He  goes  on,  then,  in  pursuance  of  this  purpose,  to  an- 
nounce to  them,  first,  that  God  is  the  Creator  of  the  outward, 
material  universe  (v.  24)  ;  secondly,  that  he  is  entirely  independ- 
ent of  his  creatures,  having  all-sufficiency  in  himself  (v.  25)  ; 
thirdly,  that  he  is  the  Creator  of  all  mankind,  notwithstanding 
their  separation  into  so  many  nations  and  their  wide  dispersion 
on  the  earth  (v.  26)  ;  and,  fourthly,  that  he  has  placed  men,  as 
individuals  and  nations,  in  such  relations  of  dependence  on  him- 
self as  render  it  easy  for  them  to  see  that  he  is  their  Creator  and 
sovereign  Disposer,  and  that  they  are  the  creatures  of  liis  power 
and  goodness  ;  and  that  it  is  their  duty  to  seek  and  serve  Irim 
(v.  27.  28).  The  ground  has  thus  been  won  for  the  apphcation 
which  follows.  At  this  point  of  the  discourse,  stretching  forth 
his  hand,  as  we  may  well  suppose,  towards  the  gorgeous  images 
witliin  sight,  he  exclaims  :  "  We  ought  not,  therefore,  to  suppose 
that  the  Deity  is  like  unto  gold,  or  silver,  or  stone,  sculptured  by 
the  art  and  device  of  men"  (v.  29),  And  that  which  men  ought 
not  to  do,  they  may  not  safely  do  any  longer.  It  was  owing  to 
the  forbearance  of  God  that  they  had  been  left  hitherto  to  pursue 
their  idolatry  without  any  signal  manifestation  of  his  displeasure; 

•  Some  object  that  the  speech  has  been  over-praised,  because  Paul  did  not  suc- 
ceed in  bringing  it  to  a  formal  close.  The  astonishment  which  one  feels  as  he 
reads  tlie  address  is  not  that  the  speaker  was  interrupted  at  length,  when  he  came 
to  announce  to  the  Athenians  the  peculiar  doctrines  of  Christianity,  but  that  he 
could  command  their  attention  so  long,  while  he  bore  down  with  such  effect  on 
their  favorite  opinions  and  prejudices,  exposed  tlicir  errors,  and  arraigned  tliem  as 
guilty  of  the  grossest  inconsistency  and  absurdity  of  conduct. 


284  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVII,  22. 

they  were  novo  required  to  repent  of  it  and  forsake  it  (v.  30), 
because  a  day  of  righteous  judgment  awaited  them,  wliich  had 
been  rendered  certain  by  the  resurrection  of  Clmst  (v.  31).  Here 
their  clamors  mterrnpted  him.  It  is  not  difficult,  perhaps,  to  con- 
jecture what  he  would  have  added.  It  only  remained,  in  order 
to  comi)lete  his  well-known  circle  of  thought  on  such  occasions, 
that  he  should  have  set  forth  the  claims  of  Christ  as  the  object 
of  religious  hope  and  confidence,  that  he  should  have  exhorted 
them  to  call  on  his  name  and  be  saved.  —  It  will  be  seen,  there- 
fore, by  casting  the  eye  back,  that  we  have  here  all  the  parts  of 
a  perfect  discourse,  viz.  the  exordium,  the  proposition  or  theme, 
the  proof  or  exposition,  the  inferences  and  application.  It  is  a 
beautiful  specimen  of  the  manner  in  which  a  powerful  and  well- 
trained  mind,  practised  in  public  speaking,  conforms  spontane- 
ously to  the  rules  of  the  severest  logic.  One  can  readily  believe, 
looking  at  this  feature  of  the  discourse,  that  it  was  pronounced 
by  the  man  who  Avrote  the  Epistles  to  the  Romans  and  Galatians, 
where  we  see  the  same  mental  characteristics  so  strongly  re- 
flected. As  we  must  suppose,  at  all  events,  that  the  general 
scheme  of  thought,  the  nexus  of  the  argument,  has  been  pre- 
served, it  does  not  affect  our  critical  judgment  of  the  discourse 
whether  we  maintain  that  it  has  been  reported  in  full,  or  that  a 
synopsis  only  has  been  given.     On  this  point  opinions  differ. 

Verses  22-31.      The  Speech  of  Paul  on  Mars  Ilill. 

V.  22.  o-ra^cis.  Paul  spoke  of  course  in  the  open  air.  A  skil- 
ful hand  has  pictured  to  us  the  scene.  "  He  stood  on  that  hill  in 
the  centre  of  the  Athenian  city,  and  with  a  full  view  of  it.  The 
temple  of  the  Eumenides  was  immediately  below  him,  and  if  he 
looked  to  the  cast,  he  beheld  the  Propyla^a  of  the  Acropolis  front- 
ing him,  and  the  Parthenon  rising  above  him ;  and  on  his  left  the 
bronze  colossus  of  Minerva,  the  champion  of  Athens,  and  the 
temple  of  Victory  to  the  right ;  behind  him  was  the  temple  of 
Theseus;  and  a  countless  multitude  of  smaller  temples  and  altars 
in  the  Agora  and  Ceramicus  below  him."  Wordsworth,  p.  85. 
See  also  his  "Athens  and  Attica,"  Ch.  XL  —  Iv  jxia-u)  toC  'Apdov 
Trdyov  could  be  said  of  a  place  or  an  assembly.  It  is  one  of  the 
ambiguous  expressions  adverted  to  above  (p.  281),  wliich  leave 
it  uncertain  Avhether  'ApeCov  irdyov  is  to  be  understood  of  the  hill 
or  the  court  assembled  there.  —  arSpes  'ASrjvaloi.  The  remark  just 
m'ade  is  to  be  repeated  here.  It  is  the  style  of  address  M-hicli 
Paul  would  necessarily  use  in  speaking  to  a  concourse  of  Athe- 


Chap.  XVII,  22.  23.  COMMENTARY.  285 

nians  ;  and  at  the  same  time,  he  might  use  it  in  speaking  before 
judges.     In  the  latter  case,  however,  the  Greeks  oftener  said 

w   avSpes   StKao-rat.       See    Stalb.    Plat.   Apol.  17.  A.  —  Kara  Travra,  in 

ever?/  resjject,  as  it  were,  in  every  possible  mode  of  exhibition.  — 
ws  Seio-tSat/xoveo-Tcpovs  V^s  ■^cwpw,  as  (i.  e.  those  who  correspond  to 
this  character)  more  religious,  sc.  than  others,  I  see  you  (De  Wet. 
Win.).  See  W.  §  35.  4.  For  the  suppressed  term  of  the  com- 
parison, see  on  v.  21.  Josephus  (Contr.  Ap,  2.  11)  calls  tlie 
Athenians  tovs  evae^ea-TOLTov?  raJv  'EAATyvwv.  See  other  testimonies 
in  Wetstein.  Seio-iSat/xoveo-repous  (a  vox  media)  may  signify  also 
more  superstitious.  It  is  improbable,  as  a  matter  of  just  rhetoric, 
that  the  apostle  employed  it  in  that  reproachful  sense  at  the  out- 
set of  his  remarks.  That  he  us^l  it  in  a  good  sense  is  evident 
for  another  reason.  "  He  proceeds,"  says  Neander,  "  to  deduce 
their  seeking  after  God  (which  he  doubtless  considered  as  some- 
thing good)  from  this  SetcrtSai^aovta  (comp.  25,  19),  or  religious 
propensity,  so  prevalent  among  the  Athenians.  He  announced 
himself  as  one  who  would  guide  their  Seio-iSai/xovta,  not  rightly  con- 
scious of  its  object  and  aim,  to  a  state  of  clear  self-consciousness 
by  a  revelation  of  the  object  to  wliich  it  thus  ignorantly  tended." 
V.  23.  Koi  ava^eiopuiv  ....  /3co/i,ov,  and  closely  observing  the  ob- 
jects of  your  religious  veneration,  I  found  also  an  altar.  a-efSdarfxara 
denotes,  not  acts  of  worsliip,  devotions  (E.  V.),  but  temples, 
images,  altars,  and  the  hke.  It  is  a  generic  term,  under  which 
Kat  arranges  /3co/tov  as  one  of  the  class.  —  eVeyeypaTTTo  (pluperf.), 
had  been  inscribed,  includes  the  present,  and  is  to  be  explained 
like  the  imperfect  in  v.  21.  —  dyvojcrrw  S^Ca,  to  an  unknown  God. 
"  That  there  was,  at  least,  one  altar  at  Athens  with  this  inscrip- 
tion," says  Meyer,  "  would  appear  as  historically  certain  from  this 
passage  itself,  even  though  other  testimonies  were  wanting,  since 
Paul  appeals  to  a  fact  of  his  own  observation,  and  that,  too,  in 
the  presence  of  the  Athenians  themselves."  But  the  existence 
of  such  altars  at  Athens  is  well  attested  by  competent  witnesses. 
Pliilostratus,  in  his  Life  of  ApoUonius  (6.  2),  says  :  aa}(j>pov€arT€pov 

TTcpt  TrdvTwv  S^ewv  ev  A-eyeiv  Koi  ravra  'A^rjvpacv,  ov  koX  ayvwcTTWv  ^ewv 
/Jw/Aoi  tSpwrai.,  i.  e.  It  is  more  discreet  to  speak  ivell  of  all  the  gods, 
and  especially  at  Athens,  where  are  erected  altars  also  of  unknoivn 
gods.  Pausanias,  in  his  Description  of  Attica  (1.  1),  says  that 
such  altars  (^w/xot  ^eojv  dyvwo-rwv)  existed  at  Phaleron,  one  of  the 
harbors  of  Athens.  It  has  been  made  a  question,  how  we  are  to 
understand  the  use  of  the  plural  in  these  passages  ;  whether  as 
referring  to  the  number  of  the  altars  on  which  the  inscription 
occurred,  or  to  the  number  of  the  gods  to  whom  the  altars  were 


286  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVII,  23. 

dedicated.  Some  have  assumed  the  latter  as  the  con-ect  view; 
and  have  said  that  Paul  has  arbitrarily  changed  the  plural  into  the 
singular,  in  order  to  accommodate  the  fact  to  his  puii^ose  ;  or 
even  that  the  writer,  by  this  inaccuracy,  has  betrayed  himself  as 
a  per:5on  who  had  no  direct  knowledge  of  the  circumstances 
which  he  professes  to  relate.  But  even  if  the  inscription  on  these 
altars  was  in  the  plural,  it  does  not  follow  that  Paul  may  not 
have  found  one  having  the  language  which  he  recites.  Here 
would  be  Luke's  positive  testimony  to  the  fact,  and  that  out- 
weighs the  mere  silence  of  other  writers.  Such  appears  to  be 
Bengel's  view.  Again,  it  would  not  follow  that  he  has  necessa- 
rily misrepresented  the  sense,  admitting  that  he  may  have  sub- 
stituted the  singular  for  the  plural.  The  heathen  writers  often 
employed  Seot  to  convey  the  general  idea  of  divine  power,  provi- 
dence, deity,  and  the  hke.i  With  that  meaning,  the  plural  could 
be  rehnquished  for  the  singular,  or  the  singular  for  the  plural,  just 
as  an  individual  pleased.  Here  the  apostle  might  have  prefen-ed 
SeQ,  merely  for  the  sake  of  its  stricter yo;v?ia/  accordance  with  the 
doctrine  which  he  was  about  to  advance.  Kuinoel  appears  at  a 
loss  to  decide  whether  the  plural  in  the  case  under  remark  has 
reference  to  the  number  of  the  altars,  or  to  that  of  the  gods. 
Some,  as  Calvin  and  Olshausen,  apparently  concede  that  Paul 
deviated  from  the  strict  form  of  the  inscription,  but  deny  that  he 
violated  its  proper  import,  or  availed  himself  of  any  unworthy 
artifice.  —  But  even  the  appearance  of  a  difficulty  here  vanishes 
entirely,  when  we  give  to  the  language  of  Pliilostratus  and  Pau- 
sanias  the  interpretation,  which  is  beyond  any  reasonable  doubt 
the  correct  one.  Winer  states  his  view  of  the  case  thus  :  "  It  by 
no  means  follows  from  the  passages  (of  the  writers  above  named), 
that  each  single  one  of  the  altars  mentioned  by  them  had  the  in- 
scription dyvwo-Tois  ■5eot<r  in  the  ]ilural,  but  more  naturally  that  each 
one  separately  was  dedicated  d-yvwcrra)  ^ew ;  but  this  singular  the 
nan-ators  were  obliged  to  change  into  the  plural,  because  they 
spoke  of  all  those  altars  in  a  collective  way.  It  appears,  there- 
fore, that  there  were  several  altars  in  different  places  at  Athens 
with  the  inscription  dyvtoo-TO)  Seio."  See  his  Realw.  I.  p.  111. 
Such  is  the  decision,  also,  of  Eichhorn,  Hess,  Hemsen,  Meyer, 
De  Wettc,  and  others.  It  should  be  added  that  several  of  the 
older  commentators  render  dyvwo-TO)  SeC),  to  the  unknoivyi  God,  sup- 
posing the  God  of  the  Jews,  i.  e.  Jehovah,  to  be  meant.     Such 

i  For  examples  of  this  intcrcharifrc,  sec  tlie  passapjes  collected  by  Pfanner  in  his 
Systcnia  Theologiae  Gentllis  rurioris,  p.  102,  and  elsewhere. 


Chap.  XVII,  23.  COMMENTARY.  287 

a  view  mistranslates  the  Greek,  and  violates  all  historical  proba- 
bility. —  The  precise  liistorical  origin  of  the  altars  at  Athens 
bearing  this  inscription  has  been  disputed.  The  conjectures  are 
various.  One  is,  that  they  were  very  ancient,  and  that  it  was  at 
length  forgotten  to  whom  they  had  been  originally  built ;  and 
that  the  words  in  question  were  placed  on  them  at  a  later  period, 
to  apprise  the  people  that  it  was  unknown  to  what  gods  they 
belonged.  If  that  was  their  character,  it  is  not  easy  to  see  what 
proper  point  of  connection  the  apostle  could  have  found  for  his 
remark  with  such  a  relic  of  sheer  idolatry.  Another  is,  that,  in 
some  time  or  times  of  pubUc  calamity,  the  Athenians,  not  know- 
ing what  god  they  had  offended,  whether  Minerva  or  Jupiter  or 
Mars,  erected  these  altars  so  as  to  be  sure  of  propitiating  the 
right  one.  The  same  objection  may  be  made  as  before  ;  since 
their  ignorance  in  this  case  relates  merely  to  the  identity  of  the 
god  whom  they  should  conciliate,  and  involves  no  recognition  of 
any  power  additional  to  their  heathen  deities.  The  most  rational 
explanation  is  unquestionably  that  of  those  who  suppose  these 
altars  to  have  had  their  origin  in  the  feeling  of  uncertainty,  inherent, 
after  all,  in  the  minds  of  the  heathen,  whether  their  acknowledg- 
ment of  the  superior  powers  was  sufficiently  full  and  compre- 
hensive ;  in  their  distinct  consciousness  of  the  limitation  and 
imperfection  of  their  religious  views,  and  their  consequent  desire 
to  avoid  the  anger  of  any  still  unacknowledged  god  who  might 
be  unknown  to  them.  That  no  deity  might  punish  them  for  neg- 
lecting his  worship,  or  remain  uninvoked  in  asking  for  blessings, 
they  not  only  erected  altars  to  all  the  gods  named  or  known 
among  them,  but,  distrustful  still  lest  they  might  not  comprehend 
fully  the  extent  of  their  subjection  and  dependence,  they  erected 
them  also  to  any  other  god  or  power  that  might  exist,  although  as 
yet  unrevealed  to  them.  —  No  one  can  say  that  this  explanation 
ascribes  too  much  discernment  to  the  heathen.  Not  to  insist  on 
other  proofs,  such  expressions  as  the  comprehensive  address,  — 
At  0  deorum  quicquid  in  coclo  regit  (Horat.  Epod.  5.  1)  ;  the  oft- 
used  formula  in  the  prayers  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  Si  deo, 
si  dece ;  and  the  superstitious  dread,  which  they  manifested  in  so 
many  ways,  of  omitting  any  deity  in  their  invocations,  prove  the 
existence  of  the  feeling  to  wliich  reference  has  been  made.  Out 
of  this  feeling,  therefore,  these  altars  may  have  sprung ;  because 
the  supposition  is  so  entirely  consistent  with  the  genius  of  poly- 
theistic heathenism ;  because  the  many-sided  religiousness  of 
the  Athenians  would  be  so  apt  to  exhibit  itself  in  some  such  de- 
monstration ;  and,  especially,  because  Paul  could  then  appeal 


288  C  0  MM  E N  T  A R  Y .  Ciiap.  XVJl,  23-25. 

with  so  mucli  effect  to  such  an  avowal  of  the  insufficiency  of 
heathenism,  and  to  such  a  testimony  so  borne,  indirect,  yet  sig- 
nificant, to  the  existence  of  the  one  true  God.  —  Under  these 
circumstances,  an  aUusion  to  one  of  these  altars  by  the  apostle 
would  be  equivalent  to  his  saying  to  the  Athenians  thus  :  "  You 
are  correct  in  acknowledging  a  divine  existence  beyond  any  which 
the  ordinary  rites  of  your  worship  recognize ;  there  is  such  an 
existence.  You  are  correct  in  confessing  that  tliis  Being  is  un- 
known to  you ;  you  have  no  just  conceptions  of  his  nature  and 
perfections."  He  could  add  then  with  truth ,  ov  ovv  .  . . .  KarayyiX- 
ku)  ifuv,  Whom,  therefore,  not  knoicing,  ye  tvorship,  this  one  I  an- 
nounce unto  you.  The  inverted  order  gives  point  to  the  declara- 
tion. dyvoowr69  has  the  same  object  as  the  verb,  and  means  hav- 
ing no  just  knowledge  of  him  whom  they  worshipped;  not  ig7io- 
rantly,  as  if  they  did  not  know  whither  their  worship  was  direct- 
ed. The  word  points  back  evidently  to  dyvwo-Toj.  Later  editors 
read  3  .  .  .  .  tovto,  instead  of  ov  .  .  .  .  tovtov  ;  in  which  case  ^£<3  in 
the  inscription  would  be  taken  more  abstractly  as  a  divine  pow- 
er. The  external  evidence  is  not  decisive.  Meyer  defends  the 
common  reading  in  his  first  edition,  and  the  other  in  his  second. 
The  personal  sense  of  ^ew  may  have  been  thought  to  concede 
too  much  to  heathenism,  and  so  have  caused  the  pronouns  to  be 
changed,  cifo-e^eire  has  seemed  to  some  a  strong  term,  as  the 
cognate  words  in  the  New  Testament  always  express  the  idea 
of  true  piety ;  but  the  term  occurs  further  only  in  1  Tim.  5,  4, 
and  denotes  there,  not  the  exercise  of  piety,  but  of  something 
merely  kindred  to  it,  fihal  reverence.  It  needs  only  a  similar 
modification  to  adapt  it  to  the  use  required  here. 

V.  24.  The  God  whom  Paul  announced  is  the  Maker  of  all 
things,  and,  as  such,  necessarily  distinct  from  their  false  gods. 
That  is  the  point  of  connection  between  this  verse  and  the  pre- 
ceding. —  ovros  ....  virapx^v,  this  one  (by  liis  right  as  Creator) 
being  the  Lord,  Sovereign,  of  heaven  and  earth.  It  was  self  evi- 
dent, therefore,  that  he  was  not  to  be  confounded  with  any  of 
their  idols,  whose  existence  was  limited  by  the  space  which  they 
occupied.  —  x^'P'^'^"''^o'5,  made  with  ha7ids,  is  contrasted  with  6 
TTotT^o-as  .  .  .  .  iv  avTw.  —  ev  vaois.  The  statues  or  images  were 
kept  in  the  recesses  of  the  temple.  —  KaroiKa.  The  mass  of  the 
heathen  in  practice  made  no  difference  between  the  symbol  and 
its  object;  the  block  was  the  god  (comp.  19,  26). 

v.  25.  The  apostle  illustrates  the  character  of  the  true  God 
still  further,  by  another  contrast  between  liim  and  the  deities  of 
the  heathen.      He  is  independent  of  his  creatures;   he  needs 


Chap.  XVII,  25. 26.  COMMENTARY.  259 

nothing  from  them ;  they  can  earn  no  merit  by  serving  him.  — 
oiSe  ....  ^epaTTcuVai,  and  (after  a  preceding  negative)  he  is  not 
ministered  unto  by  human  hands,  or  hands  of  men.  dv^pwTrivwv  is 
a  more  correct  reading,  than  dv^pwTrwv  (T.  K.).  The  verb  here 
imphes  more  than  mere  worship.  The  heathen  considered  it 
meritorious  to  lavish  wealth  on  the  temples  and  shrines  of  their 
idols ;  they  brought  to  them  costly  gifts,  and  even  offerings  of 
food  and  drink,  as  if  they  stood  in  need  of  such  things,  and 
could  be  laid  under  obligation  to  their  worshippers.  The  prayer 
of  Chryses,  priest  of  Apollo,  in  II.  1.  37  sq.,  expresses  the  true 
spirit  of  heathenism  in  this  respect : 


"If  e'er  with  wreaths  I  hung  thy  sacred  fane, 
Or  fed  the  flames  with  fat  of  oxen  slain, 
God  of  the  silver  bow !  thy  shafts  employ. 
Avenge  thy  servant,  and  the  Greeks  destroy.' 


—  7rposS€Oju.€vos  Ttvos,  as  if  needing  something  besides,  i.  e.  (note  the 
compound)  out  of  himself  as  necessary  to  his  perfection.  —  aiuos 
StSovs,  since  he  himself  gives,  avros  is  emphatic  as  opposed  to  the 
idea  that  his  creatures  are  able  to  give  to  liim.  —  to  Travru,  tJie 
ivhole,  i.  e.  of  the  things  which  they  enjoy.  In  such  an  expression, 
TO.  restricts  the  adjective  to  the  class  of  objects  intimated  by  the 
preceding  words  or  the  context.  Some  editors  omit  the  article 
here.  Compare  Rom.  8,32;  1  Cor.  9,  22 ;  Phil.  3,  8,  etc.  But 
in  most  of  these  passages,  too,  the  manuscripts  fluctuate. 

V.  26.  iTTOL-qa-i  re,  k.  t.  X.,  and  he  made  of  one  blood  every  nation 
of  men  that  they  should  dwell.  This  is  the  more  obvious  view  of 
the  construction,  and  is  the  one  which  has  been  generally 
adopted.  Yet  several  of  the  best  critics  (Kuin.  De  Wet.  Mey. 
Alf )  regard  Troteiv  here  as  an  instance  of  its  use  with  an  accusa- 
tive and  infinitive,  like  that  in  Matt.  5,  32  ;  Mark  7,  37,  and  trans- 
late :  and  he  caused  every  nation  of  men  (sprung)  from  one  blood  to 
dwell.  ko-toikCiv  connects  itself  more  easily  in  this  way,  it  is  true, 
with  the  rest  of  the  sentence ;  but  the  facility  thus  gained  ren- 
ders the  expression  hard  at  e^  evos  a'/AaTos,  so  that  we  must  supply 
a  word  to  make  the  thought  flow  smootlily.  The  main  idea  be- 
yond question  is,  that  God  has  created  the  entire  human  race 
from  a  common  stock  ;  and  the  more  prominent  way,  therefore,  in 
which  the  translation  first  stated  brings  forward  this  proposition, 
appears  to  me  to  be  a  reason  for  preferring  it.  It  is  an  objection 
to  the  other  mode,  that  it  assigns  a  too  subordinate  place  to  the 
3T 


290  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVII,  26. 

principal  thought.  But  why  does  the  apostle  single  out  thus  the 
universal  brotherhood  of  the  race  ?  Olshausen  says  it  was  intend- 
ed as  a  reproof  to  the  Athenians  for  their  contempt  of  the  Jews. 
Meyer,  Neander,  De  Wctte,  and  others,  consider  it  as  directed 
essentially  against  the  polytheism  of  the  heathen.  K  all  are  the 
children  of  a  common  parent,  then  the  idea  of  a  multiplicity  of 
gods  from  whom  the  various  nations  have  derived  their  origin, 
or  whose  protection  they  specially  enjoy,  must  be  false.  The 
doctrine  of  the  unity  of  the  race  is  closely  interwoven  with  that 
of  the  unity  of  the  divine  existence.  This  more  comprehensive 
view  of  the  meaning,  however,  does  not  exclude  the  other;  since, 
if  all  nations  have  the  same  creator,  it  would  at  once  occur  that 
nothing  can  be  more  absurd  than  the  feeling  of  superiority  and 
contempt  with  which  one  affects  to  look  down  upon  another.  As 
the  a})0stle  had  to  encounter  the  prejudice  which  was  entertained 
against  him  as  a  Jew,  his  course  of  remark  was  doubly  pertinent, 
if  adapted  at  the  same  time  to  remove  this  hinderance  to  a  can- 
did reception  of  his  message.  —  KaTOLKeiv  is  the  infinitive  of  de- 
sign. The  various  lands  which  the  different  families  of  mankind 
occupied,  with  all  the  advantages  connected  with  their  ])Osition, 
God  had  assigned  to  them ;  comp.  Dent.  32,  8 ;  Ps.  115, 16.  Yea, 
he  had  proceeded  from  the  very  first  with  a  view  to  their  welfare. 
He  designed,  in  creating  men,  that  they  should  inhabit  and 
possess  the  earth  as  their  own ;  that  they  should  all  of  them 
enjoy  the  manifold  blessings  allotted  to  them  in  the  various 
places  of  their  abode.  It  was  to  him  that  they  were  indebted 
for  what  they  enjoyed,  and  not  to  accident,  or  their  own  enter- 
prise, or  the  favor  of  some  imaginaiy  god.  The  remark,  made 
as  applicable  to  all  lands,  has  its  justification  in  the  fact,  that, 
notwithstanding  the  inequalities  which  diversify  the  condition 
of  nations,  they  have  severally  their  pecuhar  advantages ;  it  is 
natural  for  every  people  to  esteem  their  own  country,  in  some 
resjiects  at  least,  as  the  best.^  But  the  remark  was  specially 
aimed,  beyond  doubt,  at  the  feeling  of  self-congratulation  with 
wliich  the  Athenians  were  prone  to  contemplate  the  peculiar 
felicity  of  their  own  position,  their  national  renown,  their  past 
and  present  prosperity.  This  view  of  the  meaning  prepares  the 
way  for  the  thought  which  is  next  introduced.  —  opiaas  ....  t^s 
KaroiKtas  aurwv,  having  fixed  the  appointed  seasons  and  limits  of  their 
abode.     The  second  participle  repeats  the  idea  of  the  first,  not 

1  Tacitus  has  recognized  this  principle  in  his  fine  remark  (Germ.§  2),  — "  Infor- 
mem  terris,  asperam  coelo,  nisi  si  patria  sit." 


Chap.  XVII,  26.  27.  COMMENTARY.  291 

superfluously,  but  with  the  evident  effect  of  affirming  it  more 
strongly.  The  approved  reading  is  Trpo(rT€TayiJ.€vov<;,  rather  than 
TrpoTeray/xcVovs  (T.  R.).  The  apostle,  by  adding  this,  admonishes 
the  Athenians  that  they,  like  every  other  people,  had  not  only 
received  their  peculiar  advantages  from  the  common  Creator, 
but  that  they  could  hold  them  only  during  the  continuance  of  his 
good-Avill  and  favor.  In  assigning  to  the  nations  their  respective 
abodes,  he  had  fixed  both  the  seasons  of  their  prosperity  and  the 
limits  of  their  territory,  i.  e.  it  was  he  who  decided  ivhen  and  hoio 
long  they  should  flourish,  and  how  far  their  dominion  should 
extend.  We  have  the  same  idea  exactly  in  Job  12,  23.  The 
remark  was  adapted  both  to  rebuke  their  spirit  of  self-elation, 
and  to  warn  them  of  the  danger  of  slighting  a  message  from 
Him  who  had  their  destiny  so  perfectly  at  his  command.  Some 
explain  these  last  words  as  referring  to  the  Hmits  which  God 
has  assigned  to  the  lives  of  men  individually :  they  have  their 
appointed  seasons  and  bounds,  beyond  which  they  cannot  pass. 
But  that  idea  lies  out  of  the  present  circle  of  view,  as  the 
subject  of  discourse  here  relates  to  nations  and  not  to  individuals. 
It  is  also  philologically  inadmissible ;  since  omt^v  can  naturally 
refer  to  dv^pwTrwv  only  as  connected  with  ttSv  t^vos.  —  The  anti- 
polytheistic  aim,  which  forms  to  such  an  extent  the  ground-tone 
of  the  discourse,  is  to  be  recognized  perhaps,  also,  in  tliis  part  of 
it.  The  separation  of  men  into  so  many  different  nations  might 
seem  to  oppose  the  idea  of  their  common  parentage ;  that  separ- 
ation itself  is,  therefore,  represented  by  the  apostle  as  having 
been  contemplated  in  the  divine  plan.  —  It  wiU  be  observed  that 
what  the  apostle  affirms  in  this  verse  as  true  of  God  is,  also, 
intended  to  be  denied  in  regard  to  polytheism.  The  conception, 
therefore,  thus  brought  before  the  minds  of  his  heathen  auditors, 
was  a  vast  one.  All  that  power  exerted  in  giving  existence 
to  men,  controlling  their  destiny,  exalting  entire  nations  or 
casting  them  down,  which  they  had  parcelled  out  among  such 
an  infinity  of  gods,  they  are  now  led  to  concentrate  in  a  single 
possessor;  they  obtain  the  idea  of  one  infinite  Creator  and 
Ruler. 

V.  27.  tT/Teiv,  telic,  that  they  should  seek.  Tliis  infinitive  at- 
taches itself  more  particularly  to  the  part  of  the  sentence  which 
commences  at  Karoi/ceiv,  and  states  the  moral  object  which  God 
had  in  view  with  reference  to  men,  in  making  such  provision  for 
their  convenience  and  happiness.  It  was  that  they  might  be  led, 
by  such  tokens  of  his  goodness,  to  seek  him,  1.  e.  a  more  perfect 


292  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVII,  27.  28. 

knowledge  of  him  and  of  their  obligations  to  him.  Some,  on  the 
contrar}^  make  the  infinitive  depend,  almost  wholly,  on  the  clause 
just  before,  and  find  the  connection  to  be  this  :  that,  excited  by 
the  proofs  of  his  power,  as  manifested  in  the  varying  fortunes  of 
nations,  they  should  seek,  etc.  But  as  aheady  explained,  the  con- 
trolling idea  in  that  clause  is  that  of  the  goodness  of  God  (subject, 
as  to  its  continuance,  to  the  divine  pleasure)  ;  wJiile  that  of  his 
power,  as  displayed  in  the  infliction  of  judgments,  is  only  inci- 
dentally involved.  Again,  that  clause  is  a  subordinate  one,  as  its 
structure  shows,  and  that  it  should  break  off'  t-qTtiv  so  much  from 
the  main  part  of  the  sentence  would  be  violent.  —  ci  apayt.  .... 
(vpouv,  if  jJerhaps  they  might  feel  after  him  and  find  him.  il/rjXacji-q- 
o-ciav  denotes,  properly,  the  motions  of  a  blind  man,  who  gropes 
along  after  an  object  in  the  dark.  On  the  pecuhar  ^olic  termi- 
nation, see  W.  §  13.  2.  d;  K.  ^  116.  9 ;  B.  ^  103.  marg.  14.  Tliis 
verb  is  chosen,  as  well  as  the  problematical  form  of  the  expres- 
sion (et  apaye),  because  the  apostle  would  concede  the  compara- 
tive indistinctness  of  the  light  which  the  heathen  have  to  guide 
them.  —  KaiToiye,  although  indeed.  This  clause  is  added  to  show 
that  the  concession  just  made  was  not  intended  to  exculpate  the 
heathen  for  their  estrangement  from  God.  Although  so  benighted 
as  to  be  compelled  to  grope  for  the  object  of  their  search,  it 
was  still  within  reach ;  they  had  not,  after  all,  so  fiir  to  go  for  a 
knowledge  of  God,  that  they  might  not  find  it  if  they  would. 
Compare  the  sentiment  with  14,  17,  and  especially  with  E.om. 
1,20. 

V.  28.  ^wyu,ev  Koi  Ktvov[ji.e&a  KaC  icrfxev,  We  live  and  move  and  ex- 
ist. The  different  verbs  present  the  idea  on  every  side.  We 
derive  our  existence  solely  from  God  ;  we  depend  on  Him,  every 
instant,  for  life,  activity,  being  itself  Without  Hun  we  shoidd 
neither  continue  to  live,  nor  be  such  as  we  are,  nor  have  been  at 
all.  From  creatures  thus  dependent,  the  evidence  of  a  Creator 
cannot  be  very  deeply  hidden,  if  they  have  only  a  disposition  to 
seek  for  it.  —  is  Kai,  as  also,  i.  e.  the  sentiment  is  not  only  true, 
but  has  been  acknowledged.  —  KaS"  v/aus,  among  yoxi,  i.  c.  Greeks 
in  distinction  from  Jews ;  not  Athenians  in  distinction  from  other 
Greeks.  —  tov  -yap  Kai  yeVos  ecr^cV,  For  his  offspnng  also  are  ice. 
Derivation  implies  dependence.  The  creature  cannot  exist  apart 
from  the  Creator.  The  apostle  brings  forward  the  citation  cor- 
rectly, therefore,  as  parallel  in  sentiment  to  eV  airw  ....  ia-fj-ev. 
He  quotes  it  as  an  avowal  that  we  owe  our  being  and  its  preser- 
vation to  a  higher  Power ;  the  mythological  idea  of  Jupiter  does 


CnAP.  XVII,  29. 30.  COMMENTARY.  293 

not  enter  into  the  meaning.^  toG  stands  here  for  the  pronoun. 
W.  n7.  1 ;  S.  ^  94.  1.  The  words  form  the  first  half  of  a  hex- 
ameter, and  are  found  in  Aratus,  a  Cihcian  poet,  who  flourished 
about  B.  C,  270.  The  celebrated  Hymn  of  Cleanthes  to  Jupiter 
(v.  5)  contains  almost  the  same  words,  viz.  ck  a-ov  yap  yeVos  ia-fieu. 
The  same  idea,  variously  expressed,  occurs  in  several  other  Greek 
writers.  The  form  of  the  citation  the  apostle  took,  undoubtedly, 
from  Aratus,  but  says  ripes  dprJKao-L  because  he  would  generalize 
the  idea  as  if  he  had  said.  The  truth  is  so  plain  that  even  your 
poetry  recognizes  it  (see  on  v.  18).  According  to  some,  he  uses 
the  plural  because  he  had  in  mind  other  passages  where  the 
thought  is  found;  or,  according  to  others,  because  he  inferred 
that  so  obvious  a  remark  must  be  a  common  one.  yap  Kai,  as 
Meyer  observes  correctly,  has  no  logical  connection  with  Paul's 
speech,  but  is  to  be  viewed  merely  as  a  part  of  the  citation, 
which  it  was  necessary  to  retain  on  account  of  the  verse. 

V.  29.  yeVos  ovv,  k.  t.  X.,  Since,  therefore,  we  are  the  offspring  of 
God.  The  inference  drawn  here  is,  that  idolatry  is  supremely 
absurd,  inasmuch  as  it  makes  that  which  is  destitute  of  life,  mo- 
tion, intelligence,  the  source  of  these  attributes  to  others.  Com- 
pare Isa.  44,  9  sq.  —  In  o(/)eiAo/xev  Paul  connects  himself  with  them, 
and  thus  softens  the  rebuke. — ;^a/3ay^aTt  stands  in  apposition  with 
the  nouns  which  precede,  i.  e.  the  state  or  form  of  the  materials 
just  enumerated,  artificially  wrought. 

V.  30.  The  relation  of  this  verse  and  the  one  following  to  the 
preceding  verse  is  this  :  Since  such  is  the  nature  of  idolatry,  you 
must  therefore  (ow)  repent  of  it,  because  God  now  lays  upon  you 
his  command  to  tliis  effect,  in  view  of  the  retributions  of  a  judg- 
ment to  come.  The  most  important  word  here  is  vTrtpiSwv.  It 
does  not  occur  further  in  the  New  Testament,  but  is  found  often 
in  the  Septuagint,  where  it  signifies  to  neglect,  wliich  is  its  proper 
classical  sense,  then  to  despise,  but  especially  to  suffer  to  pass  as 
if  unnoticed,  to  withhold  the  proof  of  noticing  a  thing  which  is,  at 
the  same  time,  a  matter  of  distinct  knowledge  ;  a  frequent  sense 
of  aby  in  Hiphil  and  Hithpaei  (see  Deut.  22,  3.  4,  etc.).  In  this 
last  signification,  the  verb  represents  perfectly  the  apostle's  mean- 
ing here.     God  had  hitherto  permitted  the  heathen  to  pursue 

'  No  more  than  in  the  words  of  Milton  :  — 

"  Fame  is  no  phmt  that  grows  on  mortal  soil  ; 
****** 
But  lives  and  spreads  aloft  by  those  pure  eyes. 
And  perfect  witness  of  all-judging  Jove." 


294  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVII,  31 .  32. 

their  own  way,  without  manifesting  his  sense  of  their  conduct, 
either  by  sending  to  them  special  messengers  to  testify  against 
it,  as  he  did  to  the  Jews,  or  by  inflicting  upon  them  at  once  the 
punishment  deserved.  The  idea  is  virtually  the  same,  therefore, 
as  that  of  ciao-€  in  14,  16,  and  iraptSoiKev  in  Rom.  1,  24.  To  under- 
stand virepiSdJv  as  meaning  that  God  would  not  judge  or  punish 
the  heathen  for  the  sins  committed  in  their  state  of  idolatry, 
would  be  at  variance  with  Paul's  theology  on  this  subject  as  he 
has  unfolded  it  in  Rom.  1,  20;  2,  11  sq.  Not  only  so,  but  the 
repentance  which  the  apostle  now  calls  upon  them  to  exercise 
presupposes  their  guilt. 

V.  31.  StoTt,  because,  states  the  reason  why  the  heathen  also, 
as  well  as  others,  must  repent ;  they  could  not,  without  tliis  pre- 
paration, be  safe  in  the  day  of  righteous  judgment  wliich  awaited 
them.  —  iv  dvSpl  (5  wpto-c,  in  (the  person  of)  the  man  whom  he 
ajypointed.  avhpi  omits  the  article  because  a  definite  clause  fol- 
lows. W.  ^  21.  4  ;  S.  \  89.  3.  w  stands,  by  attraction,  for  the 
accusative.  —  tt'lo-tlv  Trapao-^wv  iraa-Lv,  having  afforded  assurance  to 
all,  confirmation,  viz.  of  a  judgment  to  come.  It  is  impossible  to 
say  just  how  much  the  apostle  intended  to  represent  as  proved 
by  the  resurrection  of  Clirist.  He  himself  referred  to  it,  un- 
doubtedly, in  the  first  place,  as  establishing  the  possibility  of 
such  a  resurrection  of  all  men  from  the  dead  as  was  involved  in 
his  doctrine  of  a  general  judgment;  but  whether  he  had  yet  de- 
veloped this  doctrine  so  far  that  the  Athenians  perceived  already 
this  bearing  of  the  fact,  is  uncertain.  It  was  enough  to  excite 
their  scorn  to  hear  of  a  single  instance  of  resurrection.  Again, 
the  resurrection  of  Christ  from  the  dead  confirms  the  truth  of  all 
his  clauns ;  and  one  of  these  was  that  he  was  to  be  the  judge  of 
men  ;  see  John  5,  28,  29.  But  whether  the  apostle  meant  to  ex- 
tend the  argument  to  these  and  other  points,  we  cannot  decide, 
as  he  was  so  abruptly  silenced. 


Verses  32-34.     Paul  is  interi-ujited  and  leaves  the  Assembly. 

V.  32.  The  apostle  was  heard  with  attention  until  he  came  to 
speak  of  the  resurrection  ;  when,  at  the  announcement  of  a  doc- 
trine which  sounded  so  strangely  to  the  ears  of  the  Athenians, 
some  of  them  broke  forth  into  expressions  of  open  contempt.  — 
avaa-Tacnv  v€Kpwv,  a  resurrection  of  the  dead.  Both  nouns  omit  the 
article  in  this  frecjuent  combination,  except  in  1  Cor.  15,  42.  W. 
M9.  As  we  do  not  know  huw  much  of  Paul's  idea  the  Atheni- 
ans had  apprehended,  it  is  doubtful  whether  we  are  to  take  the 


CHAr.XVm,  1.  COMMENTARY.  295 

plural  here  as  generic  or  numerical,  i.  e.  whether  Christ  merely 
be  meant,  or  men  in  general.  —  dKova-ofieSa  ....  Trept  tovtov,  We 
will  hear  thee  again  concerning  this,  viz.  matter;  not  so  naturally 
masc,  with  reference  to  avrov  in  v.  31.  It  is  disputed  whether 
we  are  to  understand  tliis  as  said  seriously,  or  as  a  courteous  re- 
fusal to  hear  any  thing  further  from  him.  The  latter  is  the  pre- 
valent view ;  and  so  Kuinoel,  Hemsen,  De  Wette,  Meyer,  Bloom- 
field,  Howson.  The  manner  in  which  Paul  now  left  the  assembly, 
the  immediate  termination  of  his  labors  at  Athens,  and  the  ad- 
versative Se  in  V.  34,  favor  this  interpretation.  Such  a  mode  of 
speaking,  too,  was  entirely  consonant  to  the  Athenian  character. 
Calvin,  Grotius,  E,osenmuller,  Alford,  are  among  those  who  im- 
pute a  serious  meaning  to  the  language. 

V.  33.  KoX  ovTw^,  and  thus,  i.  e.  after  these  events,  or  with  such 
a  result ;  comp.  20,  11;  28,  14.  —  iK  fiiaov  avrwv,  i.  e.  of  those 
whom  he  had  addressed;  not  from  the  city  (comp.  18,  1). 

V.  34.  TII/6S  Si,  but  certain  (Mey.  De  Wet.),  appears  to  be  con- 
trasted, in  the  writer's  mind,  with  what  is  stated  in  v.  32,  respect- 
ing the  effect  of  Paul's  speech ;  the  favorable  is  opposed  to  the 
unfavorable.  Yet  St  may  be  continuative.  —  KoAAi/^^eVre?  aurw,  not 
adhering,  hxxt  joining,  attaching  themselves,  to  him.  —  o  'ApeoTra- 
ytriys,  the  Areopagite,  i.  e.  one  of  the  judges  in  the  court  of  the 
Areiopagus.  The  number  of  these  judges  varied  at  different 
times.  Eusebius  and  other  ancient  writers  say  that  this  Diony- 
sius  became  afterwards  bishop  of  the  church  at  Athens,  and 
ended  his  life  as  a  martyr.  —  koL  ywrf,  and  a  ivoman,  not  the  wife 
of  Dionysius,  as  some  have  said,  for  the  article  and  pronoun 
would  then  have  been  added  (comp.  5,  1) ;  or  at  least  the  article 
(comp.  24,  24).  It  has  been  inferred,  from  her  being  singled  out 
thus  by  name,  that  she  was  a  woman  of  rank,  but  beyond  this, 
notliiug  is  known  of  her. 


CHAPTER   XVIII. 

Verses  1-11,     Arrival  of  Paul  at  Corinth,  and  his  Labors  there. 

V.  1.  €K  Twv  'A^7;vwi/.  Wieseler  limits  the  apostle's  stay  at 
Athens  to  fourteen  days.  The  estimate  is  necessarily  conjec- 
tural. It  is  certain  that,  although  Paul  spent  the  most  of  the  two 
next  years  in  Corinth  and  the  vicinity,  he  did  not  direct  his  steps 
again  to  that  city.     On  liis  third  missionary  tour,  he  came  once 


296  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVIII,  1 .  'i 

more  into  this  part  of  Greece,  but  at  that  time  passed  by  Athens, 
certainly  once  and  again,  without  repeating  his  visit  thither.  — 
€is  K.opiv^ov.  The  distance  from  Athens  to  Corinth  by  land  is 
about  forty -tive  miles.  The  summit  of  the  Acropolis  of  the  one 
city  can  be  distinctly  seen  from  that  of  the  other.  ^X^ci/  does  not 
show  how  Paul  travelled.  The  voyage,  says  Wieseler,  could  be 
made  easily  in  two  days.  A  Greek  seaman  informed  the  writer 
that  with  a  very  fair  wind  he  had  made  the  passage  in  three 
hours,  though  on  the  average,  in  five  or  six  hours ;  that  in  bad 
weather  he  had  been  five  days  on  the  way.  The  steamers  be- 
tween the  Piraeus  and  Kalimaki,  the  eastern  port  of  the  modern 
Corinth,  occupy  usually  four  hours.  —  Corinth  at  this  period  was 
the  seat  of  the  Roman  proconsulate  for  Achaia,  or  the  southern 
province  of  Greece.  "Li  consequence  of  its  situation,"  says  Ne- 
ander,  "  this  city  furnished  a  very  important  central  })oint  for  tlie 
extension  of  the  gospel  in  a  great  part  of  the  Roman  empire ; 
and  hence  Paul  remained  here,  as  in  other  similar  places,  a  longer 
time  than  was  otherwise  usual  for  him." 

V.  2.  'A.Kvkav.  The  nominative  is  'AKi'Xas  (v.  26).  Aquila  and 
Priscilla,  or  Frisca  (Rom.  16,  3),  were  Roman  names;  and  it  was 
common  for  Jews  to  assume  such  names  when  they  hved  out  of 
Palestine ;  see  on  13,  9.  That  Aquila  was  born  in  Pontus  har- 
monizes with  2,  9  and  1  Pet.  1,1;  for  we  see  from  those  passages 
that  Jews  resided  in  that  countiy.  As  we  have  no  account  of 
his  conversion  at  Corinth,  the  probability  is  that  Aquila  embraced 
the  gospel  at  Rome.  So  Hemsen,  Olshausen,  Neander,  Wies- 
eler, and  others,  conclude.  Some  allege  nvh.  'lov^alov  as  proof 
that  he  was  still  unconverted  (Mey.  De  Wet.);  but  he  is  intro- 
duced in  that  manner  on  account  of  what  follows.  The  notice 
apprises  us  that  he  was  one  of  the  Travra?  'lorSacW,  whom  the 
decree  banished.  At  this  early  period  no  distinction  would  be 
made  between  Jews  and  Jewish  Christians.  Aquila  accompanied 
Paul  to  Ephesus  (v.  18.  26),  and  was  still  there  when  the  apostle 
wrote  the  First  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians  (1  Cor.  16,  19).  We 
find  him  at  Rome  again  when  Paul  wrote  the  Epistle  to  the  Ro- 
mans (Rom.  16,  3  sq.)  ;  and  at  a  still  later  period  at  Ephesus  a 
second  time  (2  Tim.  4,  19).  The  nature  of  his  business  (v.  3) 
led  him  frequently  to  change  the  place  of  his  residence.  —  Sia  to 
SiaTCTaxiva-i,  k.  t.  \.,  bccaiiae  Claudnis  liad  ordered,  etc.  Luke  refers 
unquestionably  to  the  edict  mentioned  by  Suetonius  (Claud,  c. 
25) :  "  Judajos,  impulsore  Chrcsto,  assidue  tumultuantes  Roma 
'expulit."  Neander  remarks  on  that  jiassage  as  follows :  "  We 
might  suppose  that  some  factious  Jew  then  living,  of  this  name, 


Chap.  XVin,  2.  3.  COMMENTARY.  297 

one  of  the  numerous  class  of  Jewish  freedmen  in  Rome,  was 
intended.  But  as  no  individual  so  universally  known  as  the 
Chrestus  of  Suetonius  seems  to  have  been  considered  by  that 
writer  is  elsewhere  mentioned  ;  and  as  Xpto-ros  was  frequently 
pronounced  Xpr^o-ros  by  the  pagans,  it  is  quite  probable  tliat  Sueto- 
nius, who  wrote  half  a  century  after  the  event,  throwing  together 
what  he  had  heard  about  the  political  expectations  of  a  Messiah 
among  the  Jews,  and  the  obscure  and  confused  accounts  which 
may  have  reached  him  respecting  Christ,  was  thus  led  to  express 
himself  in  a  manner  so  vague  and  indefinite."  Church  History, 
Vol.  I.  p.  49.  The  Ptomau  historian  does  not  mention  the  year 
of  that  expulsion,  and  we  may  suppose  it  to  have  been  about 
A.  D.  52,  in  accordance  with  our  plan  of  chronology.  Trpoo-c^aros, 
lately,  shows  that  it  was  still  a  recent  event  when  Paul  amved 
at  Corinth.  Some  writers  would  identify  this  decree  with  that  De 
mathematicis  Italia pellendis,  which  Tacitus  mentions  (Aim.  12.  52). 
The  mathematici,  or  as  they  were  also  called,  Chaldcei,  were  ban- 
ished on  the  ground  of  their  aiding  conspirators  against  the  em- 
peror by  the  use  of  their  art  as  astrologers.  Wieseler  (Chrono- 
logic, p.  121  sq.)  argues  that  the  Jews  may  have  been  confounded 
with  that  class  of  men,  and  were  consequently  banished  by  the 
same  decree.  If  that  point  were  established,  it  would  furnish  a 
striking  confirmation  of  the  correctness  of  our  chronology ;  for 
the  edict  to  which  Tacitus  refers  can  be  shown  to  have  been 
published  in  A.  D.  52.  But  it  must  remain  uncertain  whether 
the  two  events  have  any  chronological  connection  with  each 
other. 

V.  3.  elpyd^ero,  wrought,  labored  for  his  subsistence.  He  re- 
minds the  Corinthians  of  this  fact  in  1  Cor.  9,  6  sq.  and  2  Cor. 
11,  7  sq.  —  yaav  yap,  k.  t.  X.,  for  they  icere  tent-makers  as  to  the 
trade,  or  (with  ttJ  rixyv^  according  to  Lchm.  Tsch.),  in  respect  to 
the  trade  (which  they  had),  t^v  rixy-qv  would  be  a  limiting  accus- 
ative like  Tov  rpoTTov  in  Jud.  v.  7.  W.  ^  32.  6;  K.  i  279.  7.  The 
Jews,  more  especially  after  the  exile,  held  the  mechanic  arts  in 
high  estimation.  It  was  a  proverb  among  them  that  the  father 
who  neglected  to  bring  up  his  son  to  a  trade  taught  him  to  be  a 
thief  The  composition  of  o-ktji/ottoioi  indicates  a  definite  sense. 
It  is  difiicult  to  see  why  some  should  suppose  it  to  mean  ma^iu- 
facturers  of  tent-cloth.  It  has  not  been  shown  that  the  usage 
differed  from  the  etymology.  Tent-making  was  a  common  trade 
in  Cilicia,  the  native  country  of  the  apostle.  A  coarse  species 
of  goat's  hair,  called  cilicium,  was  produced  there  in  great  abun- 
dance, and  was  much  used  for  that  purpose.  A  person  accus- 
38 


29S  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVIII,  4-6. 

tomed  to  work  on  that  material  could  work,  doubtless,  on  any 
other.  Paul  had  acquired  the  trade,  in  all  probability,  during  his 
boyhood,  while  he  lived  at  Tarsus. 

V,  4.  SteXiyero,  discoursed  (impcrf.)  from  week  to  week;  where- 
as SuXix'^T]  (aorist),  in  v.  19,  refers  to  a  smgle  occasion. — "EXXrjva^, 
sc.  cre/^o/xeVou?,  i.  e.  Greek  proselytes  who  attended  the  synagogue; 
comp.  13,  43  ;  14,  1.  The  apostle  had  not  yet  addressed  himself 
to  the  heathen ;  see  v.  6. 

V.  5.  In  (is  8e  KaTrj\%v,  Nolo  when  they  came  down,  ws  is  not 
merely  temporal  (Alf),  but  represents  the  cnjvci'xeTo  as  immedi- 
ately consequent  on  the  arrival  of  the  two  friends.  —  Macedonia 
denotes  here  the  Roman  province  of  that  name,  comprising  North- 
ern Greece  as  distinguished  from  Achaia,  or  Southern  Greece ;  see 
on  V.  1.  It  is  left  uncertain,  therefore,  from  what  particular  place 
Silas  and  Timothy  anived  at  this  time.  Compare  on  v.  16. — 
uvvdx^To  Tw  Aoyw,  ivas  engrossed  (lit.  Iield  together)  with  the  word 
(Vulg.  Kuin.  Olsh.  De  Wet.  Bmg.  Rob.).  The  arrival  of  his 
associates  relieved  him  from  anxiety  which  had  pressed  heavily 
upon  him  (comp.  1  Thess.  3,  6  sq.) ;  and  he  could  now  devote 
himself  with  unabated  energy  to  liis  work.  He  had  the  support 
also  of  their  personal  cooperation.  We  see  from  2  Cor.  1,  19, 
that  Silas  and  Timothy  took  an  active  part  in  the  proclamation 
of  the  gospel  at  Corinth.  We  see  also  from  1  Cor.  2,  3,  where 
the  apostle  says  that  he  was  among  the  Corinthians  "  in  weak- 
ness and  in  fear  and  much  trembling,"  that  he  was  in  a  state  of 
mind  to  need  urgently  the  presence  and  sympathy  of  such  coad- 
jutors. Some  say  it  means  simply  that  Silas  and  Timothy  found 
Paul  employed  thus  anxiously  when  they  arrived  (Mcy.  Alf.); 
but  imlcss  they  had  something  to  do  with  the  fact,  it  would  be 
unimportant  whether  it  occurred  before  or  after  their  coming  :  its 
interest  in  that  case  lay  wholly  in  its  being  a  part  of  the  apos- 
tle's experience.  The  common  text  has  tw  Trvtv/xari  after  crv^ct^^eTo : 
he  was  impcUed  hij  the  Spirit,  or  by  his  men  spirit,  his  fervent  zeal 
(comp.  V.  25).  The  evidence  decides  for  rw  Aoyo)  as  the  original 
word  (Grsb.  Mey.  Tsch.). 

V.  G.  avTirao-o-oyaeVo)!/  §€  atTwv,  But  they  opposing  themselves,  is 
not  to  be  taken  as  explanatory  of  the  (tvvcixcto  (against  Mey.), 
but  as  describing  the  conduct  of  the  Jews  occasioned  by  the 
apostle's  (TvveixcTo.  —  (3X.acr<f>r]fiovvT(i}v,  blasphefning,  sc.  his  words, 
message;  comp.  13,  45;  19,  9.  —  cKTiva^^u/xevos  ra  l/xaTia,  shaJcing 
out  his  garments,  i.  e.  the  dust  upon  them,  as  a  witness  against 
them.  For  the  significancy  of  the  act,  see  on  13,  51.  —  to  at/m 
i/Awj',  your  blood,  i.  e.  the  consequences  of  your  guilt;  comp.  20,  26; 


Chap.  XVIII,  7-10.  COMMENTARY.  299 

Ezek.  33,  5.  —  iirl  rrjv  KecfiaXijv,  SC.  iXSerw ;  comp.  Matt.  23,  35.  — 
Ktt^apos  eyw,  I  am  pure,  have  discharged  my  duty.  Some  point 
the  text  so  as  to  read,  pure  I  henceforth  loill  turn  unto  the  Gentiles 
(Lchm.  Alf.).  The  two  clauses  utter  the  idea  more  forcibly  than 
one,  and  are  better  suited  to  so  grave  a  declaration ;  comp.  also 
20,  26  and  Matt.  27,  24.  On  the  nature  of  this  desertion  of  the 
Jews,  see  on  13,  46. 

V,  7.  jxera^as  cKct^cv,  having  de2mrted  from  there,  i.  e.  the  syna- 
gogue (see  V.  4),  not  from  the  city,  or  from  the  house  of  Aquila. 
—  y]k^i.v,  K.  T.  A,.,  ivent  into  the  house  of  a  certain  Justus.  The 
meaning  is,  not  that  he  left  Aquila  and  went  to  lodge  with  Jus- 
tus (Alf),  but  that  he  preached  in  future  at  the  house  of  the 
latter,  which  was  so  much  the  more  convenient  because  it 
was  near  the  synagogue  where  they  had  been  accustomed  to 
assemble.  Paul  pursued  precisely  the  same  course  at  Ephesus ; 
see  19,  9.  —  cre/Jo/xeVou  Tov  ^i.6v,  IV  or  shipping  Go^i,  describes  Jus- 
tus as  a  foreigner  who  had  embraced  Judaism,  but  was  not  yet 
a  believer.  He  opened  his  house  for  the  use  of  the  Christians, 
because  he  had  more  sympathy  with  them  than  with  the  Jews, 
His  moral  position  was  certainly  unique ;  and  it  is  easy  to  be- 
lieve that  he  soon  exchanged  it  for  that  of  a  believer. 

V.  8.  Crispus  was  one  of  the  few  persons  at  Corinth  whom 
Paul  himself  baptized;  see  1  Cor.  1,  14.  —  eVto-Tero-e  o-w  oAw  t<3 
otKw  av-Tov,  believed  ivith  all  his  house.  Here  is  another  instance 
in  which  a  whole  family  received  the  gospel;  comp.  16,  15;  1 
Cor.  1,  16.  The  Apostolical  Constitutions  (VII.  46)  say  that 
Crispus  became  bishop  of  ^gina.  — The  Corinthians  who  be- 
lieved were  native  Greeks ;  not  Jews  at  Corinth.  —  €7rto-Tcuov  is 
imperfect,  from  the  relation  of  the  act  to  aKovovres. 

V.  9.  St'  opa/AttTos,  through  a  vision  as  the  medium  of  commu- 
nication ;  a  form  was  seen  as  well  as  a  voice  heard  (comp.  9,  12 ; 
16,  9;  22,  18). — ixJij  (jiojiov.  Fear  not.  The  form  of  the  imperative 
implies  that  he  was  beginning  to  despond ;  see  the  note  on  10, 
15.  —  XaXci,  continue  to  speak.  Observe  the  use  of  the  subjunctive 
aorist  in  the  next  verb. 

V.  10.  Ktti  ouSets,  K.  T.  X.,  and  no  one  shall  attack  thee  (telic)  to 
injure  thee,  i.  e.  no  one  shall  attempt  it  with  success  (De  Wet.) ; 
or  ecbatic,  so  as  to  injure  thee.  The  infinitive  with  tov  denotes 
more  commonly  a  jmrpose.  The  Jews  made  an  effort  to  destroy 
the  apostle  after  this  promise  (v.  12  sq.),  but  were  defeated. — 
hoTi  ....  7roA,i;s,  because  I  have  much  people,  i.  e.  many  who  are 
appointed  to  become  such;  see  13,  48,  and  15,  17.  Hence  the 
activity  of  the  apostle  must  have  free  scope  until  they  were  con- 
verted. 


300  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVIU,  11.  12. 

V.  11.  e/ca^to-e,  k.  t  X.,  And  he  abode  a  year  and  six  montlis. 
It  has  been  questioned  whether  this  designation  of  time  extends 
merely  to  the  arrest  mentioned  in  v.  12  (Mey.),  or  embraces  the 
entire  sojourn  at  Corinth.  "  I  regard  the  latter  view,"  says 
Wieseler,  ( Chronologie,  p.  46,)  "as  undoubtedly  the  correct  one. 
This  appears,  in  the  first  place,  from  the  particle  re,  which  con- 
nects this  verse  in  the  closest  manner  with  what  precedes,  and 
consequently  with  ctTre  8c,  k.  t.  X.:  '  The  Lord  said,  Fear  not,  but 
speak  and  be  not  silent ;  .  .  .  .  and  so  ( W.  k  53.  2)  he  abode  a 
year  and  six  months,  teaching  among  them  the  word  of  God,' 
The  main  thought  of  the  words  which  the  Lord  addresses  to 
Paul  in  the  vision  (v.  9,  10)  is  unquestionably,  '  Speak  in  this 
city,  and  be  not  silent,'  and  accordingly  the  period  of  time,  in  v. 
11,  during  which  the  apostle  obeys  this  command  of  Christ,  must 
refer  to  the  whole  time  in  which  he  had  spoken  at  Corinth  and 
was  not  silent,  i.  e.  must  include  the  time  until  his  departure. 
In  the  second  place,  this  follows  from  the  general  nature  of  the 
statement :  '  he  abode  there  a  year  and  six  months ; '  comp. 
Luke  24,  49."  Anger  (p.  63)  adopts  the  same  conclusion.  De 
Wette  calls  it  the  prevalent  view,  but  prefers  the  other.  —  kv 
avTOLs,  among  them  in  the  city  (v.  10)  ;  see  on  8,  5. 

Verses  12-17.     Paul  is  arraigned  before  Gallia. 

V.  12.  Gallio  was  a  brother  of  Seneca,  the  celebrated  moral- 
ist. His  original  name  was  Novatus.  He  assumed  that  of  Gal- 
lio, out  of  gratitude  to  a  distinguished  rhetorician  of  that  name, 
who  adopted  him  as  a  son.  Seneca  dedicated  his  books  De  Ira 
and  De  Vita  Beata,  to  this  brother.  In  one  of  his  Letters  (104) 
he  speaks  of  Gallio  as  having  resided  in  Achaia,  though  he  does 
not  mention  in  what  capacity  he  was  there.  Luke's  narrative 
represents  him  as  acting  a  part  in  striking  harmony  with  his  re- 
puted character.  He  was  known  among  his  contemporaries  as 
the  "  dulcis  Galho."  He  had  the  social  qualities  which  make  a 
man  a  general  favorite.  "  Nemo  mortalium,"  says  Seneca,  "  uni 
tam  dulcis  est,  quam  hie  omnibus."  (Quajst.  Nat.  L.  4,  Praef.) 
Luke's  ovhh  TovTwv  ifjieXfv  in  v.  17  indicates  the  easy  temper 
which  contributes  so  much  to  personal  popularity.  Gallio,  like 
his  brother,  was  put  to  death  by  tlie  nuirderous  Nero.  —  di'.^vTro- 
TevovTo<;  r^s  'A;(aias,  teas  governing  Achaia  as  proconsul.  This 
province  (see  on  v.  1 )  consisted  of  Hellas  and  the  Peloponnesus, 
Here,  too,  we  have  a  striking  example  of  Luke's  accuracy.  Un- 
der Tiberius  (Tac.  Ann.  1.  76)  and  Cahgula,  the  two  preceding 


Chap.  XVIII,  13-17.  COMMENTARY.  301 

emperors,  Achaia  had  been  an  imperial  province,  governed  by 
proprsBtors.  But  Claudius  had  restored  it  to  the  Senate  ( Suet. 
Claud,  c.  25),  and  under  that  form  of  administration  its  govern- 
ors were  styled  proconsuls.  Paul  was  at  Corinth  in  the  reign  of 
Claudius.  Compare  the  note  on  13,  7.  —  cVt  to  ^rjfj.a,  be/ore  the 
tribunal.  The  firjfjLa  was  a  seat  or  chair  from  which  the  Roman 
magistrates  dispensed  justice.  It  was  sometimes  fixed  in  one 
place,  and  was  sometimes  movable  so  as  to  accommodate  the 
judge  wherever  he  might  wish  to  hold  his  court. 

V.  13.  Trapo.  Tov  voixov,  contrary  to  the  law,  not  of  the  Romans, 
but  of  the  Jews  (comp.  vofiov  tov  ku^'  vfxa's  in  v.  15)  ;  not  of  both 
Romans  and  Jews  (Lange),  as  the  charge  in  that  form  demanded 
investigation.  What  Luke  has  stated  here  is  a  summary  of  the 
charge.  That  the  Jews  went  more  into  detail  is  evident  from 
Gallio's  reply  in  v.  13. 

V.  14.  dSLKYjfjia  and  pahovpyrjixa  designate  the  act  perhaps  legally 
and  ethically :  this,  as  an  offence  against  morality ;  that,  as  an 
offence  against  the  state  or  the  personal  rights  of  others.  —  av 
r}vecrxof^W  i/^^v,  I  tvoiiM  have  suffered  ijou,  would  have  listened 
patiently  to  your  complaint ;  but  the  condition  in  the  protasis  not 
being  true,  he  could  not  now  do  it.  For  av  with  the  aorist  indica- 
tive in  the  subordinate  clause,  see  W.  §43.  2 ;  B.  §  139.  3.  2  ;  K. 
§  327.  b.     Gallio  makes  known  his  decision  as  a  thing  settled. 

V.  15.  Trept  Xoyou,  concerning  a  doctrine.  —  ovo/xarcov,  names,  be- 
cause they  had  accused  Paul  of  teaching  that  Jesus  was  the  Mes- 
siah. —  KpiTT/s  yap,  K.  T.  X.,  For  I  do  not  ivish  to  be  judge  of  these 
things,  yap  (T.  R.)  is  logically  correct,  but  comes  from  a  copyist. 
It  was  out  of  his  province  to  take  cognizance  of  such  questions. 
The  Roman  laws  allowed  the  Jews  to  regulate  their  religious  af- 
airs  in  their  own  way.  Lysias  (23,  29)  and  Festus  (25,  19) 
placed  their  refusal  to  interfere  on  the  same  ground.  —  The  reply 
which  Luke  attributes  to  Gallio  has  been  justly  cited  as  a  mark 
of  that  candor  which  distinguishes  the  truth.  A  panegyrist,  a 
dishonest  narrator,  says  Paley,  would  be  too  jealous  for  the  honoi 
of  his  cause  to  represent  it  as  treated  superciliously  by  those  of 
eminent  rank. 

V.  16.  aiTrikacrcv  avroi'?,  drove  them  aivay,  dispersed  them.  The 
verb  shows  that  they  left  reluctantly,  but  not  that  any  violence 
was  used.  A  peremptory  refusal,  a  decisive  manner  would  be 
sufficient  for  the  purpose. 

V.  17.  The  interpretation  of  this  passage  has  influenced  tlie 
text.  Some  of  the  younger  manuscripts  insert  ol  'lotiSatot  after 
7rai/T€s ;  as  if  the  Jews,  disappointed  in  their  design  against  the 


302  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVIII,  17.  18. 

apostle,  attempted  as  their  next  resort  to  avenge  themselves  on 
one  of  liis  prhicipal  followers.  But  the  evidence  for  this  read- 
ing is  entirely  inadequate ;  and  it  is  incredible,  also,  that  Luke 
should  mention  Sosthenes  merely  as  a  ruler  of  the  synagogue, 
if  he  had  become  in  fact  a  Christian.  The  best  authorities  have 
7ravT€9  without  any  appendage,  and  oi  "EAXt^vcs  in  the  common 
editions  must  be  viewed  as  a  gloss,  correct  as  an  explanation, 
but  textually  spurious.  As  the  Jews  could  have  had  no  motive 
for  maltreating  one  of  their  own  number,  TravTcs  must  be  the 
body  of  those  present,  such  as  the  subalterns  of  the  court  and 
the  Greeks  whom  the  tumult  had  drawn  together.  Sosthenes  was 
probably  the  successor  of  Crispus  (v.  8),  or,  as  Biscoe  conjec- 
tures, may  have  belonged  to  another  synagogue  in  the  city.  He 
appears  to  have  taken  an  active  part  in  the  prosecution,  and 
hence  the  Greeks,  who  were  always  ready  to  manifest  their 
hatred  of  the  Jews,  singled  him  out  as  the  object  of  their  spe 
cial  resentment.  In  winking  at  this,  says  De  Wette,  Gallio  may 
have  carried  his  impartiality  too  far.  If  he  was  the  Sosthenes 
who  is  called  "  a  brother  "  in  1  Cor.  1,  1,  he  must  have  been  con- 
verted after  this,  and  have  removed  to  Ephesus.  The  coinci- 
dence in  the  name  is  the  only  reason  for  supposing  the  same 
person  to  be  meant  in  both  places.  —  tTvirrov  (imperf)  shows 
how  thorough  a  beating  Sosthenes  received.  It  may  not  be 
wronging  Gallio  to  suspect  that  he  looked  through  his  fingers 
and  enjoyed  the  scene. — oiSev  tovtwv  includes  most  naturally  the 
dispute  between  the  Jews  and  Christians,  as  well  as  the  abuse 
of  Sosthenes.  —  t/AcXev,  when  used  as  a  personal  verb,  requires  in 
prose  a  neuter  subject.  K.  ^  274.  R.  1 ;  Mt.  ^  348.  R.  2.  The 
indifference  of  Gallio  is  not  mentioned  in  commendation  of  him, 
but  as  suggesting  why  the  affair  had  such  a  termination.  Owing 
to  the  proconsul's  disposition,  the  Jews  were  unsuccessful;  so 
far  from  infhcting  any  injury  on  the  apostle,  their  attempt  recoiled 
in  disgrace  and  violence  upon  themselves. 

Veeses    18-22.      Faul  j^^'oceech   by  the    Wmj   of  Ephesus  atid 
Ccesarea  to  Jerusalem,  and  from  there  to  Antioch. 

V.  18.  Itl  TT/oo^/xeiVas  r]^iipa%  iKavas,  having  rc7nained  yet  many 
days  after  the  arrest.  Whether  the  arrest  took  place  at  the  end 
of  the  year  and  a  half  mentioned  in  v.  11,  or  in  the  course  of 
that  time,  is  subject,  as  we  have  seen,  to  some  doubt.  Even  if 
the  arrest  was  sul)sequent  to  the  year  and  six  months,  the  inany 
days  here  need  not  be  supposed  to  extend  the  sojourn  at  Corinth 


Chap.  XVni,  18.  C  0  M  M  E  N  T  A  E  Y  .^  303 

beyond  a  few  additional  months  (Wiesl.).  During  tlus  period 
the  apostle  planted  churches  in  other  parts  of  Achaia,  either  by 
his  own  personal  labors  or  by  the  instrumentahty  of  his  converts; 
see  2  Cor.  1,  1.  It  was  during  this  visit  at  Corinth,  also,  that 
Paul  wrote  the  First  and  Second  Epistles  to  the  Thessalonians. 
That  he  Avrote  the  first  of  them  here,  appears  from  several  cir- 
cumstances :  first,  Paul  had  been  separated  from  the  Thessalo- 
nians but  "a  short  time"  (1  Thess.  2,  17);  secondly,  Timothy 
and  Silas  were  with  him  (1  Thess.  1,  1),  as  they  were  according 
to  Luke  ( 18,  5) ;  thirdly,  the  apostle  had  been  lately  at  Athens 
(1  Thess.  3.  1),  and  whence,  also,  according  to  our  narrative  (18, 
1)  he  came  directly  to  Corinth;  and,  finally,  he  writes  to  the 
Thessalonians  as  recent  converts  whose  knowledge  was  very 
imperfect.  The  date  of  this  Epistle,  therefore,  would  be  A.  D. 
52  or  53 ;  see  note  on  18,  23.  lif  the  fijst  Epistle  was  written  at 
Corinth,  the  second  must  have  been  written  at  the  same  place. 
Timothy  and  Silas  were  still  with  the  apostle  (2  Thess.  1,  1)  ; 
and  as  the  object  of  the  second  Epistle  was  to  correct  a  wrong 
impression  made  by  the  first  (comp.  2  Thess.  2,  1  sq.,  with  1 
Thess.  4,  16  sq.,  and  5,  1  sq.),  the  interval  between  the  two 
must  have  been  short.  — d7roTa|a/Aevos,  having  bid  adieu,  which  is 
an  Alexandrian  sense  ;  see  Lob.  ad  Pliryn.  p.  24.  Among  others, 
he  now  took  leave  of  Silas,  and  perhaps  of  Timothy,  though  we 
find  the  latter  with  him  again  at  Ephesus  (19,  22).  —  ets  r^v 
"Xvpiav,  unto  Syria,  as  his  remoter  destination  ;  he  embarked  for 
Ephesus  in  the  first  instance  (v.  19).  —  Keipafxevo^  ttjv  Ke(f>a\-qv, 
having  shorn  the  head,  most  critics  understand  of  Paul  (Cluyst. 
Calv.  Neand.  Olsh.  Hems.  De  Wet.  Win.  Wdsth.) ;  some  of 
Aquila  (Grot.  Kuin.  Wiesl.  Mey.).  IlauAos  is  the  leading  subject, 
and  the  reader  connects  the  remark  spontaneously  with  him.  It 
is  only  as  an  act  of  reflection,  on  perceiving  that  'AKuAas  stands 
nearer,  that  the  other  connection  occurs  to  the  mind  as  a  possible 
one.  /cat  (Tvv  .avTOi  lipia-KiXka  koX  'AkAos  may  intervene  between 
K€tpa)u,€vos  and  IlaijXo?,  because  the  clause  is  so  evidently  paren- 
thetic, and  because  t^eVXct  has  a  tendency  to  draw  its  several 
subjects  towards  itself  It  is  urged  for  the  other  view,  that  Luke 
has  placed  the  man's  name  after  that  of  the  woman,  contrary  to 
the  natural  order ;  but  that  no  stress  can  be  laid  on  that  circum- 
stance is  clear  from  Rom.  16,  3  and  2  Tim.  4,  19,  where  the 
names  follow  each  other  in  the  same  manner.  Some  principle 
of  association,  as  possibly  that  of  the  relative  superiority  of  Pris- 
cilla,  made  it  customary  to  speak  of  them  in  that  order.  —  h 
Yie.y)(p€als,  in    Cenchrea,  which  was  the  eastern  port  of  Corinth, 


304  COMMENTAEY.  Chap.  XVIII,  18.  19. 

distant  about  ten  miles.  A  church  had  been  gathered  here 
(Rom.  16,  1).  The  modern  name  is  Kikries,  a  httle  south  of  Ka- 
laraaki,  and,  under  the  traveller's  eye,  therefore,  who  crosses  the 
Lsthmus.  —  eT;^e  yap  evxriv,  for  lie  had  a  vow,  i.  e.  one  resting  upon 
liim ;  not  assumed  at  this  time.  This  clause  states  why  he 
shaved  his  head.  The  cutting  off  of  the  hair  was  a  Jewish 
practice,  and  took  place  at  the  expiration  of  a  vow,  not  at  the 
commencement  of  it.  It  is  an  erroneous  statement,  therefore, 
that  the  apostle  subjected  himself  to  the  vow  at  this  time,  and 
went  to  Jerusalem  to  obtain  absolution  from  it.  Neandcr  woukl 
support  that  opinion  from  Jos.  Bel.  Jud.  2.  15 ;  but  he  adopts  for 
that  purpose  an  interpretation  of  the  passage  which  nearly  all 
others  reject.  The  nature  of  Paul's  vow  on  tliis  occasion  is  un- 
certain. It  could  not  have  been  ^  strict  Nazarite  vow,  i.  e.  such 
a  vow  observed  in  due  form ;  for  a  person  could  absolve  himself 
from  such  an  obligation  only  at  Jerusalem,  where  his  hair,  which 
had  grown  during  the  time  that  he  had  been  a  Nazarite  was  to  be 
cut  off  and  burnt  as  an  offering  in  the  temple  (Numb.  6,  2  sq.). 
See  Jahn's  Ai-chseol.  ^  395,  We  have  no  account  of  any  devia- 
tion from  that  rule.  Yet  it  is  not  unreasonable  to  suppose  that  in 
later  times  the  original  institution  may  have  been  relaxed  or 
modified ;  that  after  the  Jews  came  to  be  dispersed,  it  was  held 
to  be  lawful  to  terminate  a  Nazarite  vow  at  other  places,  adher- 
ing to  the  prescribed  usages  as  near  as  the  circumstances  allowed. 
If  it  was  not  a  vow  of  this  peculiar  character,  it  may  have  been 
of  the  nature  of  a  thank-offering,  and  not  subject  to  the  regula- 
tions to  which  the  Nazarite  was  required  to  conform.  It  must 
be  confessed  that  the  present  knowledge  of  Jewish  antiquities  is 
not  sufficient  to  clear  up  fully  the  obscurity  of  the  passage.  It 
contains,  says  De  Wette,  a  Gordian  knot  still  untied. 

V.  19.  et?  ''E</>£orov,  unto  Ephesits,  which  was  on  the  Cayster, 
not  far  from  its  mouth.  It  could  be  approached  at  that  time  by 
water,  though  the  site  of  the  ancient  city  is  now  two  or  three 
miles  from  the  coast.  With  a  favoring  wind,  the  passage  from 
Corinth  to  Ephesus  could  be  made  in  two  or  three  days.  Cicero 
mentions  that  he  on  one  occasion,  and  his  brother  Quintus  on  an- 
other, occu])ied  two  weeks  in  passing  from  Ephesus  to  Athens 
(ad  Attic.  Ep.  6,  8.  9;  lb.  3,  9)  ;  but  the  voyage  in  both  instances 
was  retarded  by  extraordinary  delays.  Sec  further,  on  28,  13. 
—  aur69  8c,  but  he  Jdmself.  This  emjjhasis  brings  forward  Paul 
again  as  the  prominent  person,  after  the  information  that  liis 
companions  stayed  at  Ephesus.  The  order  of  statement  outruns 
the  history  a  little,  as  occurs  in  other  cases ;  comp.  v.  1.     Luke 


Chap.  XVIII,  21.  22.  COMMENTARY.  305 

cannot  well  mean  that  the  apostle  separated  himself  from  Pris- 
cilla  and  Aquila,  and  went  into  the  synagogue  without  them 
(Mey.).  So  unimportant  a  circumstance  would  not  be  made  so 
prominent.  Nor  is  it  at  all  ])robable  that  avrov,  there,  was  op- 
posed in  the  writer's  mind  to  the  synagogue  as  being  out  of  the 
city  (Alf);  for  in  that  case  some  intimation  hke  e^'w  tt}?  TrdAews 
(see  16,  13),  or  at  least  iieX^wv,  would  hardly  be  withheld  from 
the  reader. 

V.  21.  Some  critics  reject  all  in  this  verse  from  Set  to  'lepo- 
a-oXvfjia  (Bng.  Grsb.  Neand.  Lchm.  Tsch.)  ;  others  defend  the 
clause  (Olsh.  De  Wet.  Wiesl.  Mey.  Bmg.  Alf).  The  words  may 
be  doubtful,  but  with  the  present  evidence  should  not  be  sepa- 
rated from  the  text.  As  Meyer  suggests,  they  may  have  been 
omitted,  from  not  perceiving  the  reference  of  dva/8as  in  v.  22,  and 
consequently  any  occasion  for  such  haste  in  prosecuting  the 
journey.  — rrfv  ioprrjv  Tr]v  (.p)(ofjiivr]v,  the  coming  feast.  It  must  have 
been  one  of  the  principal  feasts,  which  Paul  was  so  anxious  to 
keep  at  Jerusalem,  in  all  probability  the  Passover  or  Pentecost. 
In  either  case  we  discover  here  that  the  apostle  made  the  jour- 
ney in  the  spring  of  the  year.  Wieseler  (p.  48)  thinks  that  it 
was  the  later  festival,  Pentecost,  chiefly  because  Paul  embarked 
at  Corinth,  instead  of  travelling  through  Macedonia,  as  the  state 
of  navigation  would  have  rendered  expedient  earlier  in  the 
season.  —  For  Troi^o-at,  comp.  iroiZi  to  ■Ka.(r}(a.  in  Matt.  26,  18.  —  et; 
'le/jocroAu/xa,  at  Jerusalem;  see  on  8,  40.  —  TraXtv,  k.  t.  X.,  hut  I  will 
return  again,  etc.     The  apostle  soon  fulfilled  that  promise  (19,  1). 

V.  22.  Kwrik^oiv,  having  come  down  from  the  sea  to  the  land  ; 
comp.  27,  5.  —  CcBsarea  was  the  most  convenient  seaport  in  the 
vicinity  of  Judea ;  see  further  on  8,  40.  —  dra/Ja?,  having  gone  up, 
i.  e.  to  Jerusalem  (Calv.  Neand.  Olsh.  Mey.  De  Wet.  Wiesl). 
This  absolute  use  of  the  verb  occasions  no  obscurity  after  the 
statement  respecting  Paul's  destination  in  v.  21.  A  few  have 
understood  it  as  going  up  into  the  city  above  the  harbor.  But  to 
mention  that  circumstance  in  addition  to  the  arrival  would  give 
to  it  a  singular  prominence  as  contrasted  with  the  general  rapid- 
ity of  the  narrative.  Kare/Sr/,  ivent  doion,  at  the  close  of  the  verse, 
would  be  inappropriate  to  the  geographical  relation  of  Ceesaren 
to  Antioch  (Neand.).  — r^  iKKkr^aiav,  the  church  at  Jerusalem.  It 
should  be  noticed  that  this  is  the yowr^/i  journey  which  Paul  has 
made  to  that  city  since  his  conversion.  No  doubt  he  arrived  in 
season  to  observe  the  feast,  as  nothing  is  said  of  any  disappoint- 
ment in  that  respect.  —  eis  'AvTto'xetav.  How  long  the  apostle  was 
absent  on  the  tour  which  terminated  with  this  return  to  Antioch, 
39 


306  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XVm.  23. 24. 

can  only  be  conjectured.  The  year  and  six  months  at  Corinth 
(v.  11)  would  be  hkely  to  constitute  the  greater  portion  of  the 
period.  Wieseler  proposes  six  months  as  the  time  occupied  be- 
tween leaving  Antioch  and  the  arrival  at  Troas  (16,  8).  He 
would  allow  six  months  also  for  the  apostle's  labors  in  Europe 
before  his  arrival  at  Corinth.  The  time  which  this  estimate  al- 
lows for  the  Asiatic  part  of  the  tour  may  be  too  Umited.  The 
apostle  visited  extensively  the  churches  in  Syria  and  Cilicia, 
planted  new  churches  in  Phrygia  and  Galatia,  and  travelled  very 
circuitously  throughout  his  journey  between  Antioch  and  Troas. 
It  may  be  safer  to  assign  a  year  at  least  to  such  varied  labors. 
According  to  this  view,  the  apostle  was  absent  on  his  second 
mission  about  three  years  ;  and  if  we  place  his  departure  early 
in  A.  D.  51,  he  reached  Antioch  again  in  the  spring  or  summer  of 
54.  Anger,  Wieseler,  Meyer,  Winer,  and  others,  agree  in  suppos- 
ing Paul  to  have  arrived  at  Corinth  in  the  autumn  of  A.  D.  52. 
The  admission  of  that  date  fixes  the  main  point  in  tliis  part  of 
the  chronology. 

Verse  23.     Departure  of  Paul  on  his  Third  Missionary  Tofwr. 

V.  23.  ^ovav  TwL  The  time  now  spent  at  Antioch  was  ap- 
parently short.  It  was  during  this  time,  as  most  critics  suppose, 
that  Peter  arrived  here,  and  the  scene  took  place  between  him 
and  Paul,  of  which  we  have  an  account  in  Gal,  2,  1 1  sq. ;  see  on 
15,  35.  Neander  (Pflanzung,  I.  p.  351)  agrees  with  those  who 
insert  the  occurrence  here.  Baumgarten  (II.  p.  331)  adds  him- 
self to  the  same  class.  The  apostle's  ore  ^A.^£  in  Gal.  2,  11, 
affords  no  clue  to  the  time.  We  may  assume  that  the  apostle 
went  forth  again  to  the  heathen  about  the  beginning  of  the  year 
A.  D.  55.  —  /ca.9e^s,  in  successive  order.  Tliis  refers,  probably,  not 
to  the  countries  named,  but  to  the  different  places  in  them  where 
churches  existed.  In  accordance  with  the  representation  on 
Kiepert's  map,  we  may  suppose  that  Paul  went  first  to  Tarsus, 
thence  in  a  northwestern  direction  through  Galatia,  and  then, 
turning  to  the  southwest,  passed  through  Phrygia,  and  so  on  to 
Ephcsus.  That  course  accounts  for  Luke's  naming  Galatia  be- 
fore Phrygia,  instead  of  the  order  in  16,  6. 

Verses  24-28.     Ajwllos  comes  to  Ephesus,  and  is  more  fuMy  in- 
structed in  the  Gospel. 

V.  24.  Meyer  calls  this  section  "  a  historical  episode."  Luth- 
ardt  says  that  it  is  entirely  germane  to  the  narrative :  while  Paul 


Chap.  XVIII,  25.  COMMENTARY.  307 

labors  in  Asia,  another  builds  still  further  upon  the  foundation 
laid  by  him  in  Europe.  —  'AttoAAw?  =^  'AttoXXwvlos.  As  a  native 
of  Alexandria,  he  had  received  probably,  says  Neander,  "  the 
JeMash- Grecian  education,  peculiar  to  the  learned  among  the 
Jews  of  that  city,  and  had  acquired  also  great  facility  in  the  use 
of  the  Greek  language."  —  Ao-yio?,  eloquent  (Olsh.  De  Wet.  Mey.), 
or  learned  (Neand.).  The  first  sense  is  the  best,  because  Swaros 
cv  rais  ypacfiaL<;  ascribes  to  him  then  a  different  talent,  and  because 
his  superior  faculty  as  a  speaker  appears  to  have  been  the  reason 
why  some  of  the  Corinthians  preferred  him  to  Paul ;  see  1  Cor. 
1,  12;  2,  4;  2  Cor.  10,  10.  —  Iv  rats  ypa^ats,  m  ilie  Scriptures.  He 
was  familiar  with  them,  and  could  use  them  with  power  as  a 
source  of  argument  and  appeal  (see  v.  28).  This  clause  points 
out  the  sphere  of  his  eloquence. 

V.  25.  oi)tos  rjv,  K.  T.  A.,  This  one  was  instructed  in  the  u-ay  of 
the  Lord,  probably  by  some  disciple  of  John,  who  had  left  Judea 
before  the  Saviour  commenced  his  public  course ;  or  possibly  by 
John  himself,  whose  earlier  ministry  Apollos  may  have  attended. 
Some  infer  from  to,  Trept  tov  'It^o-oB  that  Apollos  was  aware  that 
Jesus  was  the  Messiah ;  but  the  following  eTricrra/Aevos,  k.  t.  A., 
limits  that  expression,  and  if  explained  correctly  below,  excludes 
a  knowledge  of  that  fact.  His  ignorance  in  this  respect  was  one 
of  the  defects  in  his  religious  belief,  and  at  the  same  time  his 
views  of  the  deeper  Christian  doctrines  must  have  been  meagre 
in  comparison  with  those  possessed  by  the  apostles.  For  the 
construction  of  oSoV,  see  W.  h  32.  5;  K.  k  281.  2.  —  ^eW  t<5  ttvct;- 
\x.a.Ti,  being  fervent  in  spirit,  zealous  in  his  disposition.  It  is  less 
correct  to  imderstand  irvevixart  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  since  that  gift 
appears  in  the  New  Testament  as  the  proper  fruit  and  seal  of 
the  Christian  faith,  which  Apollos  had  not  yet  adopted ;  see  Gal. 
3,  2.  For  other  places  where  Trvevfia  refers  to  the  mind,  comp. 
19,21;  .John  11,33;  13,21;  Rom.  12,  11  (probably);  2  Cor.  2, 
12.  —  aKpi/3Ci<;,  accurately  (v.  26),  i.  e.  his  doctrine  was  correct  as 
far  as  his  knowledge  extended.  —  eVtcrrtt/xevo?,  k.  t.  A.,  knowing  only 
the  baptism  of  John,  which  differed  from  that  of  the  apostles 
mainly  in  these  respects  ;  first,  that  theirs  recognized  a  Messiah 
who  had  come,  and,  secondly,  that  it  was  attested  by  the  ex- 
traordinary gifts  of  the  Spirit  (19,  6).  Since  John,  however,  taught 
that  the  Saviour  was  about  to  appear,  and  that  repentance,  faith 
in  him,  and  holiness  were  necessary  to  salvation,  Apollos,  tliough 
acquainted  only  with  his  teaching,  could  be  said  Avith  entire  truth 
to  be  instructed  in  the  tvay  of  the  Lord.  It  is  not  affirmed  that  he 
had  submitted  to  John's  baptism,  but  we  suppose  that  from  the 


308  COMMENTARY,  Chap.  XVIII,  26-28. 

nature  of  the  case.  That  he  was  rebaptized,  Luke  does  not  as- 
sert ;  though,  if  we  regard  his  moral  position  as  analogous  to  that 
of  the  Johannean  disciples  mentioned  in  the  next  chapter,  we 
should  infer  from  what  is  related  there  that  such  was  the  fact. 
Meyer  considers  the  cases  dissimilar,  and  denies  that  Apollos 
was  rebaptized. 

Y.  26.  TJpiaTo,  began,  but  did  not  preach  long  -with  such  imper- 
fect views.  As  soon  as  Aquila  and  Priscilla  heard  him,  they  pro- 
ceeded to  instruct  him  more  fully. — Trappr/o-ia^co-^at  means  to  speak- 
boldly.  He  exposed  their  sins,  required  them  to  repent,  and  be 
prepared  for  the  kingdom  of  the  Messiah;  comp.  Matt.  3,  2  sq. — 
a.KpiPi(jT€pov,  more  accurately. 

V.  27.  CIS  T-qv  'Axa'iOLv,  unto  Achaia,  of  which  Corinth  was  the 
capital,  see  on  v.  1.  It  was  that  city  which  he  proposed  to  visit ; 
comp.  19,  1;  1  Cor.  1,  12;  3,4.  What  he  heard  from  Priscilla 
and  Aquila  may  have  turned  his  thoughts  to  this  field  of  labor. 
—  Trporpei/'d/i.evoi  eypaipav,  they  wrote  and  cxhorted.  The  participle 
contains  the  principal  idea;  see  1,  24.  Some  supply  avrov  after 
7rporp£i//a/Acvos  ( Calv.  Kuin.) ;  but  that  assigns  to  the  verb  and 
participle  different  objects,  and  confuses  the  sentence.  Besides, 
Apollos  was  not  averse  to  the  journey  {^ovKop-ivov),  and  had  no 
need  of  exhortation.  In  2  Cor.  3,  1,  Paul  alludes  to  this  letter 
of  commendation ;  or  to  the  practice  of  granting  such  letters 
(crvo-TaTtKai  tTricrroAai) ,  exemplified  in  this  case  of  Apollos.  —  avv 
e/SdXiTo,  K.  T.  X.,  contributed  (as  a  helper)  rmich  to  those  who  have 
believed  and  still  believe.  See  W.  §  40.  4.  a.  It  is  not  meant 
that  he  confirmed  them  in  their  faith  as  Clu-istians,  but  that  he 
cooperated  with  them  in  their  promulgation  and  defence  of  the 
truth.  The  next  verse  explains  the  remark.  —  Sia  r^?  x^P^'^°'^> 
through  grace,  belongs  to  the  participle  (De  Wet.),  not  to  the  verb 
(Mey.).  The  natural  sense  is  that  which  results  from  the  order 
of  the  words.  The  doctrinal  idea  is  that  of  i]  tticttis  ?/  8i'  avrov  in 
3,  16. 

V.  28.  euTovws,  powerfully.  —  tlvai  tov  Xpiarov  'h](Tovv,  that  the 
Messiah  was  Jesus,  none  other  than  he  ;  comp.  v.  5. 


Chap.  XIX,  1-3.  COMMENTARY.  309 


CHAPTER    XIX 

Verses  1-7.     Paul  comes  to  Ejihesus,  and  rehaptizes  certain  Disci' 
pies  of  John. 

V.  1.  kv  Tw  Tov  'AttoWoj  etvat  kv  Koplv^w,  while  Apollos  teas  at 
Corinth.  This  notice  apprises  us  that  Paul  did  not  arrive  at 
Ephesus  till  after  the  departure  of  Apollos.  'AttoAAw  (the  regular 
genitive,  see  1  Cor.  3,  4)  here  rejects  v  in  the  accusative;  comp. 
21,  1.  K.  ^  48.  R.  1 ;  W.  ^  8.  2.  —  to.  avunepLKa  fj-eprj,  the  ujiper  parts, 
in  the  interior  as  compared  with  the  coast.  The  expression  may 
be  understood  of  the  mountains  on  the  frontier  of  Phrygia  and 
Asia,  which  the  apostle  would  cross  on  his  route.  —  rtvas  p.a^y]Td<;, 
certain  disciples.  Luke  ascribes  to  them  that  character  (comp. 
Trto-reuVavres  in  V.  2),  because,  though  their  knowledge  was  so  im- 
perfect, they  were  sinceTe  ;  they  possessed  the  elements  of  a  true 
faith,  and  acknowledged  the  name  of  Christ  as  soon  as  the  apos- 
tle made  it  known  to  them.  It  is  probable  that  they  were  stran- 
gers who  had  just  arrived  at  Ephesus,  and  when  the  apostle 
found  them,  had  not  yet  come  in  contact  with  any  of  the  Chris- 
tians there. 

V.  2.  For  €t  in  a  direct  question,  see  on  1,  6.  The  inquiry  ap- 
pears abrupt,  because  we  have  so  broken  an  account  of  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case.  Undoubtedly  something  preceded,  which  led 
the  apostle  to  suspect  that  the  men  entertained  inadequate  or  mis- 
taken views  of  the  gospel.  —  Trvevfjia  aytov  is  the  Holy  Spirit  here  as 
the  author  of  miraculous  gifts,  as  is  made  evident  by  v.  6.  —  iXd^cre 
Trto-reuVai/res,  Did  ye  receive  (note  the  aorist)  when  ye  believed? 
The  participle  refers  to  the  same  time  as  the  verb.  —  aXX  rjKov- 
crefjiev,  But  ive  did  not  hear  (when  baptized)  even  if  there  be  a  Holy 
Spirit.  A  negative  usually  precedes  dAX'  ovhi  with  this  force 
(=:No  —  on  the  contrary)  ;  but  could  be  omitted  with  the  effect 
of  a  more  earnest  denial.  See  W.  k  53.  7.  TrveS/^a  dyiov  must 
have  the  meaning  in  their  reply  which  it  had  in  Paul's  question. 
Hence  it  is  unnecessary  and  incorrect  to  supply  So^eV  or  Ikxv- 
vofj-fvov  after  hm;  comp.  John  7,  39. 

V.  3.  €ts  Tt,  K.  T.  A.,  Unto  ivhat,  as  the  object  of  faith  and  con- 
fession, therefore,  ivere  ye  baptized!  —  eis  to  'Iwai/voi;  /?a;rria^a  should 
have  the  sense  here  which  it  has  in  other  passages  (comp.  1,  22; 
10,  37 ;  Matt.  3,  7 ;  Luke  7,  29,  etc.),  viz.  the  baptism  which  John 


810  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XIX,  4.  5. 

administered,  or  such  as  he  administered.  They  may  have  re- 
ceived the  rite  from  John  himself,  or  from  some  one  whom  he 
had  baptized,  but  who  had  not  advanced  beyond  the  point  of 
knowledge  at  which  John's  mini^ry  had  left  his  disciples.  That 
ApoUos  had  baptized  them  is  not  at  all  probable  ;  for  the  pre- 
sumption is  that  he  had  left  Ephcsus  before  their  arrival  (see  on 
V.  1),  and  because  if  he  had  not,  they  would  have  received  from 
him  more  correct  views,  after  his  own  better  acquaintance  with 
Christianity.  The  answer  of  the  men,  therefore,  was  not  that 
they  had  been  baptized  unto  John  as  the  Messiah ;  and  the  idea 
that  their  error  was  that  of  adhering  to  him  as  the  Messiah  has 
no  support  from  this  expression.  That  some,  however,  at  a  very 
early  period,  entertained  that  opinion  of  John,  is  a  fact  well  es- 
tablished. The  Zabians,  or  Nazoraeans,  or  Mendaeans,  as  they 
are  variously  called,  who  were  discovered  in  the  East  about  the 
middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  are  supposed  to  be  a  remnant 
of  that  sect.  See  Neand.  Ch.  Hist.  Vol.  I.  p.  376  ;  and  Christian 
Review,  Jan.  1855. 

V.  4.  /u.€v  after  'loidwrj-;,  which  some  editors  reject,  is  genuine 
(Mey.  Tsch.  De  Wet.).  The  reply  of  Paul  is  apparently  tliis : 
"John  indeed  preached  repentance  and  a  Saviour  to  come  (as 
you  know)  ;  but  the  Messiah  whom  he  announced  has  appeared 
in  Jesus,  and  you  are  now  to  believe  on  him  as  John  directed."  — 
TovT  amv  presents  the  adversative  idea,  instead  of  the  ordinary 
Si.  W.  ^  63.  I.  2.  e  ;  K.  ^  322,  R.  4.  —  i/Sd-n-na-e  governs  {SaTma-fia, 
on  the  principle  of  affinity  in  point  of  sense  ;  comp.  Luke  7,  29. 
W.  ^  '32.  2;  K.  ^  278.  1.  —  XpLcrrov  is  common  before  'It^o-ovs,  but 
is  unwarranted  here. 

V.  5.  (XKot'o-avres,  k.  t.  X.,  Now  they  (whom  Paul  addressed) 
having  heard,  tvere  bcqjtized.  Whether  Paul  himself  or  some  as- 
sistant performed  the  rite,  the  history  does  not  decide.  Tlieir 
prompt  reception  of  the  truth  would  tend  to  show  that  the  defect 
in  their  former  baptism  related  not  so  much  to  any  positive  error, 
as  to  their  ignorance  in  regard  to  the  projier  object  of  flxith. 
Some  of  the  older  writers  maintained  that  Luke  records  these 
words  as  a  contiiuiation  of  Paul's  remarks :  Now  they  (whom  John 
addressed)  having  heard  were  baptized.  It  was  the  object  of  such 
commentators  to  rescue  the  passage  from  those  who  appealed  to 
it,  in  order  to  justify  rebaptism.  They  maintained  this  exegesis 
not  only  against  the  Anabaptists,  hut  as  Baunigarten  mentions, 
against  the  Catholics,  who  disparaged  John's  baptism  for  the 
purpose  of  exalting  the  Christian  sacraments  as  distinguished 
from  those  of  the  first  dispensation.     The   Council  of  Trent,  for 


Chap.  XIX,  6-10.  COMMENTARY.  311 

instance,  asserted :  Si  quis  dixerit  baptismum  Johannis  eandem 
vim  cum  baptismo  Christi  habuisse,  Anathema  esto.  (Sess. 
VII,  de  baptismo  C.  1).  This  interpretation  not  only  sets  aside 
the  more  obvious  meaning  for  a  remote  one,  but  palpably  mis- 
states the  fact  in  regard  to  John's  baptism :  he  did  not  administer 
it  in  the  name  of  Jesus.  Tliis  view  of  the  passage  may  be  said 
to  be  obsolete  at  present. 

V.  6.  Compare  this  verse  with  10,  44-46.  —  yAoicro-at?,  sc.  erepats 
(2,  4),  or  Katmts  (Mark  16,  17).  —  For  Trpo€^rjTevov,  see  on  2,  17. 

V.  7.  ol  TravTcs  avSpes,  all  the  men  iogetJier.  ttS?  in  tliis  adverbial 
sense  (;=to  ttov,  to.  -n-avTa)  occurs  especially  in  connection  with  nu- 
merals. Compare  27,  35.  It  is  rare  to  find  the  adjective  with  tliis 
force  before  the  substantive.  See  K.  A.  Gr.  ^  489.  /?;  Vig.  ed.  Herm. 
p.  135.  —  And  thus  those  twelve  men  who  came  forward  so  ab- 
ruptly in  our  history  disappear  as  suddenly,  leaving  us  in  doubt 
whence  they  came,  where  they  had  been,  and  in  some  respects 
what  particular  phase  of  religious  behef  they  represented.  The 
episode  is  one  of  strange  interest  from  the  veiy  fact  of  its  sug- 
gesting so  many  questions,  the  solution  of  which  our  imperfect 
knowledge  of  the  first  Christian  age  has  put  beyond  our  reach. 


Verses  8-12.     Paul  preaches  at  Ephesus,  and  confirms  the  Word 
by  Miracles. 

V.  8.  For  lTrapp-qaiat,i.To,  preached  boldly,  see  on  18,  26. — Tret^wv, 
sc.  avTovs,  persuading  them  of  the  things ;  comp.  28,  23.  The  first 
accusative  specifies  the  aim  of  the  act.     K.  k  279.  4. 

V.  9.  rive's,  some,  i.  e.  of  the  Jews,  as  results  from  o-uvayayyr^v  in 
V.  8. — Ty\v  68ov,  the  way,  i.  e.  of  Christian  belief  and  practice;  not 
concretely,  sect,  party,  comp.  v.  23;  9,  2.  —  ivdnriov  rov  irXri^ovi, 
in  the  presence  of  the  multitude.  This  attempt  to  prevent  others 
from  believing  showed  how  hardened  (iaKX-qpvvovro)  they  were, 
more  fully  than  their  own  rejection  of  the  gospel.  —  d^wpio-e  tous 
/aa^Tjras,  separated  the  disciples,  i.  e.  from  the  Jews  in  the  syna- 
gogue. —  ev  TTJ  (TxoXf),  in  the  school,  viz.  the  place  where  he  taught. 
This  Tyrannus,  otherwise  unknown,  was  probably  a  teacher  of 
philosophy  or  rhetoric,  who  occupied  the  apartment  at  other  hours. 
Whether  he  rented  it  to  the  Christians,  or  gave  them  the  use  of 
it,  is  uncertain. 

V.  10.  cTTi  erq  8uo.  These  two  years  are  exclusive  of  the  tlnree 
months  mentioned  in  v.  8;  for  tovto  opposes  expressly  the  preach- 
ing in  the  school  of  Tyrannns  to  that  in  the  synagogue.  It  is 
probable  that  they  are  exclusive  also  of  the  time  occupied  by  the 


312  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XIX,  10.  11. 

events  which  took  place  after  v.  21 ;  for  in  20,  31  Paul  reminds 
the  Ephesians  that  he  had  labored  three  years  among  them ;  so 
that  nine  months,  or  six  months  at  least  (if  we  regard  rptcriav 
there  as  a  general  expression),  must  be  added  to  the  two  years 
and  three  months  mentioned  here.  The  retrospective  remark  in 
V.  20  would  be  a  very  natural  one  for  the  writer  to  make  on  the 
completion  of  a  distinct  period.  —  It  was  during  this  abode  of 
Paul  at  Ephesus,  and  probably  not  long  after  his  arrival  there, 
that  he  Avrote  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians.  In  Gal.  4,  13,  Paul 
speaks  of  the  former  time  (to  irporepov)  when  he  preached  in  Ga- 
latia;  and  hence  (taking  the  expression  in  its  strict  import)  he 
had  been  there  twice  when  he  wrote  the  Epistle.  He  must  have 
written  it,  therefore,  on  this  third  missionary  tour  (at  least,  not 
before  it),  since  he  founded  the  Galatian  churches  on  his  second 
tour  (see  on  16,  6),  and  confirmed  them  on  his  present  journey  to 
Ephesus  (see  18,  23).  Further,  if  ovrw  rax^m  in  Gal.  1,  6,  refers 
(as,  on  the  whole,  I  think  it  does)  to  the  brief  interval  since  Paul 
was  among  the  Galatians,  it  follows  that  he  wrote  his  Epistle  to 
them  during  the  early  part  of  his  sojourn  at  Ephesus.  In  this 
city  Paul  could  obtain  easily  the  knowledge  of  the  Galatian 
heresy,  which  gave  occasion  to  the  letter.  A  partial  conclusion 
may  be  drawn  from  another  argument.  If  we  are  to  place  Paul's 
rebuke  of  Peter  between  his  second  and  third  journeys  (see  on 
18,  23),  he  could  not  have  written  to  the  Galatians  at  all  events 
before  his  departure  on  this  tour.  The  foregoing  data  are  not 
decisive,  but  furnish  the  best  supported  opinion.  We  may  refer 
the  Epistle  to  the  year  A.  D.  56;  see  note  on  21,  17.  — wtrrc  .... 
'Ao-iav,  so  that  all  ivho  inhabited  Asia,  viz.  the  Roman  province  of  that 
name  (2,  9).  Ephesus  was  the  capital  of  this  province,  the  centre 
of  commerce  and  religious  worship  (v.  26),  to  which  the  people 
resorted  from  all  parts  of  the  country.  Hence  the  apostle  had  an 
opportunity  to  preach  to  a  vast  number,  in  addition  to  those  who 
resided  in  the  city  ;  and  at  the  same  time,  through  the  agency  of 
those  converted  by  him,  he  could  liave  introduced  the  gospel  into 
regions  which  he  did  not  visit  in  person.  It  was  but  forty  years 
after  this  that  Pliny,  in  his  celebrated  letter  to  Trajan,  says,  even 
in  reference  to  the  more  distant  Bithynia  :  "  Multi  omnis  statis, 
omnis  ordinis,  utriusquc  sexiis  etiam,  vocantu  in  periculum  et  vo- 
cabuntur.  Neque  enim  civitates  tan  turn,  sed  vices  etiam  atque 
agros  superstitionis  istius  contagio  pervagata  est." 

V.  11.  ov  TOLs  Tvxova-as,  not  casual,  i.  e.  uncommon,  extraordi- 
nary; comp  28,2.  As  the  sequel  shows  (v.  12),  the  miracles 
were  remarkable,  because  they  were  performed  without  the  per- 


Chap.  XIX,  12-15.  COMMENTARY.  313 

sonal  agency  or  presence  of  the  apostle.  They  were  not  gener- 
ically  different  from  those  wrought  on  other  occasions.  — 8ta  twv 
vapwv  UavXov,  through  the  hands  of  Paul,  not  as  laid  upon  the  sick 
(some  of  the  results  being  involuntary  on  his  part),  but  through 
his  instrumentality. 

v.  12.  u>(n(.  Ktti,  So  that  (because  God  so  wrought  by  him)  also, 
i.  e.  among  other  miracles.  —  lincfjepeaSai,  k.  t.  X.,  were  carried  from 
his  body,  to  which  the  articles  had  been  touched  for  the  purpose 
of  receiving  the  healing  power  that  was  supposed  to  reside  in 
him ;  see  Luke  8,  46.  They  resorted  to  this  course  probably,  be- 
cause the  throng  was  so  great  that  the  sick  could  not  be  brought 
directly  to  the  apostle,  or  in  some  instances  were  too  infirm  to 
be  removed  from  their  houses.  —  a-ovddpia  (Lat.  sudaria),  handker- 
chiefs, lit.  sweat-cloths.  They  had  their  name  from  the  use  to 
which  they  were  principally  applied.  —  crifxLKLvS la,  aprons,  such  as 
artisans  and  servants  wore  when  engaged  about  their  work. 
This,  too,  is  a  Latin  word  (semicinctia)  which  had  passed  into  the 
later  Greek;  see  on  11,  26.  —  It  is  evident  from  ras  voa-ov;  and 
TO.  irvivjxaTa  that  the  writer  made  a  distinction  between  ordinary 
diseases  and  those  inflicted  by  evil  spirits  (comp.  on  5,  16; 
8,  7). 

Verses  13-17.     The  Defeat  of  certain  Jeivish  Exorcists. 

V.  13.  The  common  text  has  Tivh  airo  twv,  k.  t.  X.  The  more 
approved  reading  is  rwh  KoiTwv,  k.  t.  X.  (Grsb.  Tsch.  Mey.).  km 
joins  Ttve's  with  Paul,  with  reference  to  the  act  in  6vo/Aa^€iv  :  they 
also  attempted  to  call,  as  he  called.  —  TrepuepxoiJiivwv,  not  approbii- 
ously,  vagabond,  but  ivandering  from  place  to  place  in  the  practice 
of  their  arts.  —  i^opKia-Twv,  exorcists;  that  was  their  professed,  re- 
puted occupation.  They  appear  to  have  regarded  Paul  as  one 
of  their  own  class,  but  of  a  higher  order.  They  supposed  he  had 
obtained  a  name  more  potent  than  any  employed  by  them,  and 
that  by  means  of  it  he  could  perform  in  reality  the  wonders  to 
which  they  merely  pretended.  —  opKi^w  vfxa<;  toi/  'Irja-ow,  I  adjure 
you  by  the  Jesus.  For  the  double  accusative,  compare  Mark  5,  7  ; 
1  Thess.  5,  27.     See  W.  ^  32.  4 ;  C.  ^  428. 

V.  14.  For  the  Doric  %Kiva,  see  on  11,  30.  —  dpxtcpew?,  a  chief- 
priest,  a  priest  of  the  higher  class  ;  see  on  4,  6.  —  Itttu.,  seven 
The  numeral  is  too  remote  from  rtve's  to  be  indefinite,  several;  see 
on  23,  23.  —  oi  tovto  TroLovvTc;  denotes  a  habit.  The  next  verse 
relates  an  instance  of  their  practice. 

V.  15.  TO  TTvcu/xa,  the  spirit,  viz.  the  one  whom  they  were  at 
40 


314  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XIX,  16-19. 

tempting  to  exorcise  on  a  certain  occasion. — tov 'Ir;o-ow  yivwo-Kw, 
tJbC  Jesus  (whom  you  invoke)  I  know,  i.  e.  liis  authority  and  power; 
and  the  Paul  (whom  you  name)  /  know  ivell  as  the  sei"v^aut,  mes- 
senger of  God  (comp.  16,  17).  The  article  is  probably  significant 
here,  though  as  the  nouns  are  proper  names  it  may  be  a  little 
uncertain.  —  v/acis  precedes  nVes,  because  it  takes  the  emphasis. 

V.  16.  /cat  i<f>aXX6fievo';,  k.  t.  A.,  and  the  man  (impelled  by  the 
evil  spirit)  leaping  upon  tltem.  —  Ko.ra.Kvpif.vcra.'i,  k.  t.  \.,  having  over- 
•powered  them,  was  strong,  showed  liimself  such  against  tlieni,  or 
hath,  viz.  by  tearing  off  their  garments  and  beating  them,  d/i- 
<f>oT€pu)v  is  more  correct  than  airrwv  (Grsb.  Mey.  Tsch.). —  fvfi.vov<s, 
naked,  need  not  be  taken  in  its  strict  sense.  It  could  be  apphed 
to  those  stripped  partially  of  their  raiment;  comp.  John  21,  7. — 
cK  Tov  oLKov  cKctvou,  from  out  of  that  house  where  the  transaction 
took  place.  The  pronoun  reveals  a  more  definite  scene  in  the 
writer's  view  than  he  has  described.  —  In  the  occurrence  related 
here,  we  are  to  recognize  a  special  design  on  the  part  of  God. 
It  was  important,  says  Neander,  that  the  divine  power  which  ac- 
companied the  gospel  should,  in  some  striking  manner,  exhibit 
its  su})eriority  to  the  magic  which  prevailed  so  extensively  at 
Ephesus,  and  wliich,  by  its  apparently  great  effects,  deceived  and 
captivated  so  many.  It  would  have  a  tendency  to  rescue  men 
from  those  arts  of  imposture,  and  prepare  then  minds  for  the  re- 
ception of  the  truth. 

Verses  18-20.     Many  are  converted,  and  confess  their  Sins. 

V.  18.  TToAAoi  T€  Twv  TrcTTto-TeuKOTiov,  And  mawj  of  the  believers 
(convinced  by  such  evidence)  ;  lit.  those  ivho  have  believed  and 
still  believe.  The  language  ascribes  to  them  a  definite  character, 
but  does  not  decide  when  it  began.  They  were  probably  new 
converts  (De  "Wet.  Alf ),  as  the  confession  made  by  them  would 
be  inconsistent  with  the  life  required  of  those  who  had  been  re- 
cognized as  Christians.  They  were  a  different  class,  also,  from 
those  spoken  of  in  the  next  verse ;  hence,  not  the  jugglers  them- 
selves, but  their  dupes,  those  who  had  confided  in  them  and  been 
accessoiy  to  the  wicked  delusion.  —  rjpxovro  (imperf ),  c«?«e  one 
after  another.  —  ras  irpa^eis  avTwv,  their  deeds,  superstitious  prac- 
tices (Olsh.  Mey.  De  Wet.);  not  their  sins  in  genera'  (Kuin.). 
It  is  better  to  restrict  the  meaning  in  this  connection,  especially 
as  with  the  other  sense  the  more  obvious  term  would  be  afiaprCa^ 
and  not  Trpa^tts. 

V.  19.     iKavol,  K.  T.  A..,  And  many  of  those  wJto  practised  magic 


Chap.  XIX,  20.  21.  COMMENTARY.  315 

arts,  lit.  things  over-wrought,  curious,  recondite.  —  ras  fit/3kovi,  the 
books  which  contained  their  mysteries,  i.  e.  magical  signs,  formu-  , 
las  of  incantation,  nostrums,  and  the  like.  —  KareKaiov  describes 
them  as  throwing  book  after  book  into  the  blazing  pile.  —  koI  evpov, 
K.  T.  X.,  and  they  found  as  the  swinffty  tliousand  (sc.  Spax/j-ds)  of 
silver  money.  It  was  common  in  such  designations  to  omit  the 
name  of  the  coin.  See  Bernh.  Synt.  p.  187.  The  Attic  drachm 
passed  at  this  time  among  the  Jews  and  Romans  for  a  denarius, 
and  was  worth  about  fifteen  cents ;  so  that  the  books  amounted 
to  $7,500.  Some  supply  shekel  as  the  elliptical  word ;  which, 
reckoning  that  coin  at  sixty  cents,  would  make  the  amount  fom 
times  as  great.  But  as  the  occurrence  took  place  in  a  Greek  city 
and  as  Luke  was  not  writing  for  Jews,  it  is  entirely  improba- 
ble that  he  has  stated  the  sum  in  their  currency.  All  books  in 
ancient  times  were  expensive,  and  especially  those  which  con- 
tained secrets  or  charms  held  in  such  estimation. 

V.  20.  r]v^av€  Kol  tax^iv,  grew  and  was  strong,  mighty.  The 
first  verb  refers  to  the  general  extension  of  the  gospel,  the  second 
to  its  influence  on  the  conduct  of  those  who  embraced  it.  What 
precedes  illustrated  the  remark  in  both  respects.  —  This  verse 
presents  a  striking  coincidence  as  compared  with  1  Cor.  16,  9. 
It  was  here  at  Ephesus,  and  about  this  time,  that  Paul  wrote  the 
First  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians.  That  it  was  written  at  Ephesus 
is  certain  from  1  Cor.  16,  8.  But  Paul  visited  this  city  only  twice  : 
the  first  time  when  he  touched  here  on  his  way  to  Jerusalem 
(18,  19),  and  again  at  this  present  time  of  liis  prolonged  residence 
here.  He  could  not  have  written  the  Epistle  on  his  first  visit, 
because  the  church  at  Corinth  so  recently  gathered  would  not 
answer  then  to  the  character  which  it  bears  in  the  Epistle,  and 
still  more  decisively  because  ApoUos  who  was  the  head  of  one 
of  the  parties  there  (1  Cor.  1,  12)  did  not  proceed  to  Corinth 
(18,  27)  till  shortly  before  Paul's  second  arrival  at  Ephesus. 
Again,  Paul  speaks  in  1  Cor.  4,  17  of  having  recently  sent  Tim- 
othy to  Corinth  (comp.  1  Cor.  16,  10),  and  here  in  the  Acts  (19, 
22)  Luke  speaks  evidently  of  the  same  event,  which  he  repre- 
sents as  preparatory  to  the  apostle's  intended  visit  to  the  same 
place.  As  Paul  now  left  Ephesus  in  the  spring  of  A.  D.  57 
(see  note  on  20,  1),  he  wrote  his  First  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians 
a  few  months  before  his  departure. 

Verses  21.  22.     The  Apostle  projwses  to  leave  Ephesus. 
V.  21.     A  new  epoch  begins  here,  viz.  that  from  the  end  of 
the  year  and  three  months  to   Paul's  departure.  —  Tai>ra,  these 


316  COMMENT  AEY.  Chap.  XIX,  21.  22. 

things  up  to  this  time  since  the  arrival  at  Ephesus ;  not  so  natur- 
ally those  relating  merely  to  the  exorcism  and  its  effects.  —  l^ero 
£v  T<3  Trvf.v^a.Ti,  placed  in  his  mind,  purposed  ;  see  on  5,  4.  — • 
Macedonia  and  Achaia  occur  here  also  in  the  Roman  sense.  The 
order  of  the  names  indicates  that  the  apostle  intended  at  this 
time  to  have  proceeded  directly  from  Corinth  to  Jerusalem,  An 
unexpected  event  (see  20,  3)  compelled  him  to  change  his  plan. 
—  Sei  .  .  .  .  iSetv,  it  is  necessary  that  I  shouM  see  also  Rome ;  not  in' 
order  to  fulfil  any  revealed  purpose  of  God,  hut  to  satisfy  his 
own  feelings.  He  was  anxious  to  visit  the  believers  there,  and 
to  preach  the  gospel  in  that  metropolis  of  the  world ;  see  Rom. 
1,  11.  14.  —  Paley  institutes  a  striking  comparison  between  this 
verse  and  Rom.  1,  13  and  15,  23-28.  "  The  conformity  between 
the  history  and  the  Epistle  is  perfect.  In  the  first  passage  of 
the  Epistle,  we  find  that  a  design  of  visiting  Rome  had  long 
dwelt  in  the  apostle's  mind  ;  here,  in  the  Acts,  we  find  that  design 
expressed  a  considerable  time  before  the  E])istle  was  written. 
In  the  history  we  find  that  the  plan  which  Paul  had  formed  was 
to  pass  through  Macedonia  and  Achaia ;  after  that,  to  go  to  Jeru- 
salem ;  and  when  he  had  finished  his  visit  there,  to  sail  for  Rome. 
When  the  Epistle  was  written,  he  had  executed  so  much  of  his 
plan,  as  to  have  passed  through  Macedonia  and  Achaia ;  and  was 
preparing  to  pursue  the  remainder  of  it,  by  speedily  setting  out 
towards  Jerusalem ;  and  in  this  point  of  his  travels  he  tells  his 
friends  at  Rome,  that,  when  he  had  completed  the  business  which 
carried  him  to  Jerusalem,  he  would  come  to  them,  when  he  should 
make  his  journey  into  Spain."  Nor  is  the  argument  to  be  evaded 
by  supposing  the  passages  to  have  been  adjusted  to  each  other 
in  this  manner,  "  If  the  passage  in  the  Epistle  was  taken  from 
that  in  the  Acts,  why  was  *);«m  put  in  ?  If  the  passage  in  the 
Acts  was  taken  from  that  in  the  Epistle,  why  was  Spaiti  left  out? 
If  the  two  passages  were  unknoAvn  to  each  other,  nothing  can 
account  for  their  conformity  but  truth." 

V.  22.  Timothy  was  at  Corinth  when  last  mentioned  (18,  5). 
He  would  be  likely  to  cross  over  to  Ephesus  on  hearing  of  Paul's 
arrival  there.  But  what  connection  is  there  between  the  apostle's 
sending  Timothy  into  Macedonia  and  his  own  purpose  to  proceed 
to  Achaia?  We  obtain  an  answer  to  that  question  from  1  Cor. 
4,  17-19.  We  learn  there  that  Timothy  was  not  to  stop  in  Mac- 
edonia, but  to  pass  on  to  Corinth,  the  capital  city  of  Achaia,  and 
prepare  the  church  for  the  approaching  visit  of  the  ajiostle.  Thus 
"  the  narrative  agrees  with  the  Epistle  ;  and  the  agreement  is  at- 
tended with  very  little  appearance  of  design.     One  thing  at  least 


Chap.  XIX,  23-25.  COMMENTARY.  317 

concerning  it  is  certain ;  that  if  this  passage  of  Paul's  history 
had  been  taken  from  his  letter,  it  would  have  sent  Timothy  to 
Corinth  by  name,  or  at  all  events  into  Achaia."  —  Erastus  may 
be  the  person  of  that  name  in  2  Tim.  4,  20,  but  as  he  travelled 
with  Paul,  the  best  critics  distinguish  him  from  the  Erastus  in 
Rom.  16,  23  (Neand.  De  Wet.  Win.).  The  office  of  the  latter  as 
"  treasurer  of  the  city  "  would  demand  his  more  constant  presence 
at  Corinth.  —  avrbs  ....  'Acriav,  he  himself  (while  they  departed) 
kept  back  unto  Asia;  ets  not  in  (De  Wet.  Rob.),  and  not  for  as  dat. 
comm.  (Win.),  uncommon  before  a  proper  name,  but  unto  as  the 
direction  towards  which  (Mey.). 

Verses  23-27.     Demetrius  excites  a  Tumult  at  Ephesus. 

V.  23.  As  at  Philippi  (16,  19),  so  here  the  Greeks  instigated 
the  riot;  their  motive  was  the  same  —  fear  of  losing  the  means 
of  their  ill-gotten  wealth.  See  note  on  14,  19.  —  Kara  tov  Kaipov 
iKetvov,  about  that  time,  viz.  that  of  Paul's  intended  departure.  — 
Trepl  Trjs  o8ov,  concerning  the  icay ;  see  on  9,  2. 

V.  24.  yap  explains  why  a  tumult  arose.  — vaov'i  dpyvpoCs 'Apre- 
/AtSos,  silver  shrines  (not  for  in  E.  V.  but  )  of  Artemis.  These 
were  small  portable  images,  resembling  the  temple  at  Ephesus, 
and  containing  a  figure  of  the  goddess.  The  manufacture  of 
these  shrines  was  a  lucrative  business,  as  they  were  in  great  re- 
quest; they  were  set  up  in  houses  as  objects  of  worship,  or  car- 
ried about  the  person  as  having  the  supposed  power  to  avert 
diseases  and  other  dangers.  They  were  not  only  sold  here  in 
Asia,  but  sent  as  an  article  of  traffic  to  distant  countries.  Deme- 
trius, it  would  seem,  was  a  wholesale  dealer  in  such  shrines. 
He  executed  orders  for  them,  and  employed  T€')(yLTai<s,  artisans, 
who  received  lucrative  wages  (ipyaaiav  ovk  oXiyrjv)  for  their  labor. 
—  Compare  Traper^ero  with  the  active  form  in  16,  16. 

V.  25.  ov<i,  K.  T.  X.,  whom  ho.ving  assembled  and  the  other  work- 
men in  his  employ.  The  artisans  performed  the  more  delicate 
processes,  and  the  epyaras  the  rougher  work.  So  Bengel,  Kuinoel, 
Hemsen,  and  Meyer  distinguish  the  two  nouns  from  each  other. 
It  appears  improbable  that  Demetrius  would  confine  his  appeal 
to  his  own  men.  It  may  be  better  to  understand  epyaras  of  the 
laborers  in  general,  who  were  devoted  to  such  trades,  whether 
they  exercised  them  on  their  own  account  or  that  of  some  em- 
ployer.—  Toiavra  preceded  by  to.  limits  the  reference  to  vaous,  i.  e. 
definitely,  such  things  as  those;  comp.  Matt.  19,  14;  2  Cor.  12,  2. 
3.     K.  k  246.  4.     It  is  incorrect  to  extend  the  pronoun  so  as  to 


318  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XIX,  26.  27. 

include  statuary,  pictures,  coins,  and  the  like  (Blmf.).  —  cTrio-Tao-^e, 
ye  know  xccll;  see  v.  15.  —  rav-n;?  refers  to  •noiZiv  vaov<i  in  Luke's 
nari'ative.  It  stands,  therefore,  for  some  equivalent  term  or  idea 
in  the  speech  of  Demetrius.  —  iv-n-opia,  prosperity,  wealth. 

V.  26.  'E</>€o-ov,  of  or  from  (not  at)  Ephesus  depends  on  ox^ov 
as  a  genitive  of  possession.  — 'Ao-tV  has,  no  doubt,  its  Roman  sense. 
The  effect  ascribed  here  to  Paul's  labors  agrees  with  the  statement 
inv.  10.  —  fjLeTeaT7]aev,  turned  aside,  i.  e.  from  our  mode  of  worship. 
—  on  ovK,  K.  T.  X.,  that,  they  are  not  gods  lohich  are  made  by  hands. 
The  mode  of  speaking  illustrates  the  disposition  of  the  heathen 
to  identify  their  gods  with  the  idols  or  temples  consecrated  to 
them;  see  on  17,  24.  We  can  imagine  the  effect  of  these  words 
on  such  auditors,  uttered  "with  a  look  or  gesture  towards  the 
splendid  temple  within  sight. 

V.  27.  TovTo  TO  /Acpo?,  this  part,  branch  of  our  labor  (Kyp. 
Mey.).  The  idea  is,  that  their  art  as  silversmiths,  of  whatever 
use  it  might  be  in  other  respects,  would  soon  be  ruined,  as  to 
this  particular  application  of  it.  —  ■17/xrv,  for  us  (dat.  incomm.), 
to  our  detriment.  Their  receipts  had  declined  jierceptibly  al- 
ready, and  at  this  rate  would  soon  be  cut  off  altogetlier.  — aXKa 
Kol,  K.  T.  \.,  hut  also  the  temple  of  the  great  goddess  Artemis  is  in 
danger,  etc.  xivSwcvet  extends  also  into  this  clause  and  governs 
the  following  infinitive.  fLeyaXr/^  was  one  of  the  special  titles  of 
the  Ephesian  Diana.  In  regard  to  her  temple,  reckoned  as  one 
of  the  wonders  of  the  world,  the  reader  will  find  ami)le  details 
in  Howson.  The  edifice  in  Paul's  time  had  been  built  in  place 
of  the  one  burnt  do-vvn  by  Herostratus  on  the  night  of  Alexan- 
der's birth,  and  was  vastly  superior  to  it  in  size  and  grandeur. 
No  ruins  of  it  remain  at  present  on  the  spot;  but  the  traveller 
sees  some  of  the  columns  in  the  Mosque  of  St.  Sophia  at  Con- 
stantinople, originally  a  church,  and  in  the  naves  of  Itahan  Cathe- 
drals. —  €19  aTreXcy/Aov  eXSeiv,  to  come  into  contempt  (Mey.)  ;  in  redar- 
gutionem  venire  (Vulg.),  i.  e.  to  he  confuted,  rejected  (De  Wet.). 
The  noun  occurs  only  here,  and  its  meaning  must  be  inferred 
from  its  relation  to  cognate  words.  A  result  of  confutation  is 
shame,  loss  of  character,  and  hence  the  expression  could  be  used 
to  signify  that  they  feared  lest  their  business  should  lose  its 
credit  in  the  pubhc  estimation.  —  fieXXeiv,  k.  t.  A..,  and  also  that  her 
glory  tvill  be  destroyed,  etc.  The  discourse  here  changes  from 
the  direct  to  the  indirect,  as  if  c^r;  or  cittc  had  introduced  this  part 
of  the  sentence.  We  have  a  similar  transition  in  2.),  24.  See 
W.  k  61.  III.  2.  Ti  (needlessly  exchanged  by  some  for  Se)  joins 
the  clause  with  what  precedes,  while  koL  adds  another  argument 


Chap.  XIX,  28.  29.  COMMENTARY.  319 

to  enforce  the  speaker's  object.  —  rj  oikov/acVi?,  the  ivorld ;  comp. 
on  11,  28.  The  temple  at  Ephesiis  had  been  built  at  the  common 
expense  of  all  the  Greek  cities  of  Asia.  Pilgrims  repaired  thither 
from  all  nations  and  countries. —  The  speech  of  Demetrius  de- 
serves attention  for  its  artful  character.  He  takes  care,  in  the 
first  place,  to  show  his  fellow-craftsmen  how  the  matter  affected 
their  own  personal  interests,  and  then,  having  aroused  their  self- 
ishness, he  proceeds  to  appeal  with  so  much  the  more  effect  to 
their  zeal  for  religion.  His  main  reliance,  as  Calvin  thinks,  was 
upon  the  fu-st :  "  Res  ipsa  clamat  non  tarn  pro  aris  ipsos  quam 
pro  focis  pugnare,  ut  scilicet  culinam  habeant  bene  calentem." 

Verses  28-34.  The  Mob  seize  two  of  Pauls  Companions  and 
rush  to  the  Theatre. 

V.  28.  TrXr]peL<;  S^vfiov,  full  of  wrath  against  Paul  and  the  Chris- 
tians. —  €Kfja^ov,  continued  crying.  The  Greeks  lived  so  much  in 
the  open  air,  Demetrius  may  have  harangued  his  men  in  public ; 
if  in  private,  the  rioters  had  now  gone  into  the  street.  Perhaps 
they  traversed  the  city  for  a  time  with  their  outcry,  before  execut- 
ing the  assault  spoken  of  in  the  next  verse,  and  swelled  their 
number  with  recruits  on  the  way. 

V.  29.  Koi  iirXycr^r],  k.  t.  X.,  And  the  ivhole  city  ivas  filled  with 
tumult,  or  the  tumult  if  we  read  r^?.  The  evidence  for  the  article 
is  not  decisive.  —  wpixrja-av,  k.  t.  X.,  And  they  rushed  ivith  one  accord 
into  the  theatre.  The  subject  of  the  verb  here  includes  those  who 
excited  the  disturbance  and  those  who  joined  in  it.  They  rushed 
to  the  theatre  because  it  was  the  custom  of  the  Greeks,  though 
not  of  the  Romans,  to  use  their  theatres  for  public  business  as 
well  as  for  sports.  See  on  12,  21?  The  multitude  had  evidently 
no  definite  plan  of  action,  and  no  definite  idea  of  the  cause  of 
the  present  excitement ;  see  v.  32.  All  they  knew  was,  that 
some  danger  threatened  their  religion,  and  under  that  impres- 
sion they  hastened  as  with  .one  impulse  (o;u,o^u/i,a8oV)  to  the  usual 
place  of  concourse  for  further  inquiry,  or  for  consultation.  Re- 
mains of  the  theatre  at  Ephesus  are  still  visible.  Its  outline 
can  be  traced,  showing  its  dimensions  to  have  been  larger  than 
those  of  any  other  theatre  known^  to  us  from  ancient  times.  It 
was  built  on  the  side  of  a  lofty  hill,  with  the  seats  rising  in  long 
succession  one  above  another,  and,  like  similar  edifices  among 
the  ancients,  was  entirely  open  to  the  sky.  A  recent  traveller 
judges  that  it  was  large  enough  to  contain  thirty  thousand  per- 
sons. The  temple  of  Diana  could  be  seen  from  it,  at  no  great 
distance,  across  the  market-place.     Luke  has  violated  no  proba- 


320  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XIX,  30. 31. 

bility,  therefore,  in  representing  so  many  people  as  assembled  in 
sucli  a  place.  —  crvvapTrdaavTes,  after  having  seized  along  (out  of  the 
house,  })rior  to  iopfjL-rjaav) ,  or  (coincident  with  the  verb),  having  seized 
along  when  they  rushed.  See  note  on  21,  7.  Meyer  prefers  the 
first  mode,  De  Wette  the  second.  See  W.  ^  45.  6.  b.  For  a  dif- 
ferent explanation  of  o-w  in  the  participle,  see  Rob.  Lex.  s.  v.  — 
Gaius,  or  Caius,  who  was  a  Macedonian,  is  not  the  one  mentioned 
in  20,  4,  or  in  Rom.  16,  23  and  1  Cor.  1,  15 ;  for  the  former  be- 
longed to  Derbe,  the  latter  to  Corinth.  —  Aristarchus  was  a  Thes- 
salonian  (20,  4)  ;  see  further,  on  27,  2. 

V.  30.  liavXov.  Paul  may  have  been  absent  from  his  abode  at 
the  time  of  the  assault,  as  was  the  case  at  Thessalonica  (17,  6). 
—  CIS  Tov  Srjfxov,  vnto  the  peoj)le  in  the  theatre  (v.  31).  His  idea 
may  have  been,  that  his  appearance  there  in  person,  or  a  declara- 
tion that  he  was  willing  to  have  his  conduct  examined,  would  allay 
the  tumult ;  comp.  v.  37.  His  anxiety  must  have  been  the  greater 
from  his  not  knowing  to  what  danger  the  friends  who  had  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  the  mob  might  be  exposed.  —  61  fiaSrjTai,  the 
disciples,  who  were,  no  doubt,  native  Ephesiaus.  They  under- 
stood their  countrymen  too  well  to  encourage  the  apostle's  incli- 
nation. 

V.  31.  Twv  'Ao-tapxwv.  The  Asiarchs  were  ten  men  (Mey.), 
chosen  annually  from  the  chief  to-whis  in  proconsular  Asia,  to 
superintend  the  games  and  festivals  held  every  year  in  honor  of 
the  gods  and  the  Roman  emperor.  They  were  chosen  from  the 
wealthier  class  of  citizens,  since,  like  the  Roman  aidiles,  they 
were  required  to  provide  for  these  exhibitions  at  their  own  ex- 
pense. Those  who  had  filled  the  office  once,  retained  the  title 
for  the  rest  of  life.  One  of  the  number  acted  as  chief  Asiarch, 
who  resided  commonly  at  Ephesus.  The  Bithyniarchs,  Gala- 
tarchs,  Syriarchs,  were  a  similar  class  of  magistrates  in  other 
provinces  of  "Western  Asia.  —  Akerman  offers  here  the  following 
just  remark :  "  That  the  very  maintainers  and  presidents  of  the 
heathen  sports  and  festivals  of  a  people  to  whom  the  doctrine  of 
Christ  and  the  resurrection  was  foolishness  were  the  friends  of 
Paul,  was  an  assertion  which  no  fabricator  of  a  forgery  would 
have  ventured  upon.  We  caimot  penetrate  the  veil  which  an- 
tiquity has  thrown  over  these  events,  and  are  only  left  to  conjec- 
ture, either  that  Christianity  itself  had  supporters,  though  secret 
ones  who  feared  the  multitude,  in  these  wealthy  Asiatics;  or 
that,  careless  of  the  truth  of  what  the  apostle  preached,  they 
admired  his  eloquence,  and  wished  to  protect  one  whom  they 
considered  so  highly  gifted." 


Chap.  XIX,  32-34.  COMMENTARY.  321 

V.  32.  ow,  there/ore,  resumptive  as  in  9,  31 ;  8,  4.  It  puts  for- 
ward the  narrative  from  the  point  reached  in  v.  29.  The  two 
preceding  verses  relate  to  a  collateral  circumstance. 

V.  33.  eK  8e  Tov  ox^^ov,  k.  t.  A,.,  Nolo  out  of  the  crowd,  from  their 
midst,  they,  viz.  the  Jews,  urged fonvard  Alexander.  "  As  the  Jews 
here  lived  in  the  midst  of  a  numerous  Greek  population  who 
viewed  them  with  constant  aversion,  any  special  occasion  roused 
their  slumbering  prejudices  into  open  violence,  and  they  had  then 
much  to  suffer.  Hence  the  Jews  on  this  occasion  feared  that  the 
anger  of  the  people  against  the  enemies  of  their  gods  —  espe- 
cially as  many  of  them  did  not  know  who  were  really  intended — 
would  be  directed  against  themselves,  and  they  were  anxious, 
therefore,  that  one  of  their  number,  a  man  by  the  name  of  Alex- 
ander, should  stand  forward,  in  order  to  shift  the  blame  from 
themselves  upon  the  Christians ;  but  the  appearance  of  such  a 
person  who  himself  belonged  to  the  enemies  of  their  gods,  ex- 
cited in  the  heathen  still  greater  rage,  and  the  clamor  became 
more  violent."  This  is  the  view  of  Neander,  and  is  the  one 
adopted  by  Kuinoel,  Hemsen,  Olshausen,  Winer,  and  most  oth- 
ers. Some,  on  the  contrary,  as  Calvin,  Meyer,  Wieseler,  under- 
stand that  Alexander  was  a  Jewish  Christian,  and  that  the  Jews, 
who  recognized  him  as  such,  pushed  liim  forward  in  order  to 
expose  him  to  the  fury  of  the  populace.  airoXoyela^ai  has  been 
said  to  favor  this  opinion  ;  but  it  may  refer  to  a  defence  in  behalf 
of  the  Jews  as  well  as  of  the  Christians.  The  Alexander  in 
2  Tim.  4,  14  could  hardly  have  be*en  the  same  person  ;  6  xa^^Kev's 
may  have  been  added  there  to  distinguish  him  from  this  indi- 
vidual. —  irpoPaXXovTwv  avrov  twv  'lovSatwi/,  the  Jews  thrusting  him 
forward.  The  subject  of  this  subordinate  clause  is  the  same  as 
that  of  the  principal  clause  which  precedes  ;  whereas,  according 
to  the  ordinary  rule,  it  is  only  when  the  subjects  are  different  that 
the  genitive  absolute  is  employed.  Trpo/JaXXoVrwv  would  have 
been  regularly  in  the  nominative.  Exceptions  like  this  occur  in 
the  classics.  The  idea  of  the  secondary  clause  acquires  in  this 
way  more  prominence.  See  K.  ^  313.  R.  2,  as  compared  with  § 
312.  3. 

V.  34.  cTTtyvovres  is  nominative,  as  if  i(f)wvq(rav  aTravrts  had  fol- 
lowed, instead  of  <^o)j/^  ....  ex  TravTwv.  See  W.  §  63.  I.  1.  The 
expression  with  that  change  would  have  been  more  correct,  but 
less  forcible,  /aia  Ik  TrdvToiv  is  a  callida  junctura,  which  will  arrest 
the  reader's  attention.  —  ws  IttI  uipas,  k.  t.  A.  Their  unintermitted 
cry  for  about  tioo  hours,  "  Great  is  Diana  of  the  Ephesians  !  "  not 
only  declared  their  attachment  to  her  worship,  but,  according  to 
41 


322  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XIX,  34. 35. 

the  ideas  of  the  heathen,  was  itself  an  act  of  worsliip ;  comp, 
1  Kinirs  ]  8,  26 :  Matt.  6,  7.  The  Mohammedan  monks  in  India 
at  the  present  time  often  practise  such  repetitions  for  entire  days 
together.  They  have  been  known  to  say  over  a  single  syllable, 
having  a  supposed  religious  efficacy,  until  they  exhaust  their 
strength  and  are  unable  to  articulate  any  longer.^  —  It  has  been 
remarked  that  the  reverberation  of  their  voices  from  the  steep 
rock  which  formed  one  side  of  the  theatre  (see  on  v.  29)  must 
have  rendered  the  many-mouthed,  frenzied  exclamation  still  more 
terrific. 

Verses  35-40.     Speech  of  the  City- Recorder,  who  quells  the  Ujnoar 
and  disperses  the  Multitude. 

V.  35.  o  ypaixfjLaTiv<;,  The  Recorder.  In  the  cities  of  Asia  Minor, 
as  appears  from  notices  and  inscriptions,  this  was  the  title  of  a 
very  important  magistrate  with  various  functions,  though  liis  more 
immediate  province  was  to  register  the  public  acts  and  laws,  or 
to  preserve  the  record  of  them.  See  Win.  Rcalw.  I.  p.  049.  He 
was  authorized  to  preside  over  pubhc  assemblies,  and  is  men- 
tioned on  marbles  as  acting  in  that  capacity.  He  stood  next  in 
rank  to  the  municipal  chief,  and  performed  his  duties  during  the 
absence  or  on  the  death  of  that  officer.  A  ypa[xfiaTevs,  or  town-clerk, 
of  Ephesus  is  often  mentioned  on  coins  of  that  city.  See  New 
Englander,  X.  p.  144.  —  KaracrreiXas  rov  ox^ov,  having  stilled  the 
croivd,  by  showing  liimself  to, them,  and  making  a  sign  (13,  16) 
that  he  wished  to  speak.  —  In  rt's  ydp  iaxLv,  k.  t.  X.,  the  conjunction 
refers  to  a  suppressed  thought :  You  have  no  occasion  for  tliis 
excitement;  for  ivhat  human  being  is  there,  etc.  avSfjo'mwv  (comp. 
1  Cor.  2,  11)  and  not  ar^pwTros  (T.  R.)  is  to  be  read  here.  —  os  oi, 
K.  T.  A.,  ivho  does  not  know  that  the  city  of  the  Ej^hcsians  is  keeper, 
guardian,  of  the  great  Diana ;  and  hence  it  was  unbecoming  in 
them  to  be  so  sensitive,  as  if  their  reputation  was  at  stake.  ^eSs 
after  /xeyoXi^s  (T.  R.)  should  be  omitted.  vewKo'pov,  ht.  temjile- 
sweeper,  became  at  length  an  honorary  title,  and  as  such  was 
granted  to  certain  Asiatic  cities  in  recognition  of  the  care  and 
expense  bestowed  by  them  on  the  temple  and  worship  of  their 
favorite  deities.  It  is  found  on  coins  of  Ephesus,  struck  about 
Paiil's  time. — tov  AtoTreroi's,  sc.  ayaX/Aaros,  tlic  image  fallen  from 
Jupiter,  and  hence  so  much  the  more  sacred.  There  was  a  sim- 
ilar tradition  in  regard  to  a  statue  of  Artemis  in  Tauris  (Eurip. 
Iph.  T.  977),  and  also  one  of  Pallas  at  Athens  (Tausan.  I.  26.  6). 

1  See  Tholuck's  Auslcgung  dcr  Bergprcdigt  (3d  ed.),  p.  328  sq. 


Chap.  XIX,  36-39.  COMMENTARY.  323 

V.  36.  TovTU)v,  these  things,  viz.  the  established  reputation  of 
the  Ephesians  for  their  attachment  to  the  worship  of  Diana,  and 
the  well-known  origin  of  her  image.  Hence  the  argument  is 
two-fold  :  They  had  no  reason  to  fear  that  such  a  people  (vcwKo'pov) 
could  be  induced  to  abandon  a  religion  which  so  wonderful  an 
event  {^LoirtTovs)  had  signalized.  —  Se'ov  ecrrtv  v/aSs,  it  is  necessary 
that  you,  i.  e.  morally,  you  ought. 

V.  37.  yap  confirms  the  implication  in  TrpoTrercs,  i.  e.  that  they 
had  acted  rashly.  —  tovtovs  refers  to  Gains  and  Aristarchus  ;  see 
V.  29.  Paul  was  not  present.  —  Upoo-i^Xou?,  robbers  of  temples,  not 
of  churclies.  It  is  singular  that  the  latter  translation,  so  incorrect, 
should  be  found  in  all  the  English  versions,  except  Wiclif's  and 
the  Rlieims,  which  being  drawn  from  the  Vulgate,  have  "  sacri- 
legious." The  temples  among  the  heathen  contained  votive  offer- 
ings  and  other   gifts,  and  were   often   plundered.  —  oxrre. 

v/Awv,  nor  blaspheming  your  goddess.  It  was  the  effect  of  Paul's 
preachnig  to  undermine  idolatry,  and  bring  the  worship  of  Arte- 
mis into  contempt ;  but  as  at  Athens,  so  here  he  had  refrained 
from  denunciation,  opprobrium,  ridicule,  and  had  opposed  error 
by  contending  for  the  truth.  Hence  the  Recorder  could  urge 
that  technical  view  of  the  apostle's  conduct,  and  deny  that  he 
had  committed  any  actionable  offence.  It  would  almost  seem  as 
if,  like  the  Asiarchs,  he  was  friendly  at  heart  to  the  new  sect. 

V.  38.  ovv,  therefore,  since  the  men  are  innocent  in  regard  to 
such  crimes  as  sacrilege  and  blasphemy. — (tvv  avrS,  with  him,  i.  e. 
his  associates  in  the  complaint  against  Paul  (comp.  5,  17).  The 
speaker  knew  of  their  connection  with  the  case  from  something 
which  they  had  done  or  said  in  the  assembly,  which  Luke  has 
not  related.  —  dyopatot,  sc.  rnxipai  ayovraL,  court-days  are  Icept,  ob- 
served. The  days  are  so  called  because  the  courts  were  held  in 
the  forum ;  comp.  16,  19;  17,  5.  It  is  contended  by  some,  that 
this  adjective  should  be  marked  as  proparoxytone  in  this  sense, 
but  as  circumflex  when  used  as  in  17,  5.  See  W.  k  6.  2.  The 
distinction  is  a  doubtful  one.  —  kox  avSvTraTOL  dcriv,  and  there  are 
vroconsuls.  The  plural  is  generic  (comp.  Matt.  2,  20),  as  but  one 
such  officer  presided  over  a  province.  The  coins  of  Ephesus 
show  that  the  proconsular  authority  was  fully  established  there 
in  the  reign  of  Nero.  Akerman  gives  the  engraving  of  one  which 
has  the  head  of  that  emperor  on  the  obverse  ;  and  on  the  reverse, 
a  representation  of  the  temple  of  Diana,  with  the  words :  (Money) 
of  the  Ephesians,  Neocori,  JEchmodcs  Aviola,  Proconsul.  —  iyKaXic- 
TCDcrav  dAAiJAots,  let  them  implead  each  other,  is  a  technical  phrase. 

V.  39,     They  were  a  mob,  and  could  transact  no  public  busi- 


324  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XX,  1. 

iiess.  —  ei  Se  Tt,  K.  T.  X.,  But  if  ye  ma/ce  any  demand  (stronger  than 
the  simple  verb)  concerning  other  things  than  those  of  a  private 
nature.  —  ev  ttj  iwofjui)  kKKkqa-ia,  in  the  lairful  assembly  which  tliis 
is  not.  "  Legitimus  ccEtns  est  qui  a  magistratu  civitatis  convo- 
catur  et  regitur."     (Grot.) 

V,  40.  yap  justifies  the  intimation  in  ei/vo/xw  as  to  the  character 
of  the  present  concourse.  —  KU'Srvev'o/xcv.  They  were  in  danger 
of  being  called  to  account  by  the  proconsul.  The  Roman  gov- 
ernment watched  every  appearance  of  insubordination  or  sedition 
in  the  provinces  with  a  jealous  eye.  Thousands  were  often  put 
to  death  in  the  attempt  to  suppress  such  movements.  It  was  a 
capital  offence  to  take  any  part  in  a  riotous  proceeding.  The 
speaker's  hint,  therefore,  was  a  significant  one.  —  orao-ews  depends 
on  7re/3t,  not  on  the  verb.  The  accent  on  Trept  is  not  drawn  back, 
though  its  noun  precedes  (B.  h  117.  3),  because  an  adjective 
plirase  follows.  —  fi-qSevos  ahiov  {iTTctp^ovTos  explains,  not  why  they 
were  liable  to  be  arraigned,  but  how  seriously  it  would  terminate 
if  the  affair  should  take  that  direction. — -rrepi  ov,in  virtue  of  which. 
—  This  speech  is  the  model  of  a  popular  harangue.  Such  ex- 
citement on  the  part  of  the  Ephesians  was  undignified,  as  they 
stood  above  all  suspicion  in  religious  matters  (v.  35.  36) ;  it  was 
unjustifiable,  as  they  could  estabhsh  nothing  against  the  men 
(v.  37) ;  it  was  unnecessary,  as  other  means  of  redress  were  open 
to  them  (v.  38.  39)  ;  and,  finally,  if  neither  pride  nor  justice 
availed  anything,  fear  of  the  Roman  power  shoidd  restrain  them 
(v.  40). 


CHAPTER    XX. 

Verses  1-6.     Taul  proceeds  a  second  time  to  Greece,  and  returns 
from  there  to  Troas.  ■ 

V.  1.  /A€Ta  l\  TO  7rat'crao-.9at  rov  Sopvftov,  Noiv  after  the  tumult  had 
ceased.  This  clause  shows  that  Paul  left  Ephesus  soon  after  the 
disturbance,  but  furnishes  no  evidence,  says  Neandcr,  that  his 
departure  was  hastened  by  it.  We  may  conclude  that  Paul 
"  tarried  at  Ephesus  until  Pentecost,"  pursuant  to  his  intention 
expressed  in  1  Cor.  16,  6;  and  consequently,  that  he  left  that 
city  in  the  spring  or  summer  of  A.  D.  57  or  58.  Compare  the 
note  on  18,  23  with  that  on  19,  10.  —  Before  taking  leave  of 


Chap.  XX,  1.  COMMENTARY,  325 

Ephesus,  we  must  notice  another  event  which  Luke  has  not  re- 
corded, but  which  belongs  to  this  part  of  the  history.  Li  2  Cor. 
12,  14  (written  on  the  way  to  Greece),  the  apostle  says :  iSov, 
TpiTov  TovTo  €Tot)aa)s  exo)  iX&etv  irpos  v/Atis,  Behold,  this  third  titne  I  am 
ready  to  come  unto  you.  The  connection  decides  that  tp'ltov  be- 
longs to  eX^etv,  It  cannot  refer  to  a  third  intention  merely  to  visit 
the  Corintliians  ;  for  he  is  saying  that,  as  he  had  "  not  been  bur- 
densome to  them  "  loitherto  when  he  was  among  them,  so  in  liis 
present  visit  he  would  adhere  to  the  same  poHcy.  Again,  in 
2  Cor.  13,  1,  he  says :  rptrov  tovto  epxafiaL.  Here  it  is  expressly 
said,  that  the  apostle  was  now  on  the  point  of  making  his  third, 
journey  to  Corinth.  The  correct  interpretation  of  2  Cor.  1,  15.  16 
presents  no  obstacle  to  tliis  construction  of  the  passages  here 
referred  to.  The  sixteenth  of  these  verses  explains  the  fifteenth. 
The  apostle  has  reference  in  v.  T6  to  a  journey  to  Corinth  which 
he  had  purposed,  but  had  failed  to  execute ;  viz.  a  journey  into 
Macedonia  by  the  way  of  Corinth,  and  then  a  return  to  Corinth 
from  Macedonia;  and  in  v.  15  he  says  that  this  plan  would  have 
secured  to  the  Corinthians  "a  second  benefit"  (Sevripav  x<^pi-v)  in 
connection  with  the  tour  proposed,  i.  e.  the  benefit  of  his  pres- 
ence, not  once  merely,  but  a  second  time.  There  is  every  reason 
to  suppose,  therefore,  that  Paul  had  been  at  Corinth  twice  when 
he  wi'ote  his  Second  Epistle  to  the  church  in  that  city.  So  con- 
clude, among  others,  Michaelis,  Schrader,  Bleek,  Liicke,  Schott, 
Anger,  Ruckert,  Credner,  Neander,  Olshausen,  Meyer,  Wieseler, 
Osiander,  Howson.  But  where  in  Luke's  narrative  are  we  to 
insert  this  second  journey  to  Corinth?  Of  the  different  answers 
given  to  this  question,  I  regard  that  as  the  most  satisfactory  which 
places  the  journey  within  the  period  of  Paul's  residence  of  three 
years  at  Ephesus.  It  would  have  been  easy  for  him  to  have 
crossed  over  from  the  one  city  to  the  other  at  any  time ;  and,  con- 
sidering the  urgent  reasons  for  such  a  visit  furnished  by  the  con- 
dition of  the  Corinthian  church,  one  would  think  that  he  could 
hardly  have  refrained  from  avaihng  himself  of  the  opportunity. 
As  his  stay  there  was  probably  very  brief,  and  unattended  by 
any  important  event,  Luke  has  made  no  mention  of  it.  Schrader, 
Riickert,  Olshausen,  Meyer,  Wieseler,  Howson,  and  others,  in- 
tercalate the  journey  at  this  point.  Neander  suggests  that  Paul, 
at  the  commencement  of  this  missionary  tour,  may  have  ex- 
tended his  travels  before  his  arrival  at  Ephesus  so  far  as  to  have 
included  Greece.  Anger,  Schott,  and  some  others,  tliink  that 
Paul's  second  visit  to  Corinth  may  have  been  a  return  to  that 
city  from  some  excursion  which  he  made  into  the  neighboring 


326  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XX,  1.  2. 

regions  during  the  year  and  a  half  of  his  first  sojourn  at  Corinth 
(18,  1  sq.).  —  do-Trao-a/Aevo?,  having  embraced  them.  How  many  tears 
of  affection  must  have  been  shed  I  How  many  prayers  must 
have  been  offered  for  each  other  and  for  the  cause  of  Christ! 
From  such  hints  as  those  in  v.  37.  38  and  in  21,  5.  6,  we  can  call 
up  to  ourselves  an  image  of  the  scene.  They  must  have  pa^^ed 
with  a  presentiment  at  least  that  the  apostle  was  now  taking  his 
filial  leave  of  Ephesus;  see  v.  25.  38.  —  ef^X^e,  k.  t.  X.,  tcent  forth 
to  go  into  Macedonia.  The  direction  which  the  apostle  took  we 
learn  from  2  Cor.  2,  12.  13.  He  proceeded  to  Troas,  where  he 
had  expected  to  meet  Titus,  whom  he  had  sent  to  Corinth  in  order 
to  ascertain  the  effect  of  his  First  Epistle  to  the  church  in  that 
city.  It  was  his  intention,  apparently,  to  remain  and  labor  for  a 
time  at  Troas,  in  case  the  information  for  which  he  was  looking 
should  be  favorable.  But  not  finding  Titus  there,  and  being  una- 
ble to  endure  a  longer  suspense,  he  emlmrked  at  once  for  Mace- 
donia. On  his  arrival  there  he  met  with  Titus,  and  was  relieved 
of  his  anxiety ;  see  2  Cor.  7,  6. 

V.  2.  TO.  ix-kpt]  cKcti/a,  those  parts,  i.  e  the  region  of  Macedonia. — 
TrapaKaXia-as  avrov';,  having  exhorted  them,  viz.  the  believers ;  see 
on  16, 40.  The  expression  shows  that  he  now  revisited  the  places 
where  he  had  preached  on  his  fii-st  visit  here,  viz.  Philippi,  Thes- 
salonica,  BeroBa.  It  was  here  and  now  that  Paul  wrote  his  Sec- 
ond Epistle  to  the  Corinthians.  That  he  wi-ote  the  letter  in  Mac- 
edonia is  evident  from  2  Cor.  9, 2.  4.  He  speaks  there  of  his  boast- 
ing to  the  churches  of  Macedonia  of  the  liberahty  of  the  Corinthians, 
and  of  the  possibility  that  some  of  the  Macedonians  would  accom- 
pany him  to  Corinth.  See,  also,  2  Cor.  7,  5.  The  apostle,  now, 
as  far  as  we  know,  was  in  that  country  only  tliree  times.  When 
he  was  there  first  he  had  not  yet  been  at  Corinth  at  all  (16,  11) 
and  when  he  passed  through  that  i)rovince  on  his  last  return  to 
Jerusalem  (v.  3  below),  he  was  going  in  the  opposite  direction, 
and  not  advancing  to  Corinth,  as  stated  in  the  Epistle.  He  wTote 
the  Second  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  therefore,  on  this  second 
journey  through  Macedonia,  in  the  summer  probably,  or  early  au- 
tumn of  A.  D.  58  ;  see  note  on  21,  17.  —  In  Rom.  15,  19,  Paul  speaks 
of  liaving  published  the  gospel  as  far  as  to  lllyricum,  which  was  a 
country  on  the  west  of  Macedonia.  It  was  at  this  time,  probably, 
that  he  penetrated  so  far  in  that  direction.  It  could  not  have  been 
on  his  first  visit  to  Macedonia  (16,  12  sq.) ;  for  the  course  of  his 
journey  at  that  time  is  minutely  traced  in  the  Acts  from  his  land- 
ing at  Phihppi  to  his  leaving  Corinth.  He  moved  along  the  east- 
ern side  of  the  peninsula,  and  was  kept  at  a  distance  from  lUyri- 


Chap.  XX,  3.  COMMENTARY.  327 

cum.  When  he  passed  through  Macedonia  next  (v.  3),  he  had 
aheady  written  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans.  Lardner  pronounces 
this  geograpliical  coincidence  sufficiently  important  to  confirm  the 
entire  history  of  Paul's  travels.  — ek  Tryv'EXAaSa,  unio  Greece,  which 
stands  here  for 'A;^aia  (18,  12;  19,  21),  as  opposed  to  Macedonia. 
Wetstein  has  shown  that  Luke  was  justified  in  that  use  of  the 
term.  Paul  was  proceeding  to  Corinth,  the  capital  of  the  province ; 
comp.  Rom.  16,  1. 

V.  3,  The  fJiree  months  spent  here  preceded  the  siimmer  of  this 
year ;  see  v.  6.  The  stay  was  thus  brief  because  the  apostle  was 
anxious  to  return  to  Jerusalem  (v.  16).  The  Jewish  plot  was 
contemporaneovis  with  his  leaving,  but  did  not  occasion  it. — TroiT^o-as 
is  anacoluthic  for  Tron^a-avrt ;  see  19,  24. —  It  was  just  before  his 
departure  from  Corinth,  that  Paul  wrote  the  Epistle  to  the  Ro- 
mans. That  it  was  written  at  Corinth  admits  of  being  proved  by 
several  distinct  arguments.  One  is  that  Paul  was  the  guest  of 
Gaius  at  the  time  (Rom.  16,  23),  and  Gains,  as  we  learn  from  1 
Cor.  1,  14,  was  one  of  the  converts  at  Corinth  whom  Paul  baptized. 
Again,  he  commends  to  the  Roman  Christians  Phoebe,  a  deacon- 
ess of  the  church  at  Cenchrea  (see  on  18,  18),  who  was  on  the 
point  of  proceeding  to  Rome  (Rom.  16,  1),  and  was  probably  the 
bearer  of  the  letter.  Further,  the  apostle's  situation  as  disclosed 
in  the  Epistle  agrees  with  that  in  the  Acts  at  this  time.  Thus, 
he  was  on  the  eve  of  departing  to  Jerusalem  (Rom.  15,  25),  was 
going  thither  with  contributions  for  the  Jewish  believers  (Rom. 
15,  25.  26),  and  after  that  was  meditating  a  journey  to  Rome. 
The  date  of  the  Epistle,  therefore,  was  the  spring  of  A.  D.  58  or 
59.  —  fji.eXS.ovTL,  K.  T.  X.,  as  he  is  about  to  embark  for  Syria,  with  the 
intention  of  going  directly  to  Jerusalem;  see  also  19,  21.  The 
effect  of  the  conspiracy  was  to  change  his  route,  but  not  to  cause 
him  to  depart  prematurely.  He  came  with  the  design  of  passing 
only  the  winter  there ;  see  1  Cor.  16,  6.  —  eyevcro,  k.  t.  X.,  it  was 
thought  best  that  he  should  return  tlirough  Macedonia.  The  infini- 
tive depends  on  yvw/AT;  as  a  sort  of  appositional  genitive.  The 
expression  indicates  that  he  took  this  course  as  the  result  of 
advice  or  consultation.  How  his  journeying  by  land  rather  than 
by  sea  would  enable  him  to  escape  the  machinations  of  the  Jews 
is  not  perfectly  clear.  The  opinion  that  he  was  waiting  to  have 
the  navigation  of  the  season  reopen,  but  was  compelled  to  hasten 
his  departure  before  that  time,  is  certainly  incorrect ;  for  it  is  said 
he  was  on  the  point  of  embarking  when  the  conspiracy  of  the 
Jews  was  formed  or  came  to  be  known.  It  is  possible  that  the 
Jews  intended  to  assault  him  on  his  Avay  to  the  ship,  or  else  to 


328  COMMENTAEY.  Chap.  XX,  4-6. 

follow  and  capture  him  after  having  put  to  sea.  Hemsen's  con- 
jecture (Der  Apostel  Paulus,  u.  s.  w.,  p.  467)  is,  that  he  had  not 
yet  found  a  vessel  proceeding  to  Syria,  and  that  his  exposure  at 
Gorinth  rendered  it  unsafe  for  him  to  remain,  even  a  few  days 
longer,  until  the  arrival  of  such  an  opportunity. 

V.  4.  crvveiireTo  avrCi,  folloived  him,  formed  his  party.  This  could 
be  said,  though  they  did  not  travel  in  company  all  the  time.  The 
verb  belongs  to  all  the  names  which  follow,  but  agrees  with  the 
nearest.  —  The  best  manuscripts  read  llvppov  after  ^uiirarpo';,  so. 
vl6<;;  genitive  of  kindredship  (see  on  1, 13).  This  addition  distin- 
guishes Sopater  perhaps  from  Sosispater  in  Rom.  16, 21,  since  they 
are  but  different  forms  of  the  same  name  (Win.).  —  ©co-o-aAoviKcW 
is  a  partitive  genitive.  —  Anstardius  was  mentioned  in  1 9, 29.  The 
Gains  in  that  passage  must  be  a  different  person  from  the  one 
here,  since  they  belonged  to  different  countries.  Tliis  Gains  is 
probably  the  individual  of  this  name  to  whom  the  apostle  John 
Avrote  his  Third  Epistle.  Some  critics  (Kuin.  Olsh.  Neand.) 
would  point  the  text,  so  as  to  make  Gains  one  of  the  Thessalo- 
nians,  and  join  Ae/a/Satos  Avitli  Ti/td^cos.  But  that  division  not  only 
puts  Ktti  out  of  its  natural  place,  but  disagrees  with  16,  1,  where 
Timothy  appears  as  a  native  of  Lystra. — Secundus  is  other\vise 
unknown. — Luke  supposes  TimotJnjs  origin  to  be  familiar  to  the 
reader,  and  so  passes  it  over  (De  Wet.  Mcy.). —  T//cAzcms  is  named 
in  Eph.  6,  21  ;  Col.  4,  7  ;  Tit.  3,  12,  and  2  Tim.  4,  12.  He  was 
one  of  the  most  trusted  of  Paul's  associates.  —  Trophimux,  vf\\o 
was  an  Ephesian,  appears  again  in  21,  29,  and  2  Tim.  4,  20. 
He  and  probably  Aristarchus  (27,  2)  went  with  the  apostle  to 
Jerusalem.  The  others  may  have  stopped  at  Miletus,  since 
the  language  in  v.  13  intimates  that  the  party  kept  together 
after  leaving  Troas.  Consequently,  axpi  t^?  'Ao-ius  would  .'itate 
the  destination  of  the  majority  of  the  travellers,  and  would  be  con- 
sistent with  the  fact  that  two  of  them  went  further. 

v.  5.  ovTOL,  these,  viz.  the  seven  mentioned  in  v.  4,  not  the  two 
named  last.  It  is  entirely  arbitrary  to  limit  the  reference  of  the 
pronoun.  —  7rpo€X.^ovrc?,  havivg  gone  fonvard  from  Corinth  in  ad- 
vance of  Paul  and  Luke.  Itis  barely  possible  that  they  shipped  at 
once  for  Troas  ;  but  it  is  more  probaljle  that  they  journeyed  through 
Macedonia,  both  because  o-wciTreTo  suggests  a  common  route  of  the 
parties,  and  because  Sopater  and  the  others  may  have  been  sent 
thither  to  finish  the  alms-collection,  which  Paul  had  commenced. — 
^/xas,  us.  Luke  resumes  here  the  first  person  plural,  which  has 
not  occurred  since  16,  17.     See  the  remarks  on  16,  40. 

V.  6.     ty/Atis,  ice,  must  include  the  writer  of  the  narrative,  Paul, 


Chap.  XX,  6.  7.  COMMENTARY.  329 

and  possibly  others,  in  distinction  from  those  who  had  gone  for- 
ward to  Troas.  As  Timothy  was  one  of  those  who  preceded 
the  apostle,  it  is  evident  that  he  and  the  writer  of  the  narrative 
were  different  persons.  Tholuck,  Lange,^  Ebrard,  and  others, 
pronounce  this  passage  sufficient  of  itself  to  disprove  the  hy- 
pothesis that  Timothy,  not  Luke,  wrote  the  portions  of  the  Acts 
in  which  the  historian  speaks  as  an  eye  witness.  —  cfeTrAevVa/xev 
diro  OiAtWcoi/,  tve  sailed  forth  from  P]dlij)pi,  i.  e.  from  its  harl)or  on 
the  coast;  see  note  on  16,  12.  —  /Aera  to.?  yj fxepas  twv  d^u/xwv,  after 
the  days  of  unleavened  bread,  the  festival  of  the  Passover  (see  on 
12,  3),  which  no  doubt  they  observed,  not  in  the  Jewish  spirit  any 
longer,  but  with  a  recognition  of  Christ  as  the  true  Paschal  Lamb ; 
see  John  1,  36  and  1  Cor.  5,  7.  Some  think  that  they  remained  at 
PhiHppi  for  the  sake  of  the  celebration  (Mey.);  but  we  must 
view  that  as  an  inference  altogether,  since  Liike  mentions  the 
Passover  only  in  its  chronological  relation  to  the  voyage.  Calvin 
suggests  as  the  motive  for  remaining  that  Paul  would  find  the 
Jews  more  accessible  to  the  truth  during  the  season  of  such  a 
solemnity. — axpi^  rifxepwvTrivTe,  unto  five  days,  as  the  limit  reached; 
they  were  so  long  on  the  way.  The  passage  on  the  apostle's  first 
journey  to  Europe  occupied  two  days  only  ;  see  16,  11.  Adverse 
winds  or  calms  would  be  liable,  at  any  season  of  the  year,  to  oc- 
casion this  variation.  —  17/x.epas  kirro.,  seven  days,  may  be  indefinite,  a 
week's  time  (comp.  21,  4  ;  28,  14).  They  arranged  it  so  as  to  bring 
a  Sabbath  within  the  time  spent  there.  If  the  number  be  exact, 
then  they  arrived  just  at  the  close  of  the  week,  since  they  left  the 
day  after  the  Sabbath  (v.  7). 

Verses  7-12.     Paul  preaches  at  Troas,  and  administers  the  Sacra- 
ment. 

V.  7.  Iv  rfj  fjLiS,  Twv  o-afS/^drMv,  on  the  first  day  of  the  week;  not  on 
one  of  the  Sabbaths,  Jewish  festivals,  which  overlooks  the  article, 
and  not  on  the  one  of  them  next  after  their  arrival,  since  that  would 
imply  that  they  passed  more  than  one  such  festival  here,  contrary 
to  Luke's  statement  that  they  left  on  the  day  following.  In  the 
New  Testament  cts  stands  generally  for  Trpwros  in  speaking  of  the 
days  of  the  week;  see  Matt.  28,  1 ;  Mark  16,  2;  John  20,  19,  etc. 
W.  }  37.  1.  It  is  an  imitation  of  the  ordinal  sense  of  inx.  See 
Gesen.  Heb.  Gr.  H 18.  4.  The  passages  just  cited,  and  also  Luke 
24,  1 ;  John  20,  1,  and  1  Cor.  16,  2  show  that  iveek  is  one  of  the 
senses  of  o-tt^/3ara.     The  Jews  reckoned  the  day  from  evening  to 

^  Das  Lcben  Jesu  nach  den  Evanojelien  dargestellt,  Erstes  Buch,  p.  251. 

42 


330  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XX,  7. 

morning,  and  on  that  principle  the  evening  of  the  first  day  of  the 
week  would  be  our  Saturday  evening.  If  Luke  reckons  so  here, 
as  many  coramenlators  suppose,  the  apostle  then  waited  for  the 
expiration  of  the  Jewish  Sabbath,  and  held  his  last  religious  ser- 
vice with  the  brethren  at  Troas,  at  the  beginning  of  the  Cluistian 
Sabbath,  i.  e.  on  Saturday  evening,  and  consequently  resumed 
his  journey  on  Sunday  morning.  But  as  Luke  had  mingled  so 
much  with  foreign  nations  and  was  writing  for  Gentile  readers,  he 
would  be  very  apt  to  designate  the  time  in  accordance  with  their 
practice  ;  so  that  his  evening  or  night  of  the  first  clay  of  the  week 
would  be  the  end  of  the  Christian  Sabbath,  and  the  morning  of  his 
departure  that  of  Monday,  Olshausen,  Neander,  De  Wette, 
Meyer,  and  most  other  critics,  recognize  here  a  distinct  trace  of 
the  Christian  Sabbath  in  that  early  age  of  the  church.  See  also 
1  Cor.  16, 2,  and  Rev.  1, 10.  It  is  entirely  immaterial,  of  course,  to  the 
objects  of  the  day  or  the  validity  of  the  apostolic  example,  whether 
the  first  Christians  began  their  Sabbath  in  the  Jewish  way,  on  Sat- 
urday evening,  or  at  midnight,  a  few  hours  later.  "  Since  the  suffer- 
ings of  Christ,"  says  Neander,  "  appeared  as  the  central  point  of  all 
rehgious  experience  and  life,  since  his  resurrection  was  consider- 
ed as  the  foundation  of  all  Cliristian  joy  and  hope,  it  was  natural 
that  the  communion  of  the  church  should  have  specially  distin- 
guished the  day  with  which  the  memory  of  that  event  had  con- 
nected itself"  But  the  introduction  of  the  Sabbath  was  not  only 
in  harmony  with  Christian  feeling,  but,  as  we  have  good  reason  to 
believe,  was  sanctioned  and  promoted  by  the  special  authority  of 
the  apostles.  "  It  is  in  the  highest  degree  probable,"  says  Meyer, 
"  that  the  observance  of  the  Sabbath  rests  upon  apostolic  institu- 
tion ;  since  the  gospel  was  extended  among  the  heathen  who  had 
not  been  accustomed  to  the  Jewish  Sabbath,  it  was  natural  and 
necessary  that  the  a})OStlcs  should  instruct  them  in  regard  to  such 
a  day,  on  account  of  the  importance  of  the  resurrection  of  Christ ; 
and  tliis  supi)osition  is  an  indispensable  one,  in  order  to  account 
for  the  very  early  and  general  celebration  of  the  Christian  Sab- 
bath." In  sui)port  of  the  last  remark,  this  author  refers  to  Justin 
Martyr,  who,  born  at  the  beginning  of  the  second  centur}'-,  says 
(Apol.  II.)  that  the  Christians  of  his  time,  "both  in  the  cities  and 
the  country,  were  accustomed  to  assemble  for  worship  on  the  day 

called  Sunday"  (ttj  tov  ryAiov  Xeyoficvy  rjfxipa).  —  crvvqyixivujv  rj/j-wVylve 

being  assembled;  not  twv  fjLaSrfrCjv,  the  received  reading,  which  our 
version  follows.  The  latter  term  may  have  been  inserted  to  pro- 
vide an  antecedent  for  aurois.  The  use  of  the  pronoun  is  like  that 
in  8,  5. — For  xXao-ai  aprov,  see  on  2,  42.  46. 


Chap.  XX,  8-10.  COMMENTARY.  331 

V.  8.  ^aav  8k  Xa/x7ra8es  'iKavat,  Noiv  there  were  mayitj  lamps;  and 
hence  the  fall  of  the  young  man  was  perceived  at  once.  So 
Meyer  explains  the  object  of  the  remark.  But  that  relation  of  the 
circumstance  to  the  rest  of  the  narrative  is  not  clearly  indicated. 
It  has  much  more  the  appearance  of  having  proceeded  from  an 
eye  witness,  who  mentions  the  incident,  not  for  the  purpose  of 
obviating  a  difficulty  which  might  occur  to  the  reader,  but  because 
the  entire  scene  to  which  he  refers  stood  now  with  such  minute- 
ness and  vividness  before  his  mind.  The  moon  was  full  at  the 
Passover  (v.  6),  and  after  the  lapse  now  of  somewhat  less  than 
three  weeks,  only  appeared  as  a  faint  crescent  in  the  early  part  of 
the  night  (Hws.).  —  Iv  t<5  iirepiaia,  in  the  upper  room,  which,  as  ap- 
pears from  the  next  verse,  was  on  the  third  story.  See  note  on 
1, 13.  —  ov  ^[xev  auvrjyfiivoL,  where  we  were  assembled.  In  the  re- 
ceived text  the  verb  is  ^a-av,  they  were,  which  accords  with  the 
variation  in  the  last  verse. 

V.  9.  eVt  tt5s  ^vpL8u<;,  upon  the  window,  the  seat  of  it.  "  It  will 
be  recollected  that  there  were  no  windows  of  glass  ;  and  the  win- 
dow here  mentioned  was  a  lattice  of  joinery,  or  a  door,  which  on 
this  occasion  was  set  open  on  account  of  the  heat  from  the  many 
lights  and  the  number  of  persons  in  the  room.  It  should  be  ob- 
served that  the  windows  of  such  places  in  general  reached  nearly 
to  the  floor ;  they  would  correspond  well  to  what  our  word  '  win- 
dow '  signified  originally,  viz.  windore,  wind-door,  i.  e.  a  door  for 
the  admission  of  wind  or  air."-^ — Kara^cpo/xevos  vttvo)  ;8a.Jer,  being 
overcome  with  deep  sleep. — Karcve'x'^eis  dyro  tov  Zttvov,  having  been 
borne  down  from  (the  effect  of)  the  sleep  into  which  he  had  sunk. 
This  second  participial  clause  states  a  result  of  the  condition  de- 
scribed by  the  first.  —  en-ca-ev.  The  window  projected  (according 
to  the  side  of  the  room  where  it  was  situated)  either  over  the 
street,  or  over  the  interior  court ;  so  that  in  either  case  he  fell  from 
the  third  story  upon  the  hard  earth  or  pavement  below. —  T]p3r] 
veKpo?,  laas  taken  up  dead;  which  it  is  entirely  foreign  to  any  inti- 
mation of  the  context  to  qualify  by  adding  "  in  appearance,"  or 
"  as  they  supposed." 

V.  10.  €7r€7re(T€v,  k.  t.  \.,fell  upon  him,  and  having  embraced  him, 
after  the  example  of  Ehsha  in  2  ICings  4, 34.  As  in  that  instance, 
so  in  this,  the  act  appears  to  have  been  the  sign  of  a  miracle. — /x^ 
^opvftiiade,  do  not  lament,  which,  according  to  the  Oriental  halnt 
and  the  import  of  the  word,  they  were  doing  with  loud  and  pas- 
sionate outcry ;  comp.  Matt.  9,  23;  Mark  5,  39.     See  on  10,  15. — 

•  Illustrated  Commentary,  Vol.  V.  p.  206. 


332  COMMENTAKY.  Chap.  XX,  11-13, 

7]  yap  tjrvxr]  ....  iariv,  for  his  life  is  in  him,  which  he  could  say 
whether  he  perceived  that  it  was  not  extinct,  or  had  been  restored. 

V.  1 1 .  Tov  apTov,  the  bread  ah-eady  spoken  of  in  v.  7.  The  article 
which  the  T.  R.  omits,  belongs  here  (Tsch.  Lchm.  Mey.).  The 
fall  of  Eutychus  had  delayed  the  communion,  wliich  Paiil  now 
proceeds  to  administer.  —  ycro-a/tevos,  having  eaten,  because  proba- 
bly they  connected  a  repast  with  the  sacrament ;  see  on  2,  42.  — 
€^'  Uavov  may  refer  to  the  time  occupied  in  the  entire  service  ;  or, 
more  naturally  in  this  connection,  to  the  remainder  of  the  night 
after  the  preceding  interruption. —  axpts  avyrjs,  until  day-break,  about 
five  o'clock,  A.  M.,  at  that  season  (Alf).  —  ovrws,  thus,  after  these 
events;  comp.  17,  33;  28,  14.  —  i^rjXSev,  zcent  forth,  i.  e.  on  liis 
journey.  Yet  the  term  may  not  exclude  a  brief  interval  between 
the  religious  services  and  his  departure,  and  during  that  time  the 
vessel  could  weigh  anchor  and  start  for  Assos  (see  on  v.  13). 

V.  12.  -^yayot/,  brought  him  into  the  assembly  (Hems.  Mey.),  not 
to  his  home.  The  subject  of  the  verb  is  indefinite.  This  circum- 
stance is  supplementary  to  what  is  stated  in  v.  11;  not  subsequent 
to  it  in  point  of  time. —  ^unn-a,  living,  which  suggests  as  its  antithe- 
sis that  he  had  been  dead ;  or,  at  least,  that  such  was  their  belief. 
—  7rape«Xry^7ja-av,  were  consoled,  viz.  by  his  restoration  to  them. 
Some  understand  it  of  the  effect  of  Paul's  discourse ;  which  is  in- 
correct, as  that  is  not  here  the  subject  of  remark. —  ov  fxiTpLw;,  not 
a  little,  very  much.     Observe  the  htotes. 

Verses  13-16.      They  prosecute  tlie  Journey  to  Miletus. 

v.  13.  •^/Aeis,  we,  viz.  the  writer  and  the  other  companions  of  the 
apostle.  —  TrpoeX^ovre';,  having  gone  forward,  though  from  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  case,  it  could  not  have  been  long  first.  They 
may  have  left  as  soon  as  the  assembly  broke  up,  while  Paul  still 
remained  a  short  time  (seeon  v.  11) ;  or,  in  order  to  reach  Assos  in 
good  season,  may  have  left  even  before  the  conckision  of  the  ser- 
vice. They  spent  the  entire  week  at  Troas  as  well  as  Paul  (see 
V.  6),  and  hence  could  not  have  preceded  him  before  the  end  of 
that  time.  —  eis  r^v  "Aaa-ov,  unto  Assos,  which  was  a  coast-town  in 
Mysia,  south  of  Troas.  —  lKa.^ev,froin  there,  because  the  writer  has 
his  mind,  not  on  their  arrival,  but  the  subsequent  departure  or 
progress.  —  ovrw  yap,  K.  T.  X.,for  so  (that  they  should  take  liim  at 
that  place)  he  had  arranged  for  himself;  the  passive  in  the  sense 
of  the  middle.  W.  §  39.  3.  —  fjuiXXwv  refers  to  liis  intention. — 
•7r€^€u€iv.  This  foot-journey,  according  to  the  best  evidence,  was 
about  twenty  miles.  A  paved  road  extended  from  Troas  to  Assos; 
so  that  starting  even  as  late  as  seven  or  eight  o'clock,  A.  M.,  Paul 


Chap.  XX,  14.  15.  COMMENTARY.  333 

could  have  reached  Assos  in  the  afternoon.  A  friend  of  the  wri- 
ter, a  native  of  Greece,  stated  that  he  liimself  had  travelled  on 
foot  between  the  two  places  in  five  hours.  The  distance  by  sea 
is  about  forty  miles.  His  object,  it  is  conjectured,  may  have  been 
to  visit  friends  on  the  way,  or  to  have  the  company  of  brethren 
from  Troas,  whom  the  vessel  was  not  large  enough  to  accommo- 
date. 

V.  14.  ws  crvvi^akev  rjfxiv,  as  he  met  ivith  us,  seems  to  imply  that 
he  found  them  already  there.  —  ets  t^v  "Ao-crov,  at  Assos,  ht.  unto, 
because  the  preceding  verb  implies  the  idea  of  the  journey  thither 
on  the  part  of  Paul.  Mitylene,  where  they  appear  to  have  stopped 
over  night,  was  on  the  east  side  of  Lesbos,  the  capital  of  that 
island.  The  distance  from  Assos  by  sea  was  thirty  miles ;  so 
that  the  voyage  hither  from  Troas  was  an  easy  one  for  a  day. 
Castro,  the  present  capital,  stands  on  the  site  of  the  ancient  city. 
The  name  of  the  island  is  now  Metilino  or  Metelin,  a  corruption 
of  Mitylene. 

V.  15.  TT7  k-jnovarj,  on  the  folkticing  day,  the  second  from  Troas, 
—dvTiKpv  Xlov,  opposite  to  Chios,  the  modern  Scio,  south  of  Lesbos. 
The  language  intimates  that,  instead  of  putting  into  the  harbor, 
they  lay  off"  the  coast  during  the  night. —  ttj  8e  erepa,  k.  t.  X.,  and 
upon  the  next  day  (the  third  from  Troas)  ive  put  along  unto  Samos. 
This  island  is  still  further  down  the  J^gean.  At  one  point  it 
approaches  witliin  six  miles  of  the  mainland.  It  retains  still  the 
ancient  name.  They  may  have  touched  here,  but  as  appears 
from  the  next  clause  did  not  stop  long. —  koI  /AetVaj/res  iv  TpwyvX.- 
Xiw,  and  having  remained  at  TrogyUium,  which  was  their  next 
night-station,  since  on  the  following  day,  being  the  fourth,  they  ar- 
rived at  Miletus.  Trogylliura  most  commentators  suppose  to  be 
the  promontory  and  the  town  of  that  name  in  southern  Ionia,  op- 
posite Samos  where  it  is  nearest  to  the  shore.  There  was  also 
an  island  of  the  same  name  on  the  coast  of  this  promontory  ( Strab. 
14.  636),  which,  says  Forbiger  (Handb.  II.  p.  170),  was  unques- 
tionably the  TrogyUium  intended  in  this  passage.  The  apostle 
would  have  been  nearer  to  Ephesus,  at  TrogyUium  on  the  main- 
land, than  he  was  at  Miletus  ;  but  a  better  harbor  or  greater  facil- 
ity of  intercourse  may  have  led  him  to  prefer  the  more  distant 
place  for  his  interview  with  the  elders.  —  Miletus  was  on  the  con- 
fines of  Caria,  twenty-eight  miles  south  of  Ephesus,  and  just 
below  the  mouth  of  the  Meander.  They  reached  here  on  the 
fourth  day  from  Troas,  hence  either  on  Wednesday  or  Thursday, 
some  doubt  existing  (see  on  v.  7)  as  to  the  day  of  the  week  when 
they  sailed  from  Troas. 


334  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XX,  16.  17. 

V.  16.  The  external  testimony  requires  KeKpUei,  instead  of 
l/cptve  ( Grsb.  Lchm.  Mey.)  :  For  he  had  determined  to  sail  2Mst 
E2ihesus,  wliich  explains  why  they  had  left  that  city  at  the  north ; 
tJiey  were  opposite  to  it  when  at  Samos.  As  it  depended  on  his 
decision  whether  they  stopped  or  proceeded,  Paul  and  his  friends 
had  evidently  some  control  of  the  vessel.  The  number  being  so 
great,  they  may  have  chartered  the  craft  (as  is  very  common  in 
the  Levant  at  present)  ;  at  all  events  they  must  have  had  suffi- 
cient influence  with  the  captain  to  induce  him  to  consult  their 
wishes.  —  oTTws  .  .  .  .  ev  -nj  'Kaia,  that  it  might  not  happen  to  ]tim, 
i.  e.  that  he  might  avoid  inducements,  to  sj)end  time  in  Asia.  He 
might  have  gone  to  Ephesus  and  returned  during  the  time 
that  he  remained  at  Miletus ;  but  he  feared  to  trust  himself  there 
lest  the  importunity  of  friends  or  the  condition  of  the  church  might 
detain  him  too  long,  or  even  lead  him  to  alter  his  purpose. — 
ecTTreuSe  yap,  K.T.\.,for  he  tvas  hasteni7ig,ifit  were  possible  for  him,  etc. 
More  than  three  of  the  seven  weeks  between  the  Passover  and 
Pentecost  had  elapsed  already.  One  had  exjiired  before  they 
left  Pliilippi ;  they  were  five  days  on  their  way  to  Troas,  remained 
there  seven  days,  and  were  four  days  on  the  way  to  Miletus.  — 
For  ir€VTr)K0(TT7Js,  see  on  2,  1.  —  yeviarSai  imphes  motion,  and  takes 
after  it  £is. 


Verses   17-35.      The  Address  of  Paul  to  the  Ephesian  Elders  at 
Miletus. 

V.  17.  His  subject  is  fidelity  in  the  ministerial  office ;  first,  as 
illustrated  in  his  own  example ;  and  secondly,  as  required  of 
those  whom  the  Siiirit  has  called  to  this  office.  In  v.  18-21  he 
reminds  his  hearers  of  his  conduct  while  he  lived  among  them  ; 
in  V.  19-25  he  informs  them  that  he  is  about  to  be  separated  from 
them  to  meet  no  more  on  earth ;  and  in  v.  2G-35  he  charges  them 
to  be  watchful  for  the  safety  of  the  flock  which  had  been  intrusted 
to  them,  and  was  to  be  exposed  in  future  to  so  many  dangers. — 
Trpea-f^vTepovs  =^  eiria-Kovovq  (v.  28).  Compare  the  note  on  14,  23. 
Our  English  translators  render  the  latter  term  "overseers"  in  v.  28, 
contrary  to  their  usual  practice.  "  The  E.  V.,"  says  Mr.  Alford 
very  candidly,  "has  hardly  dealt  fairly  in  this  case  with  the 
sacred  text ;  since  it  ought  there  as  in  all  other  places  to  have 
been  '  bishops,'  that  the  fact  of  ehlers  and  bishops  having  been 
originally  and  apostolically  synonymous  might  be  apparent  to  the 
ordinary  English  reader,  which  now  it  is  not."  —  Luke  speaks 
only  of  the  Ej)hesian  elders  as  summoned  to  meet  the  apostle  at 


Chap.  XX,  18-20.  COMMENTARY.  335 

Miletus ;  but  as  the  report  of  his  arrival  must  have  spread  rapidly, 
it  could  not  have  failed  to  draw  together  others  also,  not  only  from 
Ephesus,  but  from  the  neighboring  towns  where  churches  had 
been  estabhshed.     See  on  v.  25. 

V.  18.  ifJi€L<;  is  emphatic;  see  on  10,  15.  —  a-n-b  Trpwrr;?  .  .  .  . 
A(riav,/rof}i  the  first  day  I  came  unto  Asia,^e.  are  to  connect  with 
irws  ....  lyevoii-qv,  how  I  conducted  ( Kuin.  De  Wet.) ;  not  with 
eTTio-Tao-^e,  ye  know  (Mey.).  As  was  to  be  foreseen,  Meyer  cor- 
rects himself  here  in  his  last  edition.  —  The  duration  of  the  pe- 
riod (Travra  ypovov)  is  stated  in  V.  31.  The  position  of  rov  before 
Travra  is  exceptional,  as  in  Gal.  5,  14,  and  1  Tim.  1,  16.  See  K. 
h  246.  5.  /?. 

V.  19,  [t.era.  Trda-r]^  TaTrctvo^poo-WTj?,  ivith  all,  the  utmost  (see  on 
4,  29),  lowliness  of  mind,  humility ;  its  opposite  is  vij/rjXa  <j>pova.v 
(Rom.  12,  16).  Compare  Phil.  2,  3  and  1  Pet.  5,  5.  This  use  of 
ttSs,  says  Tholuck,^  is  eminently  Pauline  ;  comp.  Eph.  1,  3.  8  ; 
4,  2;  6,  18;  2  Cor.  12,  12;  1  Tim.  3,  4  ;  2  Tim.  4,  2;  Tit.  2,  15; 
3,  2.  —  haKpvwv,  loith  tears  of  solicitude  for  their  salvation;  see 
V.  31.  Compare  2  Cor.  2,  4  and  Phil.  3,  18.  ttoAAwv  before  Sa/cpuW 
in  the  common  text  should  be  dropped  (Grsb.  Mey.  Tsch.). — 
-Treipaa-fiwv,  trials,  persecutions  which  he  suffered  from  his  country- 
men. Luke  has  not  spoken  distinctly  of  these  JcAvish  machina- 
tions at  Ephesus;  but  in  19,  9  he  describes  a  state  of  feeling  on 
the  part  of  the  Jews,  which  must  have  been  a  prolific  source  of 
hostility  both  to  the  person  of  the  apostle  and  to  the  objects  of 
his  ministry.  That  his  situation  there  was  one  of  constant  perO. 
we  see  from  1  Cor.  15,  31.  32;   16,  9;  and  2  Cor.  1,  8-10. 

V,  20.  <Iis  ovSkv,  K.  T.  A..,  depends  still  on  iirto-Taa^e  (v.  18),  but 
illustrates  at  the  same  time  the  intervening  ttws  iycv6{jir]v :  how 
(not  that)  I  kept  back  nothing  of  the  things  ezj^edient,  i.  e.  out  of 
regard  to  men's  censure  or  their  favor.  How  perfectly  this  re- 
mark harmonizes  with  Paul's  character  we  have  proof  in  such 
passages  as  2  Cor.  4,  2;  Gal,  1,  10;  1  Thess.  2,  4.  —  tov  fxr]  dvay 
yeiXai,  k.  t.  X.,  that  I  shoidd  or  might  (telic,  as  if  in  denial  of  the 
possibihty  that  he  could  mean  to  preach  less  than  the  entire  truth) 
not  announce  unto  you  and  teach  you,  viz.  the  things  expedient 
for  them.  But  both  clauses  contain  a  negative  idea,  and  the  rule 
stated  on  10,  47  may  apply  here  :  he  withheld  nothing  from  them, 
that  he  should  (as  the  effect  of  such  withholding)  not  announce 

^  "  Die  Reden  des  Apostels  Paulus  in  dcr  Apostelgeschichte,  mit  seinen  Briefea 
verp:lichen,"  in  the  Studicn  und  Kritiken,  1839,  p.  305  sq.  I  have  drawn  several 
of  the  notes  on  this  address  from  that  instmctive  Article. 


336  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XX,  21.  22. 

and  teach.  Li  other  words,  the  infinitive  states  not  the  object  of 
{i7r€crT€iXtt/i.€v  as  before,  but  a  consequence  of  the  suppression  if 
unhindered.  See  W.  ^  44.  4.  Compare  v.  27  below.  —  SqfjMo-La, 
mj)ul>lic,  as  in  the  synagogue  (19,  8),  or  in  the  school  of  Tyran- 
nus  (19,  9).  —  KttT  otKovs,  in  houses,  private  assemblies. 

V.  21.  Tr]v  €15  Tov  di.ov  (jLerdvuLav,  the  I'cpentance  (which  is  meet) 
in  respect  to  God,  i.  e.  exercised  towards  him  as  especially  wronged 
by  transgression.  See  Ps.  51,  4.  De  Wette  supposes  a  brevilo- 
quence,  as  in  8, 22 :  repentance  (with  a  return)  unto  God.  Compare 
26,  20.  The  first  sense  agrees  best  with  the.  use  of  ets  in  the  next 
clause.  "  In  God  the  Father,"  says  Olshausen,  "  hes  expressed 
the  idea  of  the  strict  righteousness,  to  which  the  repentance  di- 
rects itself,  in  Christ  the  idea  of  the  compassion  to  which  the  faith 
has  reference."  —  "It  appears,"  says  Tholuck,  "to  belong  to  the 
peculiarities  of  the  apostle  that  he  in  particular  appeals  so  often 
to  his  blameless  manner  of  life.  The  occasion  for  this  lies  some- 
times in  the  calumnies  of  his  eneihies,  as  when  he  says  in  2  Cor. 
1,  12 :  '  For  our  boasting  (Kavxqa-is)  is  this,  the  testimony  of  our 
conscience,  that  in  simplicity  and  godly  sincerity,  not  with  fleshly 
wisdom,  but  by  the  grace  of  God,  we  have  had  our  conversation 
in  the  world,  and  more  especially  among  you.'  The  eleventh 
chapter  shows  what  adversaries  he  had  in  view  in  this  self-justi- 
fication. But  often  these  appeals  spring  only  from  that  just  con- 
fidence with  which  he  can  caU  upon  others  to  imitate  him,  as  he 
himself  imitates  the  Saviour.  Thus  m  1  Cor.  11,  1  he  cries:  'Be 
ye  followers  of  me,  even  as  I  also  am  of  Christ ; '  and  in  Pliil. 
3,  17  :  '  Brethren,  be  followers  together  of  me,  and  mark  them 
who  walk  so  as  ye  have  us  for  an  ensample.'  Such  personal  tes- 
timonies are  not  found  in  the  other  Epistles  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, nor  are  they  frequent  in  the  writings  of  other  pious  men  ; 
on  which  account  we  are  authorized  to  consider  their  occurrence 
in  this  discourse  (v.  18-21)  as  a  mark  of  its  historical  character." 

V.  22.  ScSe/AcVos  T<3  TTvevfjiaTt,  hound  in  the  s^jririt,  i.  e.  his  own, 
in  his  mind,  feelings  (19,  21) ;  constrained  by  an  invincible 
impulse  or  sense  of  duty  (Hnr.  Kuin,  De  Wet.  Rob.),  so  as  to 
be  indifferent  to  danger  on  the  one  hand  (v.  23),  and  perhaps 
immovable  under  any  remonstrance  or  appeal  on  the  other 
(21,  13).  The  expression  may  be  compared  with  our  mode  of 
sjjeaking  when  we  say  "  bound  in  good  faith,  in  conscience,"  and 
the  like.  Some  understand  Tri/eu/xan  of  the  Holy  Spirit :  urged 
by  his  influence  or  command  (Calv.  Kypk.  Wdsth.).  But  that 
meaning  is  the  more  doubtful  here,  because  t6  aytov  in  the  next 
verse  appears  to  be  added  to  distinguish  that  vrvev/Aa  from  this. 


Chap.  XX,  23. 24.  COMMENTARY.  337 

The  sense  hound  in  the  spirit,  i.  e.  viewing  himself  as  ah-eady  in 
chains,  a  prisoner  in  imagination,  thougli  not  yet  in  body  (Chrys. 
Grot.  Bng.  Hws.),  anticipates  the  sequel  of  the  sentence,  and  is  too 
artificial  where  all  the  rest  is  expressed  with  so  much  simplicity. 
Meyer's  first  explanation  was  hound  on  llic  Holy  Spirit  (Rom.  7,  2  ; 

1  Cor.  7,  27),  i.  e.  dependent  on  him ;  but  I  am  pleased  to  see  that 
in  his  last  edition  he  defends  the  first  of  the  views  given  above. 

V.  23.  irkriv,  sc.  €tSco?,  hut  knoiving.  —  Kara  TrdXtv,  from  city  to 
city,  as  he  pursued  the  present  journey. — Siafjio-pTvperai  fxoi,  testifies 
fully  to  me,  not  by  an  inward  revelation  (for  why  should  he 
have  received  that  Kara  ttoXiv?),  but  through  the  prophetic  an- 
nouncement of  others.  Luke  has  not  recorded  the  instances ; 
they  may  have  occurred  at  Philippi,  at  Troas,  at  Assos.  He  men- 
tions two  such  communications  which  were  made  to  Paul  after 
this  ;  see  21,  4.  11,  The  common  text  leaves  out  /.lot,  which  be- 
longs after  the  verb.  —  fj-evovaiv,  await  me,  not  wherever  he  went, 
but  at  Jerusalem,  •n-opcuo/xai  cis  'lepovo-aX^^  determines  the  place. 
—  Paley  compares  this  verse  with  Rom.  15,  30,  which  Epistle  the 
apostle  had  just  written  at  Corinth.  He  there  entreats  the  Roman 
Christians  "  to  strive  together  with  him  in  their  prayers  to  God 
for  him,  that  he  might  be  delivered  from  them  who  believed  not 
in  Judea."  The  two  passages,  therefore,  "without  any  resem- 
blance between  them  that  could  induce  us  to  suspect  that  they 
were  borrowed  from  one  another,  represent  the  state  of  Paul's 
mind,  with  respect  to  the  event  of  the  journey,  in  terms  of  sub- 
stantial agreement.  They  both  express  his  sense  of  danger  in 
the  approaching  visit  to  Jerusalem ;  they  both  express  the  doubt 
which  dwelt  upon  his  thoughts  concerning  what  might  there  be- 
fall him." 

V.  24.  ovScvos  Xoyov  Trotou/Aai,  I  make  account  of  nothing,  i.  e. 
which  I  may  be  called  to  suffer.     On  the  contrary,  as  he  says  in 

2  Cor.  12,  10  :  "I  take  pleasure  in  infirmities,  in  reproaches,  in 
necessities,  in  persecutions,  in  distresses,  for  Christ's  sake."  An- 
other reading  draws  the  two  clauses  of  the  common  text  into 
one :  dXX'  oiSevos  Aoyou  TTOiov/jbat  rrjv  »/'v;(r;v  rt/xtW  ifxavrio,  hut  of  no 
account  do  I  esteem  my  life  loorthy  for  onyself  The  construction  is 
less  simple  than  the  other,  and  may  have  given  place  to  it  on 
that  account  (Tsch.  Mey.  Alf ).  —  ws  TeXetwa-ai  t6v  Spofj-ov  /xov,  thus 
(i.  e.  with  this  aim,  to  wit)  in  order  to  finish  my  course.  That  he 
should  shrink  from  no  danger,  that  he  should  be  willing  to  offer 
up  his  life  for  the  sake  of  the  gospel,  he  regarded  as  due  to  his 
office,  as  essential  to  his  character  as  an  approved  minister  of 
Christ,     ws  strengthens  merely  the  teUc  force  of  the  construction 

43 


338  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XX,  25.  26.  " 

It  occurs  with  the  infinitive  here  only  (unless  we  add  17,  14), 
and  in  the  phrase  ws  cttos  elireiv  (Hob.  7,  9).  W.  §  44.  1.  Alford 
refers  ws  to  rt/aiav,  held  not  his  life  so  precious  as  to  finish,  etc. 
But  he  must  arbitrarily  insert  for  that  purpose  the  correlative 
"  so,"  and  even  then  translates  the  common  reading  only  and  not 
the  one  received  into  his  text.  —  Some  critics  (Lchm.  Mey.  Tsch.) 
omit  /tera  ;(apa9  after  Spoixov  fiov.  It  is  wanting  in  several  impor- 
tant authorities.  —  SiaixapTvpaa^ai  ....  tov  3^eov  defines  in  what 
the  StttKovta  consisted.  The  infinitive  may  depend  on  the  verbal 
idea  involved  in  that  noun  (De  Wet.) :  (commanding  or  requiring) 
thai  I  should  testify  fully,  etc.;  or  it  may  follow  as  epexegetical. — 
In  the  sublime  language  of  this  verse  we  hear  distinctly  the  voice 
of  the  man  who,  on  approaching  the  end  of  his  career,  could  say : 
"  I  am  now  ready  to  be  offered,  and  the  time  of  my  departure 
is  at  hand.  I  have  fought  a  good  fight;  I  have  fijiished  my 
course,  I  have  kept  the  faith.  Henceforth  there  is  laid  up  for 
me  a  crown  of  righteousness,  which  the  Lord,  the  righteous  judge, 
shall  give  me  at  that  day"  (2  Tim.  4,  6-8).  Compare  also  Phil. 
2,  17. 

V.  25.  /fat  vvv  resumes  the  thought  in  v.  22.  —  oTSa  expresses, 
not  an  apprehension  or  a  presentiment,  but  a  conviction,  yap 
oTSa  rovTo  (T.  R.)  has  more  against  it  than  for  it.  Paul's  oTSa 
having  been  fulfilled,  Zeller  sees  evidence  of  the  post  eventum 
character  of  the  word  in  that  agreement.  —  on  ovKen,  k.  t.  X.,  that 
ye  shall  see  no  more,  etc.  If  Paul's  Roman  captivity  closed  with 
his  death,  he  certainly  never  saw  the  Ephcsian  elders  after  this 
interview.  "  Nor,  if  we  suppose  him  to  have  been  liberated,  can 
any  contradictory  result  be  urged  on  that  ground,  since  the  tradi- 
tions of  the  fathers  decide  nothing  in  regard  to  the  journeys  of 
the  apostle  between  his  supposed  liberation  and  his  second  cap- 
tivity." (Mey.)  It  has  been  proposed  to  emphasize  Tran-cs,  as 
if  some  of  them  at  least  might  hope  to  renew  their  intercourse 
with  him ;  but  that  qualification  is  inconsistent  with  v.  37.  38.  — 
€1'  oh  hr]\Bov,  among  whom  I  tvent  about,  may  intimate  a  wider 
circuit  of  labor  than  that  furnished  by  a  single  city.  The  apostle 
cither  addressed  those  who  had  come  from  different  churches  in 
the  region  (see  on  v.  17),  or  at  this  point  of  the  discourse  recog- 
ni.zed  those  before  him  as  representatives  of  these  churches. 
Some  understand  hirjX^ov  to  describe  Paul's  labors  in  various  parts 
of  Ephesus,  or  the  visits  which  he  made  to  the  houses  of  the 
jiresbyters.  The  expression  favors  the  wider  view,  says  Neander, 
but  is  not  inconsistent  with  the  other. 

v.  26.     ho,  therefore ;  since  it  was  proper  for  him  to  close  his 


Chap.  XX,  27.  28.  COMMENTARY,  339 

ministry  with  such  a  testimony.  —  iJiapTvpojxaL  =  fjiaprvpiu),  I  testify, 
declare  as  a  witness,  as  in  Gal.  5,  3,  and  Eph.'4,  17,  and  occasion- 
ally in  the  classics  (Pape  Lex.,  s.  v.).  It  means  properly  ohtest, 
call  to  witness,  with  the  accusative  of  a  person.  —  on  xa-^apo?, 
K.  T.  X.  See  on  18,  6.  The  expression  is  pecuhar  to  Paul's 
speeches.  In  this  clause  elfxt  may  have  been  displaced  from  the 
text  (Grsb.  Lach.  Mey.). 

V.  27.  ov  yap,  K.  T.  X.,  For  I  shrunk  not  hack  (while  among  you) 
that  I  should  not  declare  unto  you.  Compare  on  v.  20. — rr/j/  (SovXrjv 
Tov  ^eov,  the  plan  of  God  as  to  the  way  of  saving  men,  unfolded 
in  the  gospel. 

V.  28.  TTpoo-ix^re  ovv,  k.  t.  X.,  Take  heed,  there/ore,  (since  in  fu- 
ture the  responsibility  will  rest  on  you,)  unto  yourselves  (that  ye 
be  faithful),  and  unto  all  the  flock  (that  they  be  kept  from  error). 
Here  Paul  speaks  just  as  he  writes  in  1  Tim.  4,  16,  —  iv  <S,  in 
which,  since  the  bishops  made  part  of  the  flock,  wliile  they  had 
the  direction  of  it, — to  Trvev/xa  e^ero  may  refer  to  their  having 
been  chosen  under  the  direction  of  the  Spirit  (13,  2  ;  14,  23),  or 
to  their  having  been  qualified  for  their  office  by  the  Spirit  (1  Cor. 
12,  8), — TToi/Aatvetv  includes  the  idea  not  only  of  instruction,  but 
of  government  and  of  supervision  in  general ;  comp.  1  Pet.  5,  2. 
See  the  note  on  14,  23. — rrjv  iKKXrja-iav  tov  Kvptov,  or  3eov,  the  church 
of  the  Lord  or  God.  The  reading  here  is  disputed.  The  exter- 
nal testimony  preponderates  in  favor  of  Kvpiov,  and  most  of  the 
recent  critics  accept  that  as  the  original  wnDrd,  as  Griesbach,  Lach- 
man,  Bornemann,  Tischendorf,  Meyer,  Trcgelles.  Some,  as  Ben- 
gel,  Rinck,  Scholz,  Mill,  Alford,  decide  for  &eov.  The  internal 
argument  is  claimed  on  both  sides.  It  is  said  that  Seov  agrees  best 
with  the  usage  of  Paul,  since  in  his  Epistles  iKKXyja-ia  toC  ^eou 
occurs  eleven  times,  eKKXrja-ia  tov  XpLo-Tov  once,  but  never  kKKX-qaia 
TOV  Kvptov.  It  is  replied  to  this,  that  the  uncommon  expression  is 
more  likely  to  have  been  exchanged  for  the  ordinaiy  one  than 
the  reverse.'  Wordsworth  inclines  to  ^^ov,  mainly  for  internal 
reasons.     See  Humphry's  note  on  the  other  side.    The  variations 

TOV    KVpiOV    ^eOV,    TOV    ^iOV    Kol    KVpCoV,    aud    TOV    KVpLOV   KoX  ^eoC  arC   tOO 

shghtly  supported  to  require  notice. — riv  Trepuirot-qa-aTo,  which  he 
(redeemed  and  thus)  obtained  for  himself  (q.s  a  possession)  ;  comp. 

iva  XvTpwa~r]Tat  •^ju.a?  aTro  ■7rdar]<;  dvo/^ia?,  kol  KaSapuar]  eaiiTo)  Xabv  irepiov- 
criov  (Tit,  2,  14);  and  Aaos  cis  Tv^pnvoiricnv  (1   Pet.  2,   9), — 8ta  tov 


'  For  a  view  of  the  testimonies  in  the  case,  see  Davidson's  Lectures  on  Biblical 
Criticism,  p.  17.5  sq.  He  adopts  tov  Kvplov  as  the  probable  reading.  Greea 
(p.  111)  comes  to  the  same  conclusion. 


340  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XX,  29-32. 

iSiov  oiiJ.aTO's  represents  the  atonement  as  consisting  preeminently 
in  the  sacrifice  and  death  of  Christ.  See  Matt.  20,  28 ;  Rom.  3, 
24  ;  Eph.  1,  7  ;  1  Tim.  2,  6;  Heb.  9,  12;  13,  12,  etc. 

V.  29.  TovTo  gives  prominence  to  the  following  clause ;  comp. 
9,  21.  —  eio-eXevo-ovrat  is  said  of  those  who  should  come  to  them 
from  other  places. — /Atra  rrjv  a<f)L^Lv  fx-ov,  not  after  my  decease  (De 
Wet.),  but  my  departure,  /ncra  t^v  atn^tv  (Ion.  for  a^tfiv)  t^v  cis 
Oi^/Jas  occurs  in  Herod.  9.  17.  —  Xvkol  (3ap€ts,  violent,  rapacious, 
iroh-es,  which  represent  here,  not  persecutors,  but  false  teachers ; 
see  V.  30,  and  Matt.  7,  15.  These  men  would  be  as  far  from  cor- 
responding to  their  professed  character  as  guardians  of  the  flock, 
as  fierce  wolves  are  unlike  the  faithful  shepherd. 

V.  30.  i$  vfji^wv  avTwv,  from  you  yourselves,  i.  e.  from  their  own 
conununity ;  not  necessarily  from  the  number  of  those  present. — 
That  the  danger  which  Paul  announced  was  realized,  we  learn 
from  the  Epistles  to  Timothy  (see  especially  2  Tim.  2,  17)  and 
from  Rev.  2,  2.  The  latter  passage  shows  that  some  of  these 
false  teachers,  in  order  to  strengthen  their  influence,  laid  claim  to 
the  authority  of  apostles. 

V.  31.  ho  ypriyopdre.  Therefore  watch;  since  their  vigilance 
should  be  equal  to  the  dangers  which  threatened  them.  —  ixm^ixo- 
vevovT€'s,  K.  T.  X.,  remembering,  etc.  How  they  should  icatch,  with 
what  constancy  and  solicitude,  they  had  been  taught  by  his  own 
example.  —  rpuTiav,  the  space  of  three  years,  may  be  a  proximate 
expression,  but  must  come  nearer  to  three  years  than  tico.  See 
the  note  on  19,  10.  In  Rev,  2,  2.  3,  we  have  an  interesting  proof 
that  the  apostle's  admonition  was  not  in  vain.  "  Thou  hast  tried 
them,"  it  is  said  of  the  church  at  Ephesus,  "who  say  that  they 
are  apostles  and  are  not,  and  hast  found  them  liars  ;  .  .  .  .  and  for 
my  name's  sake  hast  labored  and  hast  not  fainted." 

V.  32.  TrapaTiSefjiaL,  k.  t.  X.,  I  coinviend  you  to  God  and  to  the 
word  of  his  grace,  i.  e.  in  this  connection,  to  the  power  of  this 
word  as  the  instrumentality  which  God  em])loys  for  the  religious 
confirmation  and  security  of  his  people.  —  aZeX^oi  fails  in  so  many 
coi)ics  as  to  be  doubtful.  — tw  Swa/tcVa)  it  is  best  to  refer  to  StQ  as 
the  principal  word  (Calv.  Bng.  Mcy.  De  Wet.) ;  not  to  X6yi^  (Hnr. 
Kiiin.).  —  iTToiKo^opJqaai,  to  huild  up  further,  is  Pauline,  but  has  less 
support  here  than  oiKoSoju^o-ai.  "  This  term  reminds  us  of  Eph. 
2,  20,  and  can  be  taken  only  in  the  sense  of  that  passage.  Re- 
markable, also,  is  the  expression  KXr]povnp.ia  iv  rots  i/ytacr/AeVots  naaiv. 
Here  ttoivtcs  gives  prominence  to  the  idea  of  a  great  company  of 
the  holy,  and  reminds  us  again  of  Eph.  3,  18.  Tlie  expression, 
'  an  inheritance  among  the  sanctified,'  i.  e.  participation  in  the 


Chap.  XX,  33-35.  COMMENTARY.  341 

spiritual  blessings  which  exist  among  them,  is  likewise  pecuharly 
PauUne,  and  occurs  further  only  in  the  words  of  Paul  in  26,  18 
andinEph.  1,  18."     (Thol.) 

V.  33.  He  warns  them  against  avarice,  against  a  sordid  spirit. 
—  iTre^vfXTjaa,  coveted  when  he  was  with  them ;  not  perf  as  in 
E.  V.  —  liMaTLa/xov,  raiment.  The  wealth  of  the  Orientals  consisted 
in  part  of  costly  garments ;  they  trafficked  in  them  or  kept  them 
in  store  for  future  use.  See  Ez.  2,  69;  Neh.  7,  70;  Job  27,  16; 
2  Kings  5,  26.  This  fact  accounts  for  the  allusion  to  the  de- 
structive power  of  the  moth,  as  well  as  rust,  in  Matt.  6,  19  and 
James  5,  2. 

V.  34.  Koi  TOL<i  ovo-i,  fx-er  ifiov  is  an  instance  of  varied  construc- 
tion :  and  to  (the  wants  of)  those  ivith  me.  W.  k  63.  II.  1.  Those 
referred  to  here  are  Timothy,  Erastus,  Luke,  and  others,  who 
traversed  sea  and  land  with  the  apostle,  attached  to  him  as  per- 
sonal friends  and  still  more  as  friends  of  the  cause  which  they 
served.  —  at  x"P^5  aSrat,  these  hands,  which  we  nlay  suppose  him 
to  have  held  up  to  view  as  he  spoke,  and  which  may  have  been 
marked  with  traces  of  the  toil  to  which  they  were  inured.  See 
the  note  on  17,  10  and  18,  3.  —  This  allusion  to  the  apostle's 
habit  of  manual  labor  while  he  was  at  E[)liesus  accords  remark- 
ably with  1  Cor.  4,  11.  12,  Luke  has  said  nothing  of  it  in  liis 
narrative  of  Paul's  residence  in  that  city  (19,  1  sq.).  But  in  the 
above-named  passage  of  the  Epistle,  which  Paul  wrote  just  be- 
fore his  departure  from  Ephesus,  we  find  him  saying :  "  Unto  this 
present  hour  ....  we  labor,  working  with  our  own  hands."  Nothing 
could  be  more  undesigned  than  this  agreement.  "  It  is  manifest 
that,  if  the  liistory  in  this  passage  had  been  taken  from  the  Epis- 
tle, this  circumstance,  if  it  appeared  at  all,  would  have  appeared 
in  its  ylace,  that  is,  in  the  direct  account  of  Paul's  transactions  at 
Ephesus.  The  correspondence  would  not  have  been  effected,  as 
it  is,  by  a  kind  of  reflected  stroke,  that  is,  by  a  reference  in  a 
subsequent  speech  to  what  in  the  narrative  was  omitted.  Nor  is 
it  hkely,  on  the  other  hand,  that  a  circumstance  which  is  not  ex- 
tant in  the  history  of  Paul  at  Ephesus,  should  have  been  made 
the  subject  of  a  fictitious  allusion,  in  an  Ei)istle  purporting  to  be 
written  by  him  from  that  place ;  not  to  mention  that  the  allusion 
itself,  especially  in  time,  is  too  oblique  and  general  to  answer 
any  purpose  of  forgery  whatever."     Paley. 

V.  35.  Travra,  not  all  things  as  the  object  of  vTriScL^a  (E.  Y., 
Hmph.),  but  adverbial,  in  all  loays,  i.  e.  by  doctrine  and  by  ex- 
ample ;  comp.  1  Cor.  10,  33  ;  Eph.  4,  15.  —  ovrm  KOTriwvras,  so  lahtr- 

ing,  viz.  as  I  have  done.  —  Set  avrtAayu/Sdi/eo-^ai  twv  ucr«?«voiWwv,  that 


342  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XX,  35. 

you  ought  to  assist  the  loeak,  feeble,  i.  e.  the  poor,  whom  tliis  mode 
of  designation  contrasts  with  the  rich,  who  are  strong,  powerful 
(Chrys.  Kuin.  Olsh.  De  Wet.  Rob.  Hws.).  The  examples  in 
Wetstein  sanction  this  meaning  of  daSevovvroiv.  See  also  Rob. 
Lex.  s.  V.  But  the  stricter  sense  of  the  word  (4,  9 ;  5,  15;  Matt. 
25,  39,  etc.)  is  entirely  appropriate  :  the  iccak,  i.  e.  those  unable 
m  consequence  of  physical  infij-mity  to  labor  for  their  own  sup- 
port. The  apostle  would  enforce  here  the  duty  of  industry  and 
self-denial,  in  order  to  procure  the  means  of  relieving  those  who 
are  disabled  by  any  cause  from  taking  care  of  themselves.  He 
holds  up  to  them  his  own  example,  his  dihgence  in  labor, 
his  disinterestedness,  as  worthy  of  their  imitation.  Compare 
2  Thess.  3,  7  sq.  —  Others  understand  dcrSevovvToiv  of  the  iceak 
in  their  religious  faith  or  princi])les.  The  apostle's  object  as  they 
argue,  was  to  exhort  the  elders  to  maintain  themselves  by  their 
own  labor,  out  of  regard  to  those  who  would  not  appreciate  their 
claim  to  support,  who  would  take  offence  at  the  appearance  of 
anything  like  a  mercenary  spirit  in  their  teachers.  So  Calvin, 
Bengel,  Neander,  Meyer,  Tholuck,  and  others.  .It  is  alleged  that 
this  interpretation  is  necessary,  in  order  to  make  the  cases  paral- 
lel; that,  as  Paul  labored  for  his  own  support,  so  the  object  of 
their  labor  must  be  the  same.  But  ovtu)  KOTrtwrras  does  not  require 
that  sort  of  correspondence.  Instead  of  the  same  a])plication 
of  the  fruits  of  his  industry,  the  ovtw  may  refer  equally  well  to 
the  manner  and  spirit  of  liis  labor,  i.  e.  to  his  assiduity  in  it,  and 
his  benevolence,  wliich  he  would  have  them  imitate,  though  the 
class  of  persons  to  be  benefited  in  the  two  cases  was  different. 
The  positive  objections  to  this  exegesis  are  first,  that  the  lan- 
guage is  too  mild,  as  understood  of  such  illiberality ;  secondly, 
that  some  word  or  the  context  should  define  da.^evovvTwv,  qualified 
by  TYJ  irifTTu  in  Rom.  14,  1  sq.,  and  in  effect  by  1-17  avvuhyja-u  in 
1  Cor.  8,  9  (compared  with  v.  7)  ;  and,  thirdly,  that  it  destroys 
the  opposition  between  the  giving  of  personal  favors  and  the  re- 
ception of  them,  as  contemplated  in  the  words  of  Christ.  The 
use  of  Twv  do-^tvojv  in  1  Thess.  5,  14  weakens,  it  is  true,  the  second 
ol)jection.  It  may  be  added,  that  Paul,  although  he  waived  liis 
own  right  to  a  maintenance  from  those  to  whom  he  preached,  was 
remarkable  for  the  decision  with  which  he  asserted  that  right  in 
behalf  of  others  ;  comp.  Rom.  15.  27  ;  1  Cor.  9,  13.  14  ;  Gal.  6,  6  ; 
1  Tim.  5,  17.  18.  See  also  the  Saviour's  rule  on  this  subject  in 
Luke  10,  7.  Hence,  if  the  explanation  under  remark  were  cor- 
rect, it  would  array  the  author  of  the  speech  against  the  Epistles. 
It  would  justify  Zeller's  objection,  that  the  true  Paul  after  repre- 


Chap.  XX,  36. 37.  COMMENTARY.  343 

senting  his  own  assumption  of  the  expenses  of  liis  support  (for 
example,  in  1  Cor.  9,  1-27 )  as  unprescriptive  and  vohintarj,  would 
not  so  forget  himself  as  to  impose  his  example  in  that  respect 
upon  the  Ephesian  teachers  as  one  which  they  must  follow.  — 
OTL  airds,  that  he  himself.  Our  English  translation  overlooks  the 
emphasis.  —  fiaKapiov  ....  XafxfSdveiv,  It  is  onore  blessed  to  give,  than 
to  receive.  The  Evangelists  have  not  recorded  this  saying  of 
Christ.  It  comes  down  to  us  here  as  an  interesting  specimen  of 
the  many  such  words  that  fell  from  his  lips  and  were  treasured 
up  in  the  memory  of  the  first  disciples,  but  which  no  similar  ap- 
plication has  rescued  from  oblivion.  It  will  be  noticed  that  Paul 
alludes  to  the  remark  as  familiar  to  his  hearers.  —  The  best 
authorities  read  fxaXXov  8tSdvai  instead  of  the  inverse  order.  — 
Nothing  is  wanting  to  attest  the  Pauline  origin  of  this  Miletian 
speech.  It  agrees  with  Paul's  history,  reflects  Paul's  character, 
bears  the  stamp  of  Paul's  style.  This  last  point  deserves  a  fuller 
illustration.  The  following  examples  show  the  linguistic  affinity 
between  the  discourse  and  the  apostle's  writings.  BovXevuv  tw 
Kvpia,  ^ew  or  Xptcrrw  occurs  in  v.  19  above  ;  six  times  in  Paul,  else- 
where only  in  Matt.  6,  24  and  Luke  16,  13.  TaireivocjipocrvvTj  is 
found  only  in  v.  19,  five  times  in  Paul,  and  once  in  Pet.  5,  5; 
vTroa-riXXw  in  v.  20.  27,  and  in  Gal.  2,  12 ;  to  (rviJL(f>ipov  in  v.  20,  once 
in  Heb.  12,  20,  and  three  times  in  the  First  Epistle  to  the  Corin- 
thians ;  StttKovta  m  V.  24,  and  twenty-two  times  in  Paul ;  fxapTv- 
pofiaL  in  V.  26,  and  in  Gal.  5,  3  and  Eph.  4,  17  ;  <^ei8o/Aai  in  v.  29,  in 
2  Pet.  2,  4,  and  seven  times  in  Paul ;  vovJe-reiv  in  v.  31,  and  seven 
times  in  Paul ;  kottlolv  in  v.  35,  in  Paul  on  the  contrary  thirteen 
times;  and  the  hortatory  yp-qyoptin.  in  v.  31,  elsewhere  only  in 
1  Cor.  16, 13.  See  Lekebusch,  Composition  der  Apostelgeschichte, 
p.  339. 

Verses  36-38.  Paidpraijs  loith  the  'Elders,  and  embarks  again. 
V.  36.  ^eis  TO.  yovara,  having  kneeled  (7,  60  ;  9,  40).  This  was 
the  attitude  in  prayer  which  prevailed  among  the  early  Chris- 
tians, except  on  the  Sabbath  and  during  the  seven  weeks  before 
Pentecost,  when  they  generally  stood.  They  regarded  the  latter 
posture  as  the  more  appropriate  one  for  the  expression  of  grati- 
tude, and  adopted  it,  therefore,  on  joyful  occasions  (Hmph.).  It 
cannot  be  shown  that  the  distinction  was  observed  at  this  early 
period. 

V.  37.  The  scene  here  is  a  touching  one ;  the  simjilicity  of 
Luke's  description  heightens  the  effect  of  it.  We  feel  instinc- 
tively that  the  eye  must  have  seen  what  the  pen  has  portrayed 


344  COMMENTAEY.  Chap.  XXI,  1. 

in  so  natural  a  manner.  —  koI  ivnrea-ovTei;  ....  IlavXov,  and  having 
f  alien  upon  the  neck  of  Paul.  In  the  same  manner  Joseph  mani- 
fested his  strong  affection  for  Benjamin  his  brother  (Gen.  45,  14), 
and  for  Jacob  his  father  (Gen.  46,  29),  after  their  long  separation 
from  each  other.  It  was  in  accordance  with  Oriental  manners. 
—  Karcc^tXow,  kissed  tenderly  (compound)  and  (imperf )  again  and 
again.  The  EvangeHst  uses  this  word  to  describe  the  affected 
earnestness  of  the  traitor's  kiss  (Matt.  26,  49). 

V.  38.  (S  elp-qKei,  tvJiich  lie  had  spoken  (pluperf.)  ;  dative  by 
attraction.  —  on  is  declarative. — ^€(Dpctv=^etto/Aai  (Tittm.  de  Syn. 
p.  120),  hehold,  contemplate.  It  suggests  the  idea  of  the  interest 
and  affection  Avith  which  they  looked  upon  that  countenance  for 
the  last  time.  The  \\Titer's  tact  in  using  this  word  of  the  Ephe- 
sians,  but  oxj/ccrSe  of  Paul  in  v.  25,  should  be  noticed.  —  irpoi-K^fXTrov, 
K.  T.  \.,  they  sent  him  foricard,  escorted  liim,  unto  the  ship.  See 
the  note  on  15,  3,  and  the  illustration  on  21,  5.  It  is  implied  that 
the  roadstead  -where  the  vessel  lay,  was  at  some  distance  from 
the  toAvn.  The  site  of  Miletus,  though  originally  on  the  coast, 
has  gradually  receded  till  it  is  now  ten  miles  from  the  sea.  It 
must  have  lost  its  maritime  position  long  before  the  apostle's 
time,  though  not  so  far  inland  then  as  at  present. 


CHAPTER   XXI. 

Verses  1-6.     T/iey  continue  the  Voyage  to  Tyre. 

V.  1.  d)s  8e  lykviTo,  k.  t.  \.,  When  now  it  came  to  pass  that  we 
put  to  sea.  The  construction  is  like  that  in  v.  5.  Luke  certainly 
as  one  of  the  rjfj.a<i,  Trophimus  (21,  29),  and  Aristarchus  (27,  2), 
accompanied  Paul  to  Jerusalem.  As  the  others  who  belonged  to 
the  company  (20,  4)  are  not  mentioned  again,  the  probability  is 
{ex  silentio)  that  they  proceeded  no  further.  Some  suppose  that 
Timothy  went  at  this  time  from  Miletus  to  Ephesus,  and  assumed 
or  resumed  the  oversight  of  the  church  there.  —  olTocrTrao-^cVTas  aTr' 
avTuiv,  having  departed  from  thcni  (De  Wet.  Rob.);  less  prol)ably, 
having  torn  ourselves  away  (Chrys.  Kuin.  Mey.).  Usage  weak- 
ened the  etymological  sense,  and  in  Luke  22,  41  an  emjjhasis 
appears  to  me  out  of  place.  —  cu^uSpo/ATjo-avreg,  having  run  straight, 
shows  that  the  wind  was  in  their  favor;  see  on  16,  11.  —  Kw  is 
for  Kwv,  like  'AttoXAw  in  19,  1.  Cos  was  about  forty  miles  from 
Miletus;  directly  south,  and  could  have  been  reached  in  six  hours. 


Chap.  XXI,  2. 3.  COMMENTARY.  345 

It  was  one  of  the  smaller  islands  of  the  Archipelago,  on  the 
Carian  coast,  between  the  promontories,  on  which  stood  Cnidus 
and  Halicarnassus.  Its  present  name  is  Stanchio,  which  has 
arisen  from  a  slurred  pronunciation  of  es  rav  Kwv,  like  Stambul 
from  £?  rav  TToXtv.  —  Having  rounded  Cape  Crio,  the  ancient  Tri- 
opium,  they  turned  their  prow  eastward,  and  sailed  along  the 
southern  shore  of  Asia  Minor.  Rhodes  was  at  the  entrance  of 
the  -^gean,  on  the  coast  of  Caria.  The  celebrated  colossus  was 
prostrate  at  this  time,  having  been  overthrown  by  an  earthquake. 

—  Patara  was  a  coast-town  of  Lycia,  at  some  distance  from  the 
left  bank  of  the  Xanthus,  "  Now  its  port  is  an  inland  marsh, 
generating  poisonous  malaria,  and  the  mariner  sailing  along  the 
coast  would  never  guess  that  the  sand-hills  before  him  blocked 
up  the  harbor  into  which  St.  Paul  sailed  of  old."  '  Patara  was 
best  known  for  its  celebrated  oracle  of  Apollo,  which,  in  the 
height  of  its  authority,  had  almost  rivalled  that  of  Delphos.  How 
near  to  it  in  the  person  of  these  wayfaring  men  was  now  brought 
the  power  which  was  to  subvert  that  great  delusion  of  heathen- 
ism I  HoAV  soon  after  this  could  it  be  said,  in  the  words  of  Mil- 
ton's Hymn  on  the  Nativity  of  Christ : 

"  The  oracle's  are  dumb, 

No  voice  or  hideous  hum 
Runs  through  the  arched  roof  in  words  deceiving. 

Apollo  from  his  shrine 

Can  no  more  divine, 
"With  hollow  shriek  the  steep  of  Delphos  leaving. 
No  nightly  trance  or  breathed  spell 
Inspires  the  pale-eyed  priest  from  the  prophetic  cell." 

V.  2.  The  party  take  now  another  vessel.  We  are  not  in- 
formed of  the  reason  for  this  measure.  The  vessel  which  had 
brought  them  thus  far  may  have  been  adapted  only  to  sailing 
along  the  shore,  or  they  may  have  engaged  the  use  of  it  (see  on 
20, 16)  only  until  they  should  find  an  opportunity  like  the  present. 

—  StaTrepwv,  crossing  over  just  as  they  arrived.  This  particularity 
is  as  graphic  "  as  if  taken  from  a  journal  written  during  the  voy- 
age." The  present  participle  denotes  often  an  appointed  or  ap- 
proaching act ;  comp.  v.  3  ;  27,  6.     W.  §  45.  1.  b. 

V.  3.  ava(f>av€VT€<;  Se  rrjv  Kvirpov,  And  having  had  a  view  of  Cij- 
prus,  lit.  having  had  it  brought  up  to  sight,  made  visible  to  us  above 
the  horizon.  The  language  is  that  of  an  eye-witness,  and  of  one 
familiar  with  the  phraseology  of  seamen,  who  are  accustomed  to 

^  Travels  in  Lycia  by  Spratt  and  Forbes,  Vol.  I.  p.  31. 
44 


346  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXI,  3.  4. 

speak  of  raising  the  land  wlien  they  ajiproach  it.  The  opposite 
expression  is  airoKpvirTetv  yriv ;  see  Ki-iig.  on  Tliucyd.  5.  65 ;  Stalb. 
on  Prot.  338.  A.  The  corresponding  Latin  words,  says  Mr.  Hum- 
phry, are  aperire  and  abscondere  (Virg.  ^n.  3.  275,  291).  Some 
render,  being  shoivn  Cyprus,  having  it  pointed  out  to  ns  in  the 
distance  (Rob.);  but  the  composite  form  indicates  a  more  spe- 
cific sense.  This  verb,  which  in  the  active  governs  a  dative  and 
accusative,  retains  the  latter  in  the  passive.  W.  ^39.  1 ;  K.  $ 
281.  3.  —  KaTaXtTTovres  avrrjv,  having  left  it  behind.  —  evwrv/xov,  on  the 
left,  is  an  adjective,  not  an  adverb.  K.  ^  264.  3.  a.  They  passed, 
therefore,  to  the  south  of  the  island.  They  must  have  had  a  fair 
wind  to  enable  them  to  take  that  course.  The  view  of  Cyprus 
must  have  carried  back  the  apostle's  mind  to  the  days  which  he 
and  Barnabas  had  spent  there  in  the  missionary  work.  —  iirXeofxev 
eis  l^vpiav,  we  sailed  unto  Syria,  refers  to  the  voyage  to  Tyre  ;  for 
in  the  Roman  age  Syria  included  Phoenicia  (Win.),  of  which 
Tyre  was  the  commercial  emporium.  For  its  present  state,  see 
Rob.  Bibl.  Res.  III.  p.  392  sq.  The  most  important  ruins  lie  at 
present  beneath  the  sea.  It  was  with  melancholy  interest  that 
I  looked  down  upon  them  through  the  calm  waters,  in  the  long 
twilight  which  closed  the  tenth  of  May,  1852.  —  eKeicre  yap,  k.  t.  A., 
is  best  taken  as  brachylogical :  for  having  come  thither  the  shiji 
ivas  unladivg  (i.  e.  about  to  unlade)  the  cargo.  See  W.  k  45.  5. 
This  use  of  the  participle  coincides  essentially  with  that  in  v.  2 ; 
see  further  Matt.  26,  28  ;  Luke  22,  19.  Some  understand  cKcro-t  of 
the  conveyance  of  the  freight  from  the  ship  to  the  town ;  for 
thither  (after  the  arrival)  ivas  the  ship  unlading  the  cargo  (Mcy. 
De  Wet.).  The  writer  would  not  Ije  likely  to  specify  so  minute 
a  circumstance.  cKeto-e  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  ckci.  The 
clause  assigns  the  reason  {yap)  for  their  stopping  at  this  port.  The 
voyage  from  Patara  to  Tyre  need  not  have  exceeded  two  days, 
if  the  wind  was  fair  and  the  vessel  in  a  good  condition.  The 
distance  is  three  hundred  and  forty  geographical  milcs.^ 

V.  4.  Ktti  tti/cupoj/Tcs  TOWS  fjiaSr]Td<;,  and  having  found  out  the  dis- 
ciples who  lived  there  ;  because  being  strangers  they  must  make 
inquiry.  The  English  version  overlooks  both  the  preposition  and 
the  article.      The  gospel  had  been  preached  here  at  aa  early 

1  The  writer  embarked  at  Beirut  (on  the  coast  to  the  north  of  Tvre)  at  half- 
past  six  o'clock,  P.  M. ;  the  next  clay  at  ten  o'clock,  we  arrived  oft"  against  Lar- 
nica  on  the  Island  of  Cypnis,  and  on  the  following  night,  at  two  o'clock,  A.  M., 
came  to  anchor  in  the  harbor  of  Rhodes.  This  was  very  nearly  the  apostle's 
track,  cxccjit  in  the  inverse  order.  An  ancient  vessel,  under  circumstances  entirely 
favorable,  would  almost  equal  the  speed  of  a  Levant  steamer. 


Chap.  XXI,  5-7.  COMMENTARY.  347 

period;  see  on  11,  19.  The  Saviour  had  performed  some  of  his 
miracles  in  the  vicinity  of  Tyre  and  Sidon;  see  Matt.  15,  21; 
Mark  7,  24.  —  i-rrejxwa^ev.  See  on  10,  48.  —  r]iJiipa<s  iirrd,  seven 
days,  may  be  indefinite,  as  was  remarked  on  20,  6.  We  cannot 
doubt  that  they  occupied  the  time  spent  here  in  making  known 
the  word,  and  in  consulting  for  the  welfare  of  the  Tyrian  church. 
—  otTtv€?  .  .  .  .  ets  'lepovcrahqiji.,  xcho  said  to  Paul  through  the  Spirit 
that  he  should  not  go  up  unto  Jerusalem,  i.  e.  if  he  had  any  regard 
to  his  own  safety  or  personal  welfare,  or  to  their  affectionate  solic- 
itude on  his  account ;  comp.  -n-apeKaXovfjiev,  k.  t.  X.,  in  v.  12.  They 
were  informed  by  the  Spirit  that  bonds  and  afflictions  awaited 
the  apostle  at  Jerusalem ;  but  it  was  not  revealed  to  them  as  the 
will  of  God  that  he  should  desist  from  liis  purpose  to  proceed 
thither. 

V.  5.  ore  ...  .  i$apTL(raL.  See  the  first  clause  in  v.  1. — ras 
rjp.epa';,  (he  days  named  in  v.  4.  —  TrpoTrefji.7r6vTwv,  k.  t.  X.,  all  sending 
us  forward,  etc.  See  on  20,  38.  -^  cws  e^oi  r^s  ttoAcws,  till  out  of  the 
city,  quite  out  of  it,  beyond  the  suburbs,  where  they  could  be 
alone  and  undisturbed.  —  hn  tov  alyLaXov,  ujyon  the  beach.  The 
word  denotes  a  smooth  shore  as  distinguished  from  one  precipi- 
tous or  rocky;  comp.  27,  39.  Luke  manifests  an  autoptic  ac- 
curacy here.  A  level,  sandy  beach  extends  for  a  considerable 
distance  on  both  sides  of  the  site  of  the  ancient  Tyre.  —  Modern 
missionary  life  presents  its  parallels  to  the  scene  so  briefly 
sketched  in  this  verse.  The  following  extract  occurs  in  the 
journal  of  a  college  friend,  whose  field  of  labor  is  in  the  region 
of  Paul's  birth-place.  Speaking  of  his  departure  with  his  fam- 
ily from  Aintab  for  a  temporary  absence,  the  missionary  says  : 
"  More  than  a'*liundred  of  the  converts  accompanied  us  out  of  the 
city ;  and  there,  near  the  spot  where  one  of  our  number  had  once 
been  stoned,  we  halted,  and  a  prayer  was  offered  amid  tears. 
Between  thirty  and  forty  escorted  us  two  hours  further,  on  horses 
and  mules,  singing  hymns  as  we  proceeded  on  our  way.  Then 
another  prayer  was  offered,  and,  with  saddened  countenances, 
and  with  weeping,  they  forcibly  broke  away  from  us.  It  really 
seemed  as  though  they  could  not  turn  back."  ^ 

Verses  7-16.     From   Tyre  they  proceed  to  Ptolemais,  and  thence 
to  Coisarca  and  Jerusalem. 

V.  7.  r//>i€t?  ....  Ets  nroXc/AaiSa,  Noio  we,  completing  (thereby) 
the  voyage,  came  down  from  Tyre  to  Ptolemais.     When  the  par- 

1  Eev.  B.  Schneider,  in  the  Missionary  Herald,  Vol.  xlviii.  p.  201,  (1852). 


348  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXI,  8.  9. 

ticiple  and  the  verb  combined  thus  are  both  in  the  past  tense,  the 
act  of  the  participle  may  be  antecedent  to  that  of  the  verb  or 
simultaneous  with  it.  The  sense  must  decide  this  ambiguity.  — 
Atto  Tvpov  in  this  position  belongs  to  the  verb,  not  to  irXovv  (E.  V.). 
Their  arrival  at  Ptolemais  terminated  the  sea  part  of  their  jour- 
ney. The  distance  is  a  moderate  day's  journey  by  land.  A 
vessel  with  a  good  breeze  would  make  the  run  in  a  few  hours. 
Tliis  city  was  the  ancient  Accho  (Judg.  1,  31),  still  called  Akka 
by  the  Arabians,  and  Acre  or  St.  Jean  d'Acre  by  Europeans. 
It  is  on  the  Mediterranean,  at  the  north  angle  of  a  bay  which 
bears  the  same  name,  and  sweeps  in  the  form  of  a  semicircle 
towards  the  south,  as  far  as  Mount  Carmel.  The  graceful  curve 
of  the  bay  appears  to  great  advantage  from  the  top  of  that  mouu- 
tain.  —  Tovs  d8eA</)oi;s,  the  brethren  who  were  there;  see  on  v.  4, 

V.  8.  They  now  travelled  by  land.  Issuing  from  the  south- 
eastern gate,  in  ten  minutes  they  would  cross  the  Belus,  now  the 
Nahmen,  then  for  three  hours  would  proceed  along  the  beach 
with  the  surf  breaking  at  their  feet,  at  the  base  of  Carmel  would 
ford  the  mouth  of  the  Kishon  (El-Mukatta),  and  turning  that 
headland,  follow  the  line  of  the  coast  to  Cassarca.  The  distance 
hither  from  Akka  is  about  forty  miles.  —  The  received  ol  Trepl  tov 
JlaiiXov  after  c'^eX^ovres  is  untenable.  A  church  reading  began 
here,  and  a  more  definite  subject  than  yjfx.el'i  was  needed  to  sug- 
gest the  connection.  The  gloss  has  passed  into  our  English 
translation.  —  ci?  Kawrapctav.  This  is  the  third  time  that  Paul  has 
been  oXCcesarca.  He  was  there  on  his  journey  from  Jerusalem 
to  Tarsus  (9,  30),  and  again  on  his  return  to  Antioch  from  liis 
second  missionary  progress  (18,  22). —  ^tXtWou.  See  on  8,  40. — 
TOV  evayyeXtoToi).  This  title  appears  to  have  been  ^ven  to  those 
who  had  no  stated  pastoral  charge,  but  travelled  from  place  to 
place  and  preached  as  they  had  opportunity.  Sec  Eph.  4,  11 ; 
2  Tim.  4,  5.  —  tov  ovtos  twv  ctttoi,  ivho  was  of  the  seven  (E.  V.),  re- 
calls Philip  as  already  known  to  us  in  another  capacity ;  see  G,  5. 
But  the  best  critics  reject  tov,  and  orros  becomes  then  ambiguous: 
either  causal,  siyice  he  was  of  the  seven  (De  Wet.  Alf),  or  simply 
historical  as  in  the  other  case.  See  Green's  Gr.  p.  190.  It  is 
improbable  that  the  office  merely  influenced  Paul,  and  so  much 
the  less,  since  according  to  this  view  it  would  be  the  inferior  office 
which  Philip  no  longer  held  and  not  his  present  one.  oi/tos  follows 
the  tense  of  the  otlicr  verbs,  and  is  past.  W.  M5.  1.  Philip,  as 
an  Evangelist,  had  rclinqui.shed  his  service  at  Jerusalem ;  perhaps 
the  occasion  for  it  had  been  only  temporary. 

V.  9.     tovto),  k.  t.  a.,  Now  this  one  had  four  daughters,  etc.    Luke 


Chap.  XXI,  10-15.  COMMENTARY.  349 

mentions  the  fact  as  remarkable,  and  not  as  related  in  any  way  to 
the  history.  It  is  barely  possible  that  they  too  (see  v,  10)  foretold 
the  apostle's  approacliing  captivity. 

V.  10.  €7ri/xevovTwv  r]fji.epa<;  ttAccovs,  remaining  several  days  (comp. 
13,  31;  27,  20),  a  longer  time  than  in  the  other  places  on  the 
way.  Having  travelled  rapidly  since  he  left  Miletus,  and  being 
now  within  two  days  of  Jerusalem,  the  apostle  had  no  occasion 
to  hasten  his  journey;  see  20,  16. — "AyaySo?  has  been  mentioned 
in  11,  28.  He  cannot  well  be  a  different  person,  as  some  have 
thought;  for  not  only  his  name,  but  ofhce  {irpo^ifqi),  and  resi- 
dence ((Itto  t^s 'louSatas)  are  the  same  in  both  instances.  Whether 
he  had  heard  of  Paul's  arrival  and  came  to  Caesarea  on  that  ac- 
count (Bmg.),  must  be  left  undecided. 

V.  11.  Sr;o-as  ....  TroSas.  The  prophet  performed  the  act  on 
himself,  not  on  Paul.  The  pronoun  should  be  avrov,  not  avrov. 
Many  of  the  best  manuscripts  read  ka.vTov,  —  ovna  ....  'Ioi;8ato6, 
So  shall  bind  at  Jerusalem  the  Jews.  The  Romans  put  the  apostle 
in  chains,  but  they  did  it  at  the  instigation  of  the  Jews.  —  Agabus, 
like  the  ancient  prophets,  accompanied  liis  prediction  with  a  sym- 
bolic act,  which  served  to  place  the  event  foretold  more  vividly 
before  them ;  the  scene,  being  thus  acted  out  before  their  eyes, 
was  rendered  present,  real,  beyond  what  any  mere  verbal  declar- 
ation could  possibly  have  made  it. 

"  Segnius  irritant  animos  demissa  per  aurem 
Quam  qiiffi  sunt  oculis  subjecta  fidelibus,  et  quae 
Ipse  sibi  tradit  spectator." 

Examples  similar  to  tliis  are  frequent  in  the  Old  Testament ;  see 
1  Kings  22,  11;  Is.  20,  1  sq. ;  Jer.  13,  1  sq. ;  Ezek.  4,  1  sq.,  etc. 

V.  12.  i7/A€t?,  xce,  viz.  the  writer,  Trophimus,  Aristarchus  (see 
on  20,  4),  and  possibly  others.  —  ot  evroTrtot  restricts  itself  to  the 
Christians  of  the  place. 

V.  13.  Tt  TToiCiTf.  is  the  language  of  remonstrance :  What  are 
you  doing  that  you  weep,  etc.  The  same  mode  of  expression  oc- 
curs in  Mark  11,  5.  —  eyw  yap,  k.  t.  X,  Their  opposition  was  not 
only  painful  to  him  ((rvv^pvirTouTe?  fiov  tt/v  /capStW),  but  was  use- 
less ;  for  (yap)  he  was  not  to  be  shaken  in  his  purpose  (De  Wet.)  ; 
or,  which  agrees  better  with  eroi/^ws  exw,  their  distress  was  un- 
necessary ;  for  he  deemed  it  a  privilege,  not  a  hardship,  to  suffer 
in  the  cause  of  Christ;  comp.  5,  41. 

V.  15.  The  text  fluctuates  here,  but  e-ma-Ke.vaa-afuvoL  has  decid- 
edly the  best  sixpport :  having  packed  up  our  baggage,  having 
placed  it  upon  the  beasts  of  burden ;  comp.  eTrio-Kevacra/xei/oi  viro- 


350  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXI,  16.  17. 

^uyia  in  Xen.  Hell.  7,  2.  18.  This  is  ever  an  important  item  in 
Eastern  travelling,  and  it  was  natural  that  Luke,  a  companion  of 
the  journey,  should  mention  it.  If  the  alms  which  they  were 
carrying  to  Jerusalem  (24,  17)  consisted  in  part  of  raiment  or 
provisions,  the  loading  and  unloading  would  require  more  than 
ordinary  attention.  Another  reading  is  diroaKevaa-dfjLevot,  having 
packed  aivay  our  baggage,  i.  e.  at  Csesarca,  where  they  left  it,  or 
at  least  the  superfluous  part  of  it  (Olsh.).  The  reason  for  such 
a  step  is  not  obvious.  If  it  was  their  sea-luggage  and  unneces- 
sary for  the  rest  of  the  way,  it  is  surprismg  that  they  did  not 
leave  it  at  Ptolemais,  where  they  ended  the  voyage.  Some  in- 
sist that,  if  we  adopt  this  word  rather  than  the  other,  we  may 
obtain  from  it  the  same  meaning  :  having  packed  our  baggage 
aicay,  i.  e.  from  the  place  where  they  had  stored  it,  in  order  to 
cany  it  -with  them  (Mey.  De  Wet.)  :  that  appears  to  me  a  forced 
interpretation.  Trapao-Keuao-a/Acvot  and  dTrora^a/ievot  are  exj)lanatory 
variations.  —  "The  English  version,"  says  Mr.  Humphry,  "uses 
the  word  '  carnage '  in  the  sense  of  '  things  carried,'  baggage,  as 
in  Judges  18,  21  and  1  Sam.  17,  22.  Cranmer  has  'took  up  our 
burdens,'  and  the  Geneva  version  '  trussed  up  our  fardels.' "  — 
For  the  route  "in  going  up"  to  Jerusalem,  see  on  23,  31. 

V.  16.  avvrik^ov,  sc.  rtve's,  which  governs  fiaSrjrwv;  comp.  John 
16,  17.  W.  ^  64.  4.  —  ayovres  ....  Mvacrwvt  stands  by  attraction 
for  ayovre?  irapa  Mvacrcova  Trap'  (S  ^£vto-^uJ/x.ev,  bringing  us  to  Mnason 
tvith  ivlioni  ive  should  lodge  (Olsh.  Mey.  De  Wet.).  His  relation 
to  them  as  their  host  was  more  important  to  them  than  his  name, 
and  presents  itself  first,  therefore,  in  the  order  of  statement. 
MvdawvL  could  depend  possibly  on  ayovrcs,  bringing  us  to  Mnason 
(W.  ^  31.  5)  ;  but  the  construction  is  hard.  Some  render  bringing 
Mnason,  i.  e.  with  them  from  Ca^sarea ;  which  attributes  to  them 
an  improbable  act,  while  it  leaves  the  dative  equally  irregular.  — 
d/ox«'V  fj.a^'^rjTrj  =  ixaSrjTfj  air  dpxQ<;,  an  ancient  (not  an  aged)  disciple, 
i.  e.  who  had  long  been  such.  He  may  have  been  converted  on 
the  day  of  Pentecost  (comp.  Iv  dpxy  in  11,  15),  or  have  been  a 
personal  follower  of  Christ. 


Verses   17-26.     Paul  assumes   a   Voiv,  to   co7iciliate   the   Jewish 
Believers. 

V.  17.  The  apostle  arrives  now  at  Jerusalem  for  the  f/th  time 
since  he  left  it  on  his  persecuting  errand  to  Damascus.  It  is  the 
last  recorded  visit  that  he  ever  made  to  the  Jewisli  capital.  His 
present  return  could  not  have  taken  place  later  than  the  spring 


Chap.  XXI,  17.  18.  COMMENTARY.  351 

of  A.  D.  59 ;  since  we  must  reserve  two  years  for  liis  imprison- 
ment at  Caesarea  (24,  27),  and  two  for  his  imprisonment  at  Rome, 
before  we  come  to  A.  D.  64.  See  Introduction,  ^  6.  5.  If  we  fix 
upon  this  limitation  on  that  side,  we  have  then  four  years  as  the 
term  of  the  apostle's  third  missionary  excursion,  which  we  may 
distribute  as  follows.  He  left  Autioch  about  the  beginning  of 
A.  D.  55  (see  on  18,  23),  and  reached  Ephesus  in  the  spring  of 
that  year.  Here  he  spent  about  three  years  (20,  31),  and  pro- 
ceeded to  Macedonia  in  the  spring  of  A.  D.  58  (see  on  20,  1). 
He  was  occupied  here  and  in  other  parts  of  Northern  Greece 
during  the  summer  and  autumn  of  that  year  (see  on  20,  2),  and 
aiTived  at  Corinth  early  in  the  following  winter.  Having  spent 
the  next  three  months  in  that  city  (20,  3),  he  returned  to  Mace- 
donia and  embarked  for  Syria  in  the  spring  of  A.  D.  59.  Or,  our 
scheme  of  chronology  admits  of  a  slightly  different  combination.  If 
we  suppose  two  years  and  six  months  or  nine  months  to  exhaust 
rpLCTiav  in  20,  31,  we  may  assign  Paul's  return  to  Jerusalem  to  the 
spring  of  the  preceding  year,  viz.  that  of  A.  D.  58.  The  apostle 
may  have  left  Antioch  on  his  third  tour  sufficiently  early  in  A.  D. 
54  (see  on  18,  22)  to  have  spent  several  months  at  Ephesus  be- 
fore Pentecost  in  A.  D.  55 ;  and  he  could  then  have  completed 
the  two  remaining  years  of  his  residence  in  that  city,  at  Pentecost 
in  A.  D.  57.  The  advantage  of  this  computation  would  be,  that 
it  frees  us  from  the  necessity  of  crowding  the  two  years  of  the 
apostle's  Roman  captivity  so  near  the  year  A.  D.  64  —  do-/x,ei/o)s 
....  dSeXt^ot,  the  brethren  received  us  gladly.  This  may  refer  to 
the  more  private  friendly  greetings  which  preceded  the  interview 
on  the  next  day.  Luke  may  have  been  struck  with  this  cordial- 
ity the  more,  because  Paul  and  his  friends  as  preachers  to  the 
heathen  had  reason  to  apprehend  some  coldness.  See  the  note 
on  15,4,  and  Rom.  15,  31.  The  interview  would  be  likely  to 
take  place  in  the  house  of  Mnason,  but  oX  d8eX</>ot  is  too  general 
to  be  understood  merely  of  him  and  his  family. 

V.  18.  The  notice  here  relates  to  a  more  public  reception.  — 
T3  cTTtovoT/,  on  the  folloiving  day  after  their  arrival.  —  crvv  r)ijuv,  idth 
us,  viz.  Luke  and  Paul's  other  companions.  It  was  now  probably 
that  the  gifts  of  the  foreign  churches  were  delivered  up  to  the 
almoners.  —  'laKtaftov.  This  is  James  the  Younger,  who  presided 
over  the  church  at  Jerusalem;  comp.  12,  17.  As  no  one  of  the 
other  apostles  is  mentioned  in  this  part  of  the  narrative,  it  is  prob- 
able that  they  were  either  not  living  or  were  laboring  in  foreign 
lands.  —  Trpeo-jSuVepot.  The  pastor  and  the  j^reshyters  arc  named  as 
the  principal  persons  (see  15,  6),  not  as  excluding  others. 


352  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXI,  19-21. 

V.  19.  aa-7Ta(Tdfx.i.vo<;  avTovs,  leaving  embraced  them.  He  had  per- 
formed the  same  act  of  courtesy  on  his  preceding  visit  to  them  ; 
see  18,  22.  —  8ta  t-^s  Sta/covtas  avrov,  through  his  ministry  in  the 
course  of  his  recent  journey. 

V.  20.  TToVat  /jLvpidSes,  how  many  myriads,  stands  for  a  large  but 
indefinite  number,  what  multitudes.  Compare  1  Cor.  4,  15  and 
14,  19.  —  ^r^Xwral  tov  v6fx.ov,  zealots  for  the  law;  an  objective  or 
causative  genitive  (comp.  Gal.  1,  14).     K.  §  265.  2.  b. 

V.  21.  on  cLTrocnaaiav  StSao-Kct?,  k.  t.  A.,  tliat  thou  dost  teach  aj)OS- 
tasyfrom  Moses,  etc.  Neander  presents  the  following  just  view  of 
the  transaction  related  here.  "  This  accusation  against  Paul  was 
certainly  false  in  the  form  in  which  it  was  alleged ;  for  he  opposed 
the  external  observance  of  Judaism  only  so  far  as  the  justification 
and  sanctification  of  men  were  made  to  depend  upon  it.  It  was 
his  principle,  that  no  one  should  abandon  the  national  and  civil 
relations  in  which  he  stood  at  the  time  of  his  conversion,  except 
for  important  reasons ;  and  in  accordance  with  this  principle  he  al- 
lowed the  Jews  to  adhere  to  their  peculiarities,  among  which  was 
the  observance  of  the  Mosaic  law  (1  Cor.  7,  18).  But  it  could 
not  fail  to  happen  that  those  who  entered  into  Paul's  ideas  of  the 
relations  of  the  law  to  the  gospel,  and  were  thus  freed  from  their 
scrupulous  regard  for  the  former,  would  be  led  into  a  freer  line 
of  conduct  in  this  respect,  and  individuals  might  carry  this  dis- 
position further  than  Paul  desired.  It  may  be  that  such  instances 
gave  occasion  to  the  charge  that  he  pursuaded  the  Jewish  Chris- 
tians to  release  themselves  from  the  law.  It  is  indeed  true,  that, 
when  it  was  once  admitted  that  circumcision  avails  nothing  as  a 
means  of  obtaining  an  interest  in  the  kingdom  of  God,  this  rite 
must,  sooner  or  later,  fall  away  of  itself  But  Paul  would  not 
hasten  this  result  by  any  arbitrary  or  violent  act ;  he  would  leave 
it  to  be  the  work  of  time,  and  would  have  no  one  break  away 
capriciously  from  the  relations  in  which  he  has  been  called  to  be 
a  Christian.  Hence,  without  deviating  from  the  principles  of 
strict  sincerity,  he  could  repel  that  accusation  of  the  Jewish  zeal- 
ots. He  was  far  from  entertaining  the  hatred  against  Judaism, 
and  the  ancient  theocratic  nation,  \v\i\\  which  his  violent  oppo- 
nents charged  him.  In  conformity  with  the  principle  avowed  in 
his  Epistles,  viz.  that  he  became  a  Jew  to  the  Jews,  as  he  became 
a  heathen  to  the  heathen  and  weak  to  those  who  were  weak,  he 
declared  himself  ready  to  do  what  James  proposed  to  him,  in 
order  to  refute  that  accusation.  He  consented  to  refute  it  by 
taking  part  in  the  Jewish  worship  in  a  mode  which  was  highly 
esteemed  by  pious  Jews." 


Chap.  XXI,  22-24.  COMMENTARY.  353 

V.  22.  Tt  ow  eo-rt;  What,  therefore,  is  it?  viz.  which  the  occa- 
sion requires;  comp.  1  Cor.  14,  15.  16.  —  Trai/rws  ....  <rvv€XSaiv,  It 
is  entirely  necessary  (inevitable)  that  a  multitude  (viz.  of  the  Jew- 
ish Christians)  should  come  together,  i.  e.  around  Paul  as  he  ap- 
peared in  their  public  assemblies,  in  the  temple  and  elsewhere, 
in  order  to  watch  his  conduct  and  see  whether  their  suspicions 
of  him  were  just.  It  is  not  meant  that  the  church  would  assem- 
ble in  a  bodj  for  the  purpose  of  consultation  (Calv.  Grot.) ;  for 
with  that  idea  we  should  have  had  to  before  ttX^^Jos  (comp.  4,  32  ; 
15,  12.  30).  Nor  does  the  language  intimate  that  Paul's  advisers 
apprehended  any  violent  outbreak  on  the  part  of  the  Jewish 
Christians  (Kuin.);  the  subsequent  riot  which  led  to  his  appre- 
hension originated  not  with  them,  but  with  the  unbeheving  Jews 
(comp.  V.  27). 

V.  23.  o  croL  Xeyofxev,  ivhich  ive  say  to  thee,  viz.  James  and  the  el- 
ders ;  for  the  subject  of  this  verb  must  be  the  same  as  that  of  dirov 
in  V.  20.  The  narrative  does  not  allow  us  to  separate  James  from 
the  others  ;  as  if  he  merely  acquiesced  in  the  proposal  while  the 
responsibility  of  suggesting  it  lay  wholly  with  them  (against 
Hws.).  —  The  avSpes  reo-o-ape?  were  certainly  Jews,  and  may  be 
supposed  from  the  relation  implied  in  dalv  rjfjuv  to  have  been  also 
Jewish  believers.  —  evxrjv  c^^ovrts  €</>'  iavrwv,  having  a  voio  upon 
themselves,  which  as  appears  from  every  circumstance  of  the  de- 
scription, must  have  been  a  Nazarite  vow.  This  vow  bound  those 
who  assumed  it  to  let  the  hair  grow,  to  abstain  from  intoxicating 
drink,  and  in  other  respects  to  maintain  a  life  of  ascetic  rigor 
(Numb.  6,  2  sq.).  It  was  left  to  their  option  how  long  they  con- 
tinued such  a  vow;  though  it  seems  to  have  been  customary 
among  the  Jews  of  this  period  to  extend  it  at  least  to  thirty  days 
(Jos.  Bell.  Jud.  2.  15.  1).  "  When  the  time  specified  in  the  vow 
was  completed,  the  Nazarite  offered  a  ram  of  a  year  old  for  a 
burnt-offering,  a  sheep  of  the  same  age  for  a  sin-offering,  a  ram 
for  a  thank-offering,  a  basket  of  unleavened  cakes,  and  a  libation 
of  wine.  His  hair  was  shaven  off  at  the  gate  of  the  sanctuary, 
and  cast  into  the  fire  where  the  thank-offering  was  burning.  He 
offered  as  a  wave-offering  to  God,  the  shoulders  of  the  thank- 
offering  and  two  cakes,  which  were  both  given  to  the  priest." 
Jahn's  Archseol.  h  395. 

V.  24.  TovTovs  TrapaXa(3wv,  these  talcing  ivith  thyself,  as  associates 
in  the  vow.  —  ayviaSrjTL  avv  airocs,  puri/y  thyself  with  them  ;  enter 
upon  the  same  course  of  abstinence  and  religious  consecration. 
Howson  understands  ayvicr^-qTi  of  the  ordinary  ablutions  before 
entering  the  temple ;  but  in  that  case  a-vv  avTois  loses  its  signifi- 
45 


354  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXI,  25.  26. 

cance,  since  the  apostle's  purification  would  have  no  more  relation 
to  them  than  to  any  other  Jews.  —  koI  SaTrdvrjcrov  ctt'  av-oi?,  and 
spend  upon  them,  incur  expense  on  their  account.  "  As,  in  some 
instances,  the  Nazarites  had  not  sufficient  property  to  enable  them 
to  meet  the  whole  expense  of  the  offerings,  other  persons  who 
possessed  more  defrayed  the  expense  for  them,  or  shared  it  with 
them,  and  in  this  way  were  made  parties  to  the  vow."  The 
Jews  looked  upon  it  as  an  act  of  special  merit  to  assist  a  Naza- 
rite  in  this  manner.  Josephus  relates  (Antt.  19.  6.  1)  that  Agrippa 
the  First,  on  his  arrival  at  Jerusalem  after  having  obtained  the 
sovereignty  of  Palestine,  paid  the  expense  of  numerous  indigent 
Nazarites  who  were  waiting  to  be  released  from  their  vows.  He 
intended  it  as  a  thank-offering  for  his  good  fortune.  —  koL  yvw- 
(Tovrai  7ravT65,  and  all  shall  knmo  by  this  act.  yvwcn  and  yvwo-wvTai, 
all  may  know  (E.  V.),  are  grammatical  corrections,  founded  on  the 
false  view  that  this  clause  depends  on  ha. —  koL  ain-o^,  also  thyself, 
as  well  as  other  Jews. 

V.  25.  TTcpt  Se  Twi/  7r€7r«rT€VKOTOJv  eSvwv,  But  (as  we  are  both 
aware)  in  regard  to  the  Gentiles  ivho  have  believed,  etc.  — 17^1615,  we, 
i.  e.  the  apostles  and  Christians  at  Jerusalem ;  for  the  adoption 
of  the  decree  was  properly  their  act  (comp.  15,  22),  and  not  that 
of  Paul  and  the  other  delegates  from  Antioch  who  submitted  to 
them  the  question  wloich  the  decree  settled  (15,  1).  The  object 
of  the  reminiscent  remark  in  this  verse  was  to  ol^viate  any  scru- 
ple that  Paul  might  feel,  lest  the  proposed  measure  shoidd  inter- 
fere with  the  liberty  of  the  Gentile  converts.  —  d  fxr]  4>vXdaa€(rSai, 
K.  T.  X.     See  the  note  on  15,  20. 

V.  26.  irapaXafSwv  refers  to  his  connecting  himself  "with  the 
men  (v.  24),  while  dyvto-^et's  defines  the  nature  of  the  connection. 
—  TT?  ix^'fxevr]  rjfxipa,  on  the  folloicing  day  after  his  interview  with 
James,  and  the  third  since  his  anival  at  Jerusalem  (v.  18).  —  avv 
a\'jTOi<;  belongs  certainly  to  dyvto-^ci's  (see  v.  24)  and  perhaps  to 
cwttJci;  not,  in  the  latter  case,  necessarily  because  he  now  took 
them  to  the  temple  in  order  to  absolve  them  at  once  from  their 
vow  (Hws.),  but  because  it  may  have  been  important  that  they 
should  be  present  when  he  declared  his  intention  to  assiime  their 
expenses. — StayyeAAwv  ....  dyvto-/AoJ;,  announcing,  viz.  to  the  priests 
( CIS  TO  Upov  suggests  the  persons)  the  completion  {Wi.  fdling  out) 
of  the  days  of  the  purif  cation ;  in  other  words,  making  known 
the  interval  (viz.  seven  days)  between  this  declaration  and  the 
end  of  the  vow  and  the  bringing  of  the  necessary  oderings.  So 
essentially  Stier,  Kuinoel,  De  Wette,  Meyer,  Wordsworth,  and 
others,    tov  before  dyvicr/Aou  defines  the  purification  as  that  referred 


Chap.  XXI,  26.  27.  COMMENTARY.  355 

to  in  (7VV  aurots  ayvLoSet'; ;  heiice  that  of  those  associated  in  the 
act,  not  that  of  the  men  merely  and  not  that  of  Paul  merely 
(both  mistakes  have  been  made).  The  convenience  of  the  priests 
may  have  required  this  notification  to  enable  them  to  prepare  for 
the  concluding  ceremony  at  the  temple.  Others  (as  Wiesl.)  ex- 
plain cKTrA-^pcoo-tv  of  the  actual  expiration  of  the  days  during  which 
the  men's  vow  was  to  continue.  Such  a  view  leaves  no  time  for 
the  apostle's  partnership  with  them,  and  thus  conflicts  both  with 
avv  auTots  dyvicr^et?,  and  with  eupoV  /te  -qyviafJievov  iv  tw  Up<2  in  24,  18. 

The  apostle's  arrest  (v.  27)  was  subsequent  to  his  present  appear- 
ance in  the  temple,  and  at  the  time  of  the  arrest,  as  we  see  from 
the  words  just  quoted,  he  was  still  observing  his  part  of  the  vow. 
—  €0)5  ov,  K.  T.  A.,  until  the  offering  (known  as  necessary)  was 
brought.  This  clause  depends  naturally  on  StayyeAAwv,  k.  t.  A.,  and 
as  it  formed  a  part  of  the  notice  which  Paul  gave  in  the  temple 
(hence  oratio  directa)  would  have  naturally  the  subjunctive  (imtil 
it  should  be  brought,  as  in  23,  12.  21 ;  25,  21),  instead  of  the  indica- 
tive. It  may  be  an  instance,  as  Meyer  suggests,  in  which  the  direct 
form  of  the  announcement  glides  over  into  the  past  of  the  narra- 
tive. See  K.  Ausfh.  Gr.  ^  846.  Some  carry  back  the  clause  to 
ctcjT/et  ets  TO  lepoV  as  elliptical :  went  into  the  temple  and  staid  there 
U7itil  the  offering  ivas  brought.  In  that  case  we  must  pass  over 
the  nearer  point  of  connection  for  a  remoter  one,  and  must  even 
insert  the  w^ord  in  the  text  which  renders  that  connection  possi- 
ble. Further,  it  is  improbable  that  Paul  lodged  two  or  three  days 
in  the  temple ;  and  yet  as  he  speaks  of  himself  as  there  on  the 
day  of  the  riot,  in  order  to  bring  the  final  offerings  (24,  18),  it 
would  follow  on  this  view  of  the  subject  that  he  had  remained 
there  from  his  first  repairing  to  the  temple  till  that  time.  The 
true  emphasis  of  v-Kcp  kvo<s  iKdcrrov  lies  in  the  fact  that  Paul  was 
to  be  answerable  for  the  expenses  of  the  offering  of  each  one ; 
not  (as  Hws.)  that  he  would  remain  in  the  temple  until  each  one's 
offering  was  presented. 

Verses  27-30.     Paul  is  seized  by  the  Jews,  and  dragged  from  the 
Temple. 

V.  27.  ws  8e  efxeWov,  k.  r.  A.,  A^iv  as  the  seven  days  were  about 
to  he  completed,  i.  e.  in  all  probabihty  the  seven  days  announced 
to  the  priests  as  the  limit  to  which  the  vow  of  the  Nazarites 
would  extend,  and  as  the  period  also  of  the  apostle's  partnership 
in  that  consecration.  This  is  the  readiest  explanation  and  the 
one  to  which  most  critics  assent  (Bug.  Kuin.  Olsh.  Mey.  De  Wet. 


356  COMMENTARY.  Cuap.  XXI,  27.  28. 

Alf.).  Neander's  idea  is  that  their  vow  embraced  only  seven 
days  in  all,  and  that  Paul  joined  them  on  the  last  of  these 
days.  Against  that  construction  stands  the  inference  from 
evxr]v  e)(ovTes  e^'  cavTwv  in  V.  23,  that  the  VOW  had  been  resting  on 
them  for  a  considerable  time  before  the  apostle's  connection  with 
them,  and,  also,  that  iva  fvpryo-wvrai  t^v  Ke^oAryv  (v.  24)  would  sig- 
nify very  little  if  the  ceremony  was  to  take  place  at  tlie  expira- 
tion of  a  single  week.  —  Wieseler  (p.  105)  has  revived  the  opinion 
of  some  of  the  older  interpreters,  viz.  that  the  seven  days  were 
those  observed  as  the  feast  of  Pentecost.  His  arguments  are 
mainly  two :  first,  as  obviating  an  objection,  that  this  meaning 
suggests  itself  readily  enough  after  the  information  (20,  16)  that 
Paul  was  hastening  to  keep  the  Pentecost  at  Jerusalem;  and, 
secondly,  that  the  reckoning  of  the  twelve  days  between  his 
arrival  there  and  his  subsequent  trial  at  Csesarea  demands  tlus 
explanation.  Howson  adopts  the  same  view.  But  the  article 
before  eTrra  rjfjLipaL  recalls  quite  irresistibly  the  days  of  the  j^uri- 
feat  ion  just  spoken  of,  and  the  twelve  days  mentioned  in  21,  11 
may  be  computed  in  different  ways  (see  note  there),  and  hence 
though  compatible  with  that  theoiy  do  not  establish  it.  Above 
all,  the  assumption  that  the  Jews  observed  Pentecost  as  a  heb- 
domadal festival  is  too  uncertain  to  be  made  the  basis  of  an  ex- 
planation. The  law  of  its  institution  prescribed  but  one  day  " 
though  the  later  Jews,  it  would  seem,  added  a  second.  Win. 
Realw.  I.  p.  243.  —  ot  (xtto  t-^?  'Ao-tas  'lovSaiot,  the  Jews  from  Asia, 
i.  e.  the  province  of  that  name  where  Paul  had  resided  so  long 
(20,  31).  Some  of  them  may  have  been  from  Ephesus,  who 
would  recognize  Trophimus  (v.  29)  as  a  fellow-townsman.  The 
Jews  here,  the  authors  of  this  riot,  were  not  believers  and  hence 
not  of  the  class  of  Jews  whom  the  apostle  expected  to  conciliate. 
V.  28.  Por)$fXT€,  help,  i.  e.  to  apprehend  him,  or  to  wreak  ven- 
geance on  him.  —  In  re  Kai,  and  further  also ;  comp.  2,  26.  It  is 
one  of  Luke's  peculiar  plurases.  — "EAA^/vas  may  be  the  plural  of 
the  class  or  category,  because  what  Paul  had  done  in  the  case  of 
one,  he  might  be  said  in  point  of  principle  to  have  done  for 
many ;  or  it  may  have  been  an  exaggeration  for  the  jjurpose  of 
increasing  the  tumult.  —  cis  to  upov,  into  the  temple,  i.  e.  the  part 
of  it  interdicted  to  foreigners.  The  outer  court  or  inclosure  was 
called  the  court  of  the  Gentiles,  and  could  be  entered  by  them 
without  profanation.  The  second  court,  or  that  of  the  Israelites, 
was  surrounded  with  marble  pillars,  on  which,  as  Philo  states, 
was  inscribed  in  Latin  and  Greek :  "  On  penalty  of  death  let  no 
foreigner  go  furtlier." 


Chap.  XXI,  29-31.  COMMENTARY.  357 

V.  29.  rja-av  irpoewpaKore';,  had  seen  be/ore,  on  some  previous  oc- 
casion ;  or  possibly,  had  seen  aivay,  at  a  distance  (Mey.).  In  this 
compound  the  preposition  refers  elsewhere  to  the  future  (out  of 
question  here)  or  to  space,  not  to  past  time  (R.  and  P.  Lex.). 
The  retrospective  sense  lies  so  near  to  the  use  of  irpo,  and  occurs 
so  readily  here,  that  we  need  not  scruple  to  admit  it.  —  For  Tro- 
phimus,  see  on  20,  4.  He  was  a  foreigner  ('E</)ecriov),  and  not  a 
Jew  from  Ephesus. — ov  eVoyut^oi/,  k.  t.  A.,  whom  theyioere  supposing, 
etc.  They  had  seen  Trophimus  in  the  city  with  him,  and  from 
that  rushed  to  the  conclusion  that  he  had  brought  Greeks  into  the 
temple.     "  Ti^XoV'Sd  putantes"  says  Beugel,  "  saepe  errant." 

V.  30.  etX/cov  ....  icpov,  they  dragged  him  out  of  tJie  temple,  so 
as  not  to  pollute  it  with  blood  (Olsh.  Mey.  De  Wet).  They  had 
determined  already  to  kill  him.  Bengel  conjectures  (whom  Bmg. 
follows)  that  they  wished  to  prevent  him  from  taking  refuge  at 
the  altar.  But  the  Mosaic  law  restricted  the  right  of  asylum  to 
those  who  had  been  guilty  of  accidental  murder;  see  Ex.  21,  13. 
14.  —  eKXeLcrd^rjcrav  al  Svpai,  the  doors  (of  the  second  court)  ivere 
closed,  probably  by  the  Levites,  who  had  the  care  of  the  temple ; 
see  the  note  on  4,  1.  They  may  have  feared  that  the  crowd 
would  return,  or  some  new  disturbance  arise. 


Vekses  31-40.      The  Roman  Commander  rescues  Paul  from  the 
Hands  of  the  Jeivs. 

V.  31.  t,y)TovvT<jiv  8e  avTov  diroKTeivaL,  Now  ivhile  they  are  seeking 
to  kill  him;  they  were  beating  him  for  that  purpose  (see  v.  32). 
But  as  the  onset  had  been  sudden,  and  they  were  not  furnished 
with  weapons,  some  delay  intervened.  It  was  nothing  in  all  hu- 
man appearance  but  that  momentary  delay,  that  saved  now  the 
life  of  the  apostle.  The  Roman  officer  had  time  to  appear  and 
snatch  him  from  impending  death.  —  ave^r],  k.  t.  X.,  a  report  ivent 
up  to  the  chiliarch  of  the  cohort ;  see  his  name  in  23,  26.  It  was 
^3ut  the  work  of  a  moment  to  convey  to  him  the  information.  He 
had  his  station  in  the  castle  of  Antonia,  which  was  on  a  rock  or 
hill  at  the  northwest  angle  of  the  temple-area.  The  tower  at  the 
southeast  corner  of  the  castle  "was  seventy  cubits  higli,  and 
overlooked  the  whole  temple  with  its  courts.  The  fortress  com- 
municated with  the  northern  and  western  porticos  of  the  temple- 
area,  and  had  flights  of  stairs  descending  into  both ;  by  which 
the  garrison  could  at  any  time  enter  the  court  of  the  temple  and 
prevent  tumults."  Bibl.  Res.  I.  p.  432.  During  the  festivals  i* 
was  customary  to  keep  the  troops  in  readiness  to  suppress  the 


358  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXI,  32-37. 

riots  which  were  so  liable  to  occur  at  such  times  (comp.  on  10, 
37).  See  Jos.  Aiitt.  20.  5.  3;  Bell.  Jud.  5.  5.  8.  — The  Turkish 
garrison  stands  at  present  very  nearly  on  the  site  of  the  old 
castle.  The  traveller  obtains  his  best  view  of  the  court  of  the 
Haram  or  mosque  of  Omar,  the  ancient  temple-area,  from  the 
roof  of  this  garrison. 

V.  32.  iKaTovrapxov?,  centurions,  each  with  his  proper  comple- 
ment of  men.  The  chiliareh  ordered  out  a  force  sufficiently  large 
to  intimidate  all  opposition.  —  Karc'Spa/xev  hr  airovs,  ran  down  upon 
them.  To  that  despatch  Paul  was  indebted  for  his  escape ;  note 
also  efauT^s.  This  verb  corresponds  to  avk^t]  in  v.  31  —  oi  Se  i8ov- 
T€s,  K.  T.  X.,  Nbio  tvhen  they  saiv  the  chiliareh,  etc.  They  knew  the 
consequences  too  well  to  run  the  risk  of  a  colhsion  with  the  Ro- 
man troops.     See  on  19,  24. 

V.  33.  Se^^vai  aXv(Ti(Ti  Svctl,  to  be  bound  with  two  chains,  i.  e.  to 
have  his  arms  fastened  to  two  soldiers,  one  on  each  side  of  him. 
The  mode  was  described  in  the  note  on  12,  6. — n's  av  drj,  xcho  he 
might  be,  since  his  name  and  rank  were  uncertain.  —  koX  tC  e'ori 
TTtTTOf/yKcos,  and  ichat  he  has  done.  The  form  of  the  inquiry  presup- 
poses that  he  had  committed  some  crime.  W.  HI.  4.  c.  He  put 
the  question  to  the  crowd,  as  the  responsive  clamor  shows  in  the 
next  verse. 

V.  34.  CIS  TT/v  Trape/A^oXrjv,  into  the  garrison  or  barracks ;  not  the 
castle  as  a  whole  (E.  V.),  but  the  part  of  it  assigned  to  the  sol- 
diers. 

V.  35.  £7rt  Tovs  a.va/3a^fjiov<;,  upon  the  Stairs  which  led  up  to  the 
castle.  On  arriving  here,  the  crowd  pressed  on  Paul  so  as  to 
awaken  the  fear  of  some  outrage  or  treachery.  Some  think  that 
he  was  lifted  off  his  feet  by  the  throng,  and  then  taken  and 
carried  up  the  stairs.  —  avvefir],  k.  t.  X.,  it  happened  that  he  was 
home  (in  their  arms  or  on  their  shoulders )  bij  the  soldiers.  awefSr] 
is  not  superfluous.  i^aa-rd^fTo  alone  would  have  pointed  out  less 
distinctly  the  peril  of  his  situation,  as  evinced  by  their  adoi)ling 
such  a  precaution. 

V.  36.  Now  was  heard  again  the  shout  which  thirty  years 
before  surrounded  the  praitorium  of  Pilate,  "  Away  with  him, 
away  with  him"  (Hws.).  aXpc  is  imperative  present  because 
rjKoXovSeL  (imperf )  represents  the  cry  as  a  continued  one;  sec  22, 
22.     Compare  apov  in  John  19,  15,  where  the  aorist  precedes. 

V.  37.  'EXkrjvLaTL  yivwo-Kcis ;  Bost  thou  know  Greek  ?  The  ad- 
verb stands  in  the  place  of  the  object  (comp.  oiVw  in  20,  13),  and 
XaXetr  is  not  to  be  supplied  (Kuin.)  ;  comp.  tot?  'S.vpirrTi  l-mmafxivovi 
in  Xen.  C>t.  7.  5.  31,  and  in  Latin  Greece  nescire  (Mcy.  De  Wet.). 


Chap.  XXI,  38.  COMMENTARY.  359 

V.  38.  ovK  apa,  K.  T.  X.,  Art  thou  not  therefore  the  Egyptian  ?  i.  e. 
as  I  supposed,  ov  indicates  an  affirmative  answer  with  reference 
to  the  speaker's  former  state  of  mind.  W.  k  57.  3.  The  com- 
mander, on  being  addressed  in  Greek,  conchides  that  he  is  mis- 
taken; for  it  was  notorious  (it  would  seem)  that  the  Egyptian 
was  imable  to  speak  that  language.  He  could  not  have  drawn 
that  inference  solely  from  his  Egyptian  origin,  for  the  Greek  was 
now  spoken  more  or  less  in  almost  every  country.  —  Of  this 
Egyptian  impostor,  Josephus  has  given  two  different  accounts 
which  need  to  be  reconciled  with  each  other,  as  well  as  with 
Luke.  In  his  Bell.  Jud.  2.  13.  5,  he  relates  that  a  juggler  (yo'r/s), 
whom  he  also  denominates  6  AtyuTmos,  having  procured  for  him- 
self the  reputation  of  a  prophet,  led  a  great  multitude  of  about 
thirty  thousand  men  out  of  the  desert  to  the  Mount  of  Olives, 
and  promised  them  that  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  would  fall  down 
at  liis  command ;  but  Felix  fell  ui)on  them,  the  Egyptian  fled  /xer 
oAtycjv,  with  a  small  number,  most  of  his  followers  were  slain  or 
taken  prisoners,  and  the  rest  of  the  crowd  (to  Xolttov  7rA-7.?os)  dis- 
persed. In  his  Antt.  20.  7.  6  (he  wrote  this  work  later  than  his 
Jewish  War),  he  states  that  this  Egyptian  came  to  Jerusalem, 
that  he  persuaded  the  populace  to  go  out  with  him  to  the  Mount 
of  Olives,  where  he  would  exhibit  to  them  the  wonder  before 
mentioned ;  and  then  he  speaks  of  the  attack  of  Felix,  and  in 
that  connection  says  merely  that  four  hundred  of  the  Egyptian's 
people  were  slain,  and  two  hundred  were  taken  captive,  without 
any  further  addition.  "  Here  now,"  says  Tholuck  (Glaubwiirdig- 
keit,  p.  169),  "Josephus  has  in  all  appearance  contradicted  him- 
self in  the  most  glaring  manner ;  for  in  one  case  the  Egyptian 
brings  the  people  from  the  desert  to  the  Mount  of  Olives,  in  the 
other,  from  Jerusalem  ;  in  the  one  case  the  greater  part  of  thirty 
thousand  people  are  slain  or  taken  prisoners ;  in  the  other,  the 
number  of  the  slain  amounts  to  only  four  hundred,  that  of  the 
prisoners  to  only  two  hundred.  This  example  serves  to  illustrate 
an  important  rule  of  criticism,  so  often  violated  by  sceptical  writers 
in  relation  to  the  Bible  ;  and  that  is,  that,  if  the  general  credibil- 
ity of  an  historian  be  acknowledged,  we  are  bound  to  reconcile 
an  apparent  difTerence  by  interpretation  or  combination.  The 
application  of  this  principle  here  enables  us  to  view  the  matter 
thus.  The  man  had  at  fu-st  a  band  of  sicarii,  and  a  rabble  had 
also  attached  themselves  to  him ;  these  people  he  leaves  behind 
on  the  Mount  of  Olives,  and  leads  thither  out  of  Jerusalem  an 
additional  crowd,  so  that  the  entire  multitude  might  amount  to 
about  thirty  thousand  men.     As  usually  happens  in  such  cases. 


360  COMMENTAKY.  Chap.  XXI,  39.  40. 

curiosity  merely  had  drawn  together  most  of  them.  Only  a  smaller 
company  belonged  to  the  train  of  liis  followers,  and  among  these 
were  the  sicarii,  the  attack  of  the  Romans  was  dhected  properly 
against  these,  of  ^vhom  Felix  slew  four  hundred,  and  made  two 
hundred  prisoners.  With  a  small  number,  i.  e.  witlt,  the  four  thou- 
sand of  whom  Luke  speaks,  he  escaped  into  the  desert ;  the  re- 
maining mass,  i.  e.  to  ttX'^^os,  of  which  the  first  passage  of  Jose- 
phus  speaks,  dispersed.  In  this,  or  in  a  similar  way,  the  Jewish 
historian  may  be  reconciled  with  liimself,  and  with  the  writer  of 
the  Acts."  —  €ts  T^v  tpr]fx.ov,  into  the  desert,  viz.  between  Egy})t  and 
Palestine,  as  he  came  from  that  direction.  —  tovs  TerpaKtaxi^iov:, 
the  four  thousand.  The  event  was  so  recent  that  the  precise 
number  was  still  known.  The  same  Felix  was  procurator  of 
Judea  at  this  time;  see  23,  24. — o-tKapiW,  assassins,  a  Latinism. 
They  received  their  name  from  the  Roman  sica,  a  cur\^ed  dagger 
adapted  by  its  form  to  be  concealed  beneath  the  clothes ;  they 
could  use  it  for  striking  a  fatal  blow,  in  a  crowd,  without  being 
observed. 

V.  39.  cyo)  ....  Tapo-ei;?,  as  analyzed  by  Meyer,  contains  two 
clauses  :  laTn  indeed  (yu-eV)  not  the  Egyptian,  but  aJeio  from  Tar- 
sus. 8e  below  can  hardly  be  antithetic.  —  KtAiKtas  depends  on 
TrdXcws;  not  in  apposition  with  an  imphed  genitive  in  Ta/ao-cvs 
(E.  v.).  —  ovK  dcr^)u.ou,  not  unnoted;  on  the  contrary,  says  Josephus 
(Autt.  1.  6.  I),  the  most  important  city  of  all  Cilicia.  Many  of 
the  coins  of  Tarsus  bear  the  title  of  Autonomous  and  Metropolis. 
See  on  9,  30. 

V.  40.  llat'Aos  icTTw^,  K.  T.  A,.  "  What  nobler  spectacle,"  ex- 
claims Chrysostom,  "than  that  of  Paul  at  this  moment !  There 
he  stands  bound  with  two  chains,  ready  to  make  his  defence  to 
the  people.  The  Roman  commander  sits  by,  to  enforce  order  by 
his  presence.  An  enraged  populace  look  up  to  him  from  below. 
Yet  in  the  midst  of  so  many  dangers,  how  self-possessed  is  he, 
how  tranquil!"  —  rrj  'E/SpatSt  SiaXcVrw,  m  the  Hebreiv  dialect,  i.e. 
in  the  Syro-Chaldaic  or  Araniccan,  as  in  John  5,  2;  19,  13.  See 
on  6,  1.  In  that  language,  if  he  was  not  more  intelligible  to  most 
of  his  hearers,  he  could  at  least  "speak  more  directly  to  the 
hearts  of  the  people." 


Chap.  XXU,  1-3.  COMMENTARY.  361 


CHAPTER    XXII. 

Verses   1-21.     Paul's  Speech  on  the  Stairs  of  the  Castle. 

V.  1.  As  we  examined  Luke's  account  of  Paul's  conversion 
(9,  1-18)  in  connection  with  this  address,  it  will  be  sufficient  for 
the  most  part  to  refer  the  student  to  the  notes  there,  so  far  as  the 
two  narratives  coincide.  I  subjoin  Mr.  Humphry's  introductory- 
paragraph.  "  Though  the  subject-matter  of  this  speech  has  been 
related  before,  it  assumes  here  a  fresh  interest  from  the  manner 
in  which  it  is  adapted  to  the  occasion  and  the  audience.  The 
apostle  is  suspected  of  disaifection  to  the  Mosaic  law.  In  order 
to  refute  this  charge,  he  addresses  them  in  Hebrew;  he  dwells  on 
his  Jewish  education,  and  on  his  early  zeal  for  the  law ;  he  shows 
how  at  his  conversion  he  was  guided  by  Ananias,  a  man  devout 
according  to  the  law,  and  of  good  report  among  the  Jews  at  Da- 
mascus, aiid  how  he  subsequently  worshipped  in  the  temple  at 
Jerusalem.  So  far  they  listen  to  him ;  but  he  no  sooner  touches 
on  the  promulgation  of  the  gospel  among  the  heathen  (v.  21) 
than  he  is  interrupted,  and  his  fate  would  probably  have  been 
the  same  as  Stephen's,  had  he  not  been  under  the  protection  of 
the  Roman  captain."  —  For  aSeXtjiol  koI  iraripes,  see  on  7,  2.  Some 
of  the  rulers  mingled  with  the  crowd,  whom  Paul  knew  person- 
ally or  recognized  by  some  badge  of  office.  Here  too  (1,  16) 
avSpcs  is  complimentary  and  belongs  with  that  force  to  both  nouns. 

—  fxov  depends  not  on  aKovaare  (comp.  1,  4),  but  on  aTroAoyias. 

V.  3.  The  common  rule  v/ould  place  fxiv  after  yeyevvrjfj.€yo?.  It 
stands  out  of  its  place  now  and  then  in  the  best  writers.  W.  § 
61.  5.  The  opposition  hes  evidently  between  Paul's  foreign  birth 
and  his  education  at  Jerusalem.  —  KiAtxias  depends  not  on  TroAei 
understood,  but  on  Tapa<2  under  the  rule  of  possession.    W.  ^  30.  2. 

—  Critics  point  this  sentence  differently.  Many  of  the  older  com- 
mentators, whom  Meyer  follows,  place  the  comma  after  TajxaXi-qX, 
instead  of  Tavrrj,  so  as  to  bring  a  participle  at  the  head  of  the 
several  clauses.  This  division  promotes  the  rhythm  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  sense.  The  comma  should  be  put  undoubtedly 
after  ravTrj  (Grsb.  Lchm.  De  Wet.).  Tischendorf  follows  this 
punctuation  in  his  second  edition,  irapa  tov<;  TrdSas  Tap-aXi-qX,  at 
the  feet  of  Gamaliel,  is  appropriate  to  iveKa&f.vp.ivo'i,  but  not  to  dm- 
TeSpap-fxevo? ;  the  latter  having  respect  to  his  physical  growth  or 
progress  to  manhood,  the  former  to  his  professional  training,    dva- 

46 


362  C  0  M  M  E  N  T  A  E  Y .  Chap.  XXII,  4-7. 

Te^pa/A/AcVos  ev  ttj  ttoXci  ravrrj,  having  been  brought  uj)  in  this  city, 
forbids  the  sujtpositioii  that  Paul  was  an  adult  when  he  went  to 
reside  at  Jcmsalcm.  Com})are,  also,  26,  4.  He  must  have  re- 
moved thither  from  Tarsus  in  liis  boyhood  or  early  youth.  It  is 
surprising  that  Eichhorn  and  Hemsen  should  maintain,  in  0}}posi- 
tion  to  such  evidence,  that  Paul  did  not  enter  the  school  of  Ga- 
maliel until  the  thirtieth  year  of  his  age.  See  note  on  7,  58.  To 
he  taught  at  one's  feet  was  a  proverbial  expression  among  the 
Jews,  founded  on  the  fact  that  in  their  schools  the  teachers, 
whether  they  stood  or  sat,  occupied  a  higher  place  than  the  pu- 
pils.     Schottg.  Hor.  Hebr.  p.  477.  —  Kara  dK/aiySttav  =  Kara  ttjv  aKpi- 

ftea-TOLTrjv  aLpicnv  in  26,  5.  Paul  had  been  a  Pharisee,  and  in  liis 
zeal  for  Judaism  had  surpassed  all  the  adherents  of  that  sect 
who  had  been  students  with  him  under  Gamaliel  (see  Gal.  1, 

13).  —  irarpwov    vofxav  :^  uojjiov  twv  iraripwy ',    comp.   tw    Trarpww    Se<a 

in  24,  14.  —  S^eov  is  like  the  genitive  in  21,  20. 

V.  4.  ravrrfv  ttjv  686v  (19,  23),  stands  concisely  for  those  of  this 
way ;  comp.  9,  2.  —  a;^i  ■^avdrov,  unto  death,  not  the  aim  merely 
(Grot.  Mey.),  but  result  of  liis  persecution.  The  facts  in  the 
case  justify  the  strongest  sense  of  the  expression  ;  see  v.  20  and 
26,  10.  —  avBpa^,  K.  T.  A.     See  on  8,  2. 

V.  5.  (is  /cat  ....  fjLoi,  as  also  the  high-priest  testifies  (=:is  \v\i- 
ness)  for  77ie ;  i.  e.  the  apx'-epev'i  at  that  time  (see  on  9,  1),  who 
was  known  to  be  still  living.    Some  construe  the  verb  incorrectly 

as   future.  —  Trpos  toi;s   aSeXcftovg  =  Trpos   ras  tJVvayiDyds  in  9,  2  ;   i.  e. 

unto  the  Jewish  rulers  of  the  synagogue  whom  Paul  recognizes 
as  brethren  (as  in  v.  1),  to  show  that  he  was  not  hostile  to  his 
countrymen  or  alienated  from  them  (21,  28) ;  comp.  Rom,  9,  1  sq. 
— €7rop£uo/Aijv,  was  journeying ;  not  went  (E.  V.).  —  d^aw  ....  ovras, 
in  order  to  bring  also  those  there,  lit.  thither,  because  the  speaker's 
mind  passes  from  where  he  is  to  them  ;  not  the  emigrants  thither 
(Mey.  Alf ),  since  the  Jews  had  resided  there  too  long  to  be  viewed 
in  that  light.  —  Iva  Tip.iMpy]^Z><jiv,  that  they  might  be  punished,  viz.  by 
imprisonment  (v.  4  ;  8,  3),  by  stripes  (v.  19 ;  26,  11),  or  by  death 
(v.  4  ;  8,  1). 

V.  6.  lyiviTo,  K.  T.  X.,  But  it  happened  to  nie  as  I  journeyed  (the 
participle  as  imperfect)  that,  etc.  —  p.oi  iropf-vop-ivw  is  not  an  in- 
stance of  the  dative  absolute,  but  depends  on  eycVero ;  comp.  v.  17. 
W.  ^  31.  2.  R.  2. — TTcpi  fj,€(T-qix.jipiav,  about  mid-day.  See  on  9,  3. 
That  he  should  have  had  such  a  vision  (</)aJs  Ikovov)  at  such  an 
hour  made  it  the  more  impossible  that  he  should  be  deceived. — 
For  Trept  in  Trcptacrrpai/'ai  re})eatcd  before  ipk,  see  on  3,  2. 

V.  7.     cTTccra,  wliich  is  changed  in  some  copies  to  tirea-ov,  is  an 


Chap.  XXII,  9-14.  COMMENTARY.  363 

Alexandrian  form ;  comp.  Gal.  5,  4.  W.  ^  13.  1.  a.  Transcribers 
have  probably  altered  this  termination  to  the  second  aorist  in 
some  other  passages,  as  John  6,  10 ;  Heb.  3,  17 ;  E.ev.  7,  11.  For 
hrea-a  in  the  classics,  see  K.  ^  154.  E..  2 ;  B.  i  114. 

V.  9.  01  (Tvv  ifxol  ovres^ot  a-vvoSevovTe';  avT<Z  in  9,  7  (comp.  26, 
14).  So  those  might  be  described  who  happened  to  be  travelling 
with  Saul  in  the  same  caravan ;  but  the  common  view  is  more 
correct,  that  they  are  the  men  who  accompanied  him  as  his  as- 
sistants. He  would  need  the  aid  of  others  to  enable  him  to  con- 
vey his  prisoners  in  safety  to  Jerusalem  (v.  5).  —  ttjv  Sk  cfujDvrjv  ovk 
T]Kovaav,  but  the  voice  of  him  who  spoke  to  me  they  understood  not. 
For  this  translation,  see  the  remarks  on  9,  7. 

V.  11.  ws  Se  OVK  ive^Xeirov,  As  noio  I  saw  not,  i.  e.  any  thing; 
here  only  without  an  object.  —  aaro  t^s  Sdf);?  tov  (fiuiro^  lKuvov,from 
the  glory,  splendor,  of  that  light,  which  was  "  above  the  brightness 
of  the  sun ; "  see  26,  13.  "  The  history  (9,  9)  mentions  simply 
the  fact  of  his  blindness,  but  the  apostle  states  its  cause,  as  an 
eye-witness  would  naturally  do."     Birks,  p.  328.^ 

V.  12.  tuo-e/37/9  is  the  authorized  word,  not  i.vXa^rj<i.  "  The  his- 
torian (9,  10)  calls  Ananias  a  disciple;  but  the  apostle  'a  devout 
man  according  to  the  law,  having  a  good  report  of  all  the  Jews 
who  dwelt  there.'  Such  a  description  was  admirably  suited  to 
his  immediate  object,  to  concihate  his  audience  in  every  lawful 
way.  How  consistent  it  was  with  the  other  account  appears 
from  21,  20,  in  the  words  of  James  :  '  Thou  seest,  brother,  how 
many  thousands  of  Jews  there  are  who  believe,  and  they  are  all 
zealous  of  the  latv.'  "  Birks,  p.  329.  —  KarotKovvTOiv,  sc.  ev  Aa/xao-Kw. 
—  ima-Tds,  standing  near,  in  order  to  place  liis  hands  upon  him ; 
comp.  9,  17.  —  The  recapitulation  here  omits  the  vision  to  Ana- 
nias, related  so  fully  in  the  history  (comp.  9,  10  sq.).  The  cir- 
cumstances of  that  event  were  unimportant  to  the  apostle's 
defence,  and  would  have  made  his  commission  to  the  Gentiles 
needlessly  prominent  at  this  stage  of  the  address. 

V.  13.  dvd/3Xeijjov,  look  up  and  see ;  and  so  in  the  next  clause, 
dvi^Xtxpa  £ts  avTov,  I  looked  uj)  upon  him.  We  are  to  think  of 
Paul  as  sitting  there  blind,  and  Ananias  as  standing  before  him 
(Mey).  The  verb  does  not  vary  its  meaning,  but  suggests  in 
the  first  instance  what  it  asserts  in  the  second.  The  involved 
idea  prevails  over  the  direct  one  in  such  a  use  as  that  in  9,  12. 

V.  14.    6  ^eos  Twv  Trarcpwv  rjfxutv,  the  God  of  our  fathers,  is  another  of 

'  Hora;  Ajwstolicfc,  by  the  Rev.  T.  R.  Birks,  late  Fellow  of  Trinity  College, 
Cambridge  (London  1850). 


364  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXII,  15.  16. 

"those  conciliatory  touches  which  mark  a  real  discourse."  —  irpo- 
r)(€tptVaTo,  K.  T.  X.,  appomted  (destined,  as  in  3,20)  thee  to  know  his 
will,  not  as  to  the  way  of  saving  men  (i.  e.  ^ovX-qv  in  20,  27),  but 
as  to  what  he  was  to  do  and  suffer  in  his  future  sphere  of  labor ; 
comp.  9,  15.  16.  —  Kol  iSeiv.  See  the  last  remark  on  9,  7. — tov 
SiVaiov,  as  in  3,  14  ;  7,  52. 

V.  15.  oTt  ea-rj  ....  avSpw-7rov<;,  for  thou  shalt  be  a  witness  for  him 
unto  all  men.  Tliis  is  the  reason  Avhy  Christ  had  revealed  liim- 
self  to  Paul;  comp.  Gal.  1,  16.  Travras  dv^pwTrous  takes  the  place 
of  t^vwv  Kttt  ftaaiXewv,  vlwv  t€  'lapa-qX  in  9,  15.  The  more  guarded 
pln-aseology  here  evinces  the  tact  of  the  speaker.  Paul  would 
keep  back  for  the  present  the  offensive  cis  i^vrj  which  when 
uttered  at  length  (v.  21)  was  the  last  word  that  the  bigoted  Jews 
would  bear  from  him.  —  The  idea  of  our  English  "  martyr  "  was 
not  attached  to  fidprvp  or  fxaprv;  till  a  later  period.  We  see  the 
word  in  its  progress  to  that  signification  in  v.  20  and  Rev.  17,  6. 
Towards  the  close  of  the  second  century  it  had  become  so  hon- 
orable a  title,  that  the  Christians  at  Lyons  who  had  been  con- 
demned to  suffer  torture  or  death,  fearful  that  they  might  waver 
in  the  moment  of  extremity,  refused  to  be  called  "  martyrs." 
"  This  name,"  said  they,  "  properly  belongs  only  to  the  true  and 
faithful  Witness,  the  Prince  of  Life  ;  or,  at  least,  only  to  those 
whose  testimony  Christ  has  sealed  by  their  constancy  to  the  end. 
We  are  but  poor,  humble  confessors,  i.  e.  6/xoA.oyoi."  (Euseb. 
Hist.  5.  2).  —  wv  instead  of  a,  which  the  verb  requires,  arises  from 
the  suppressed  iKCLvwv  after  p-aprvi. 

V.  16.  di/acrras  Stands  opposed  to  fxiXku<;,\.  e.  icithout  delay; 
see  on  9,  18.  —  jia-n-Turai,  be  baptized,  or,  with  a  stricter  adherence 
to  the  form,  iiave  thyself  baptized  (De  Wet.).  One  of  the  uses  of 
the  middle  is  to  express  an  act  which  a  person  procures  another 
to  perform  for  him.  W.  ^  38.  3 ;  K.  250.  R.  2.  This  is  the  only 
instance  in  which  the  verb  occurs  in  this  voice,  with  reference  to 
Christian  baptism.  In  the  analogous  case  (1  Cor.  10,  2)  the  read- 
ing is  ifSaTTTLcravTO  or  i^aTTTLaSrjaav.  —  kol  aTroXovcrat  ras  dp.apTta<;  aov, 
and  ivaxh  (bathe)  aicay  thy  sins.  This  clause  states  a  result  of 
the  baptism,  in  language  derived  from  the  nature  of  that  ordi- 
nance. It  answers  to  ets  dc^ccriv  d/xopnwv  in  2,  38,  i.  e.  submit  to 
the  rite  in  order  to  be  forgiven.  In  both  passages  baptism  is  rep- 
resented as  having  this  importance  or  eflicacy,  because  it  is  the 
sign  of  the  repentance  and  faith  which  are  the  conditions  of  salva- 
tion. Compare  d.ir€Xov<Taa.!^e  in  1  Cor.  6,  11.  The  sort  of  outward 
washing  expressed  by  this  verb  has  been  noticed  on  16,  33. 
Hence  there  can  be  no  question  as  to  the  mode  of  baptism  in 


Chap.  XXII,  17-21.  C  0  M  M  E  N  T  A,E  Y  .  365 

this  instance ;  for  if  it  be  maintained  that  (Sdimo-ai  is  uncertain 
in  its  meaning,  a  definition  is  added  in  arroXovaaL  which  removes 
the  doubt.  —  eTriKaXeo-ajnevos  to  ovofia  avroS  supphes  essentially  the 
place  of  €7rt  Tw  ovo/Aari  'lr](Tov  XpicrroB  in  2,  38 ;  see  the  note  on 
that  clause.  toB  Kvptov  after  6vo[xa  has  much  less  su])port  than 
avTov.     The  pronoun  can  refer  only  to  Christ ;  comp.  on  9,  14. 

V.  17.  For  this  journey  to  Jerusalem,  see  on  9,  10.  —  eyevero 
governs  ynot  as  in  v.  6.  —  In  irpoaev-^ofxivov  fxov  the  construction 
changes  to  the  genitive  absolute.  On  account  of  this  intervening 
clause,  jLte  accompanies  yeVeo-^at,  though  eyeveVo  has  the  same  log- 
ical subject  (see  on  15,  23).  W.  ^  44.  3.  —  On  cKo-Tacrei,  see  10, 
10.  Some,  as  Schott,  Wieseler,  and  others,  would  identify  this 
"  ecstasy  "  with  the  vision  to  which  Paul  alludes  in  2  Cor.  12,  2 ; 
and  would  establish  by  this  coincidence  the  date  of  the  composi- 
tion of  that  Epistle.  But  as  the  apostle  had  so  many  similar  reve- 
lations in  the  course  of  his  life,  and  as  the  character  of  this  vision 
is  so  unlike  that  described  in  2  Cor.  12,  2,  the  conjecture  that 
they  are  the  same  must  be  pronounced  vague  and  improbable. 

V.  18.  iv  Tiixeh  quickly,  accords  with  Gal.  1,  18.  On  this  first 
visit  Paul  remained  at  Jerusalem  but  fifteen  days,  and  received 
this  command  probably  on  one  of  the  last  of  them.  In  that  pas- 
sage of  the  Epistle  the  apostle  says  nothing  respecting  this  vision 
in  the  temple,  as  it  was  sufficient  for  his  object  to  mention  the 
reason  for  this  journey  thither  and  the  brevity  of  his  stay.  —  Stort 
....  Trepi  l^ov,  because  they  (viz.  his  unconverted  countrymen)  will 
not  receive  thy  testimony,  i.  e.  although  he  should  continue  to  de- 
clare it  to  them.     See  the  note  on  9,  30. 

V.  19.  Ci-Kov,  K.  T.  X.  The  apostle  states  the  reason  here  why 
he  supposed  Jerusalem  to  be  his  proper  field  of  labor.  His  his- 
tory as  a  converted  blasphemer  and  persecutor  was  notorious  in 
that  city;  the  testimony  of  such  a  man  might  be  expected  to  have 
more  weight  among  those  who  had  witnessed  the  change  in  his 
character,  than  among  those  to  whom  his  previous  life  was  un- 
known. 

V.  20.  fxapTvpo'i  a-ov,  thy  ivitness,  not  "martyr"  (E.  V.)  ;  see  on 
V.  15.  —  Ktti  ovTO'iythen  (see  on  1,  10)  I  myself.  —  In  respect  to 
crwcrSoKwv,  see  the  note  on  8,  1.  ttj  avaipe'crei  avTOV  the  critical 
editions  of  the  text  omit,  or  put  in  brackets.  It  is  probably  an 
addition  from  8,  1.  —  On  <^uA.ao-o-ojv,  k.  t.  X.,  see  7,  58. 

V.  21.  iropevov  is  present,  because  he  was  to  obey  at  once. 
He  proceeded  to  Syria  and  Cihcia  (9,  30  and  Gal.  1,  21),  and 
remained  there  three  or  four  years  before  his  arrival  at  Antioch 
(see  on  9,  30).     As  he  was  ordered  to  leave  Jerusalem  because 


366  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXII,  22-24. 

God  would  send  him  to  the  Gentiles,  we  may  infer  (though  this 
is  not  the  common  opinion)  that  he  preached  to  heatlien  as  well 
as  Jews  dming  his  sojourn  in  those  regions.  See  note  on  13,  3. 
— "  Paul  relates  this  vision  to  show,"  as  Alford  remarks,  "  that  his 
own  inclination  and  prayer  had  been,  that  he  might  preach  the 
gospel  to  his  oivn  peoj^le ;  but  that  it  was  by  the  imperative  com- 
mand of  the  Lord  liimself  that  he  went  to  the  Gentiles." 

Verses  22-29.     Paid  pleads  his  Eo?na?i  Citizenship),  and  escapes 
the    Torture. 

V.  22.  rjKovov,  continued  to  hear.  —  a)(pi  tovtov  toS  Xoyov,  %(nto 
this  word,  viz.  that  God  would  send  him  to  the  heathen.  —  aXpt.  is 
present  because  it  was  a  repeated  cry ;  see  on  21,  37.  —  For  tov 
with  ToiovTov,  the  one  such  as  he,  see  on  19,  25.  — ov  yap  KaSrJKcv 
avTov  lrjv,for  it  was  not  Jit  he  should  live  ;  imperfect  because  he  had 
forfeited  hfe  long  ago.  W.  §  41.  2.  Meyer  refers  the  past  tense 
to  the  chiliarch's  interference  ;  he  ought  not  to  have  rescued  the 
man,  but  should  have  left  him  to  his  fate.  Some  copyists,  stum- 
bling apparently  at  the  imperfect,  wrote  Ka^rjKov  or  Ka^-qKu. 

V.  23.  pnrrovvTtav  to.  Ifxaria  means,  not  throioing  off  their  gar- 
ments as  a  preparation  for  stoning  Paul  (Grot.  Mey.),  for  he  was 
now  in  the  custody  of  the  Roman  captain ;  but  throicing  them  up, 
tossing  them  about,  as  a  manifestation  and  an  effect  of  their  in- 
controllable  rage.  Their  casting  dust  into  the  air  was  an  act  of  the 
same  character.  This  mode  of  demonstrating  their  feelings  was 
suited  also  to  inflame  the  populace  still  more,  and  to  impress  the 
tribune  with  the  necessity  of  conceding  something  to  their  de- 
mands. Sir  John  Chardin,  as  quoted  by  Harmer,^  says  that  it  is 
common  for  the  peasants  in  Persia,  when  they  have  a  complaint 
to  lay  before  their  governors,  to  repair  to  them  by  hundreds,  or  a 
thousand,  at  once ;  they  place  themselves  near  the  gate  of  the 
palace,  where  they  suppose  they  are  most  likely  to  be  seen  and 
heard,  and  there  set  up  a  horrid  outcry,  rend  their  garments,  and 
throw  dust  into  the  air,  at  the  same  time  demanding  justice. 

v.  24.  cKcXcDcrcv,  k.  t.  A.  It  is  not  surprising  tliat  the  chiliarch 
gave  this  order.  He  had  been  unable  to  follow  Paul's  address  on 
account  of  his  ignorance  of  the  language ;  and  witnessing  now 
this  renewed  outburst  of  rage,  he  concludes  that  the  prisoner 
must  have  given  occasion  for  it  by  some  flagrant  offence,  and 

determines,  therefore,  to  extort  a  confession  from  him. — cittw 

avTovy  directing  that  he  shoidd  he  examined  by  scourges.     The  plural 

*  Observations,  Vol.  IV.  p.  203. 


Chap.  XXII,  25.  26.  COMMENTARY.  ^67 

refers  to  the  bloAvs  or  lashes  of  the  scourge.  It  was  proposed  to 
torture  him  into  an  acknowledgment  of  his  supposed  crime.  — 
iva  cTTiyvw,  that  he  might  ascertain.  —  ovtws  iirecf)wvovv  airw,  icere  so 
crying  out  against  him;  not  cried  out  (E.  V.). 

V.  25.  (1)5  8e  TTpoire-ivav  avrov  tois  Ifxaaiv  has  received  two  differ- 
ent explanations.  Some,  as  De  Wette,  Meyer,  Robinson,  render : 
But  as  they  (sc.  the  soldiers,  see  on  v.  29)  stretched  him  forth  for 
the  thongs,  i.  e.  for  the  scourge,  which  consisted  sometimes  of  two 
or  more  lashes  or  cords.  They  placed  the  apostle  in  an  upright 
posture,  so  as  to  expose  him  more  fully  to  the  blows,  or  caused 
him  to  lean  forward  in  order  to  receive  them  more  effectually. 
The  stripes,  it  will  be  remembered,  were  inflicted  on  the  naked 
back  (see  16,  22).  Others  translate,  they  stretched  him  forth  ivith 
the  thongs,  against  a  block  or  pillar,  i.  e.  bound  him  to  it  with 
them,  preparatory  to  his  being  scourged.  The  article  in  this  case 
would  designate  the  thongs  as  those  which  it  was  customary  to 
use  on  such  occasions.  Bbttger  (Schauplatz,  p.  84),  who  advo- 
cates the  view  last  stated,  deduces  a  strong  confirmation  of  it 
from  V.  29.  It  is  said  that  the  chiliarch  feared  when  he  ascer- 
tained that  Paul  was  a  Roman  citizen,  because  he  had  hound  him; 
but  that  fear  could  not  relate  to  the  command  in  21,  33,  for  he 
kept  Paul  in  chains  vmtil  the  next  day  (v.  30),  and  Felix  left  him 
still  in  that  condition  at  the  expiration  of  his  term  of  office  (24, 
27).  It  was  not  contrary  to  the  Roman  laws  for  a  magistrate  to 
bind  a  criminal  or  suspected  person  for  safe-keeping,  although  he 
was  known  to  be  a  Roman  citizen ;  and  hence  it  is  difficult  to 
see  what  can  be  meant  by  SeSeKws  in  v.  29,  unless  it  be  the  bind- 
ing connected  with  the  scourging  to  which  the  commander  had 
ordered  Paul  to  be  subjected.  That  was  an  outrage  which  was 
not  to  come  near  the  person  of  a  Roman  even  after  condemna- 
tion ;  the  infliction  of  it  on  the  part  of  a  judge  or  magistrate  ex- 
posed him  to  the  severest  penalty.  (Wdsth.  concurs  in  this  view.) 
Several  critics  (e.  g.  Kuin.  Olsh.)  render  TrpoeVetvav,  delivered,  con- 
signed, i.  e.  to  the  scourge,  which  is  too  vague  for  so  specific  a 
terra.  —  Trpos  tov  iarwra  kKarovrap-^ov,  unto  the  centurion  standing 
there,  having  charge  of  the  inquisition.  It  was  the  custom  of  the 
Romans  to  commit  the  execution  of  such  punishments  to  that 
class  of  officers;  comp.  Mark  15,  39.  —  Km.  aKaraKptTov,  and  (that 
too)  uncondemned,  -without  previoiis  trial;  see  on  16,  37. 

V.  26.  opa,  rendered  ta/:e  heed  in  the  English  version,  Gries- 
bach  and  others  omit,  after  decisive  authorities.  It  was  added 
apparently  to  give  more  point  to  the  caution.  —  6  yap,  k.  t.  X.,  for 
this  man  is  a  Roman.     It  may  excite  surprise  that  the  centurion 


368  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXII,  27.  28. 

believed  Paul's  word  so  readily.  Wc  have  the  explanation  of 
this  in  the  fact,  that  a  false  claim  of  this  nature  was  easily  ex- 
posed, and  liable  to  be  punished  with  death.  (Suet.  Claud,  c.  25.) 
It  was  almost  an  unprecedented  thing  that  any  one  was  so  fool- 
hardy as  to  assert  the  privilege  without  Ijeing  entitled  to  it. 

V.  27.  Xeye  fx-oi,  k.  t.  X.  He  asks  the  question,  not  from  any 
doubt  of  Paul's  veracity,  but  in  order  to  have  the  report  confirmed 
from  his  own  lips,  and  at  the  same  time  to  elicit  an  explanation 
of  so  unexpected  a  fact.  The  inquiry  indicates  his  surprise  that 
a  man  in  Paul's  situation  should  possess  a  privilege  which  he 
liimself  had  procured  at  such  expense. 

V.  28.  TToXXov  K€^akaiov,  for  a  great  sum.  It  has  been  inferred 
from  this  circumstance,  and  from  his  name,  that  Lysias  was  a 
Greek.  It  was  very  common  under  the  emperors  to  obtain  the 
rights  of  citizenship  in  this  way.  Havercamp  says  in  a  note  on 
Josephus  (Antt.  1.  p.  712),  that  a  great  many  Jews  in  Asia  ]Minor 
were  Roman  citizens  at  this  time,  who  had  purchased  that  rank. 
It  did  not  always  require  great  wealth  to  procure  it.  A  few  years 
earlier  than  this,  in  the  reign  of  Claudius,  "  the  rights  of  Roman 
citizenship  were  sold  by  Messalhna  and  the  freedmen,  with 
shameless  indifference,  to  any  purchaser,  and  it  was  currently 
said  that  the  Roman  civitas  (Diet,  of  Antt.  s.  v.)  might  be  pur- 
chased for  two  cracked  drinking-cups."  —  Kai,  a&o,  connects  the 
fact  of  his  freedom  with  its  origin.  —  yeyevv-qfjiai,  sc.  'Pw/tatos,  i.  e. 
he  had  inherited  his  rights  as  a  Roman  citizen.  In  what  Avay  the 
family  of  Paul  acquired  this  distinction  is  unknown.  Many  of 
the  older  commentators  assert  that  Tarsus  enjoyed  the  full  privi- 
leges of  citizenship,  and  that  Paul  possessed  them  as  a  native 
of  Tarsus.  But  that  opinion  (advanced  still  in  some  recent 
works)  is  certainly  erroneous.  The  passages  in  the  ancient  wri- 
ters which  were  supposed  to  confirm  it  are  found  to  be  inconclu- 
sive ;  they  prove  that  the  Romans  freed  the  inhabitants  of  Tarsus 
from  taxation,  allowed  them  to  use  their  own  laws,  and  declared 
their  city  the  metropolis  of  Cilicia ;  but  they  afford  no  proof  that 
the  Romans  conferred  on  them  the  birthright  of  Roman  citizen- 
ship. Indeed,  the  opinion  to  that  effect,  could  it  be  established, 
so  far  from  supporting  Luke's  credibility,  would  bring  it  into 
question  ;  for  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  tlie  chiliarch,  after  be- 
ing told  that  Paul  was  a  citizen  of  Tarsus  (21,  39),  would  have 
ordered  him  to  be  scourged,  without  any  furtlior  inquiiy  as  to  his 
rank.  It  only  remains,  therefore,  that  Paul's  father,  or  some  one 
of  his  ancestors,  must  have  obtained  Roman  citizenship  in  some 
one  of  the  different  ways  in  wliich  foreigners  could  obtain  that 


Chap.  XXII,  29.  30.  COMMENTARY.  369 

privilege.  It  was  conferred  often  as  a  reward  for  fidelity  to  the 
Roman  interest,  or  for  distinguished  military  services  ;  it  could  be 
purchased,  as  was  mentioned  above ;  or  it  could  be  acquired  by 
manumission,  which,  when  executed  with  certain  forms,  secured 
the  full  immunities  of  freedom  to  the  emancipated.  In  which 
of  these  modes  the  family  of  Paul  became  free  can  only  be  con- 
jectured. Some  adopt  one  supposition,  some  another.  Nothing 
is  certain  beyond  the  fact  that  Paul  inherited  his  citizenship. 

V.  29.  ol  /i-eAAovTcs  are  soldiers  who  aided  the  centurion  (v.  25). 
Luke  does  not  mention  the  command  of  Lysias,  which  caused 
them  to  desist  so  promptly.  —  eVtyvovs  on  'Pw/xaid?  eVrt,  /laving 
ascertained  that  he  is  a  Roman.  "  Ilia  vox  et  imploratio,  '  Civis 
Romanus  sum,'  quae  sajpe  multis,  in  ultinris  terris,  opem  inter 
barbaros  et  salutem  tulit,"  ^  proved  itself  effectual,  also,  in  this 
instance.  —  on  ....  SeSeKw?,  because  he  had  bound  him.  Those  who 
understand  this  of  his  having  ordered  him  to  be  chained  in  21,  33, 
must  suppose  that  his  present  fear  was  very  transient.  cAuo-ev 
in  V.  30  shows  that  Paul  was  kept  in  chains  during  the  night. 

Verse  30.     Paul  is  examined  before  the  Sanhedrim. 

V.  30.  For  the  use  of  to  before  the  interrogative  clause,  see 
on  V.  21. — Ti  KaTrjyopelrat  irapa  twv  'louSaiW,  lohy  he  is  accused  on 
the  part  of  the  Jews,  not  directly  or  formally,  but,  in  point  of  fact, 
by  their  persecution  of  him,  their  clamor  for  his  death.  Trapa  is  a 
more  exact  preposition  for  this  sense  (W.  h  47.  p.  327)  than  vtro, 
which  has  taken  its  place  in  some  manuscripts.  Some  have 
joined  Trapa  Twv  'lovSatwv  with  yvuvat  to  do-^aXe's,  as  if  it  could  not 
follow  a  passive  verb.  —  o-tto  twv  8ea-[jiwv  after  eXva-ev  expands  the 
idea,  and  was  added  to  the  text  probably  for  that  purpose.  It  is 
destitute  of  critical  support.  —  Karayaywv  tov  UavXov,  having  brought 
down  Paid  from  his  prison  in  the  castle  (see  on  21,  31)  to  the 
lower  place  where  the  Sanhedrim  assembled.  According  to  Jew- 
ish tradition,  that  body  transferred  their  sittings  at  length  from 
Gazith,  an  apartment  in  the  inner  temple  (see  on  6,  13),  to  a 
room  on  Mount  Zion,  near  the  bridge  over  the  Tyropoeon.  It 
was  here  probably  that  the  council  met  at  this  time  ;  for  Lysias 
and  his  soldiers  would  not  have  presumed  to  enter  the  sacred 
part  of  the  temple.  The  Romans  conceded  to  the  Jews  the  right 
of  putting  any  foreigner  to  death  who  passed  the  forbidden  limits ; 
comp.  on  21,  28.     See  Lewin,  II.  p.  672.^ 

'  Cic.  in  Verr.  Act.  2.  5.  57 

"  The  Life  and  Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  by  Thomas  Lewia  of  Trinity  College, 
Oxford  (1851). 

47 


370  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXm,  1. 2. 


CHAPTER   XXIII. 

Verses  1-10.     Paul's  Speech  before  the  Jewish  Council. 

V.  1.  Tracrrj  (Tvv€L^(Tu  aya^rj,  ivith  all  good  conscience ;  or,  more 
strictly,  consciousness,  i.  e.  of  integrity  and  sincerity.  See  on  20, 
21.  —  TreTTokiTevfjiat  t<3  ^cw,  I  have  lived  unto  God,  i.  e.  for  liis  sei-vice 
and  glory;  dative  of  the  object  (see  Rom.  14,  18;  Gal.  2,  19). 
The  verb  refers  to  his  conduct  in  all  respects ;  not  specially  to 
his  political  or  civil  relations.  Compare  d^tws  tov  emyyeXiov  ttoXi- 
T€vecrSe  in  Phil.  1,  27.  —  dxpi.  TavT-q<;  Trj<;  rjfjiipa?,  unto  this  day,  from 
the  time  that  he  became  a  Christian.  As  his  conduct  before  his 
defection  from  Judaism  was  not  in  question  now,  he  had  no  oc- 
casion to  speak  of  that  part  of  his  life,  though  he  could  claim  in 
some  sense  to  have  acted  conscientiously  even  then  (see  26,  9). 

V.  2.  o  dpxtepei's  'Avavta?.  This  Ananias  is  to  be  distinguished 
from  the  Annas,  or  Ananus,  of  whom  we  read  in  4,  6  ;  Luke  3,  2, 
and  John  18,  13.  He  is  unquestionably,  says  Winer  (Realw.  I.  p. 
57),  the  son  of  Nebeda3us,  who  obtained  the  office  of  high-priest 
under  the  procurator  Tiberius  Alexander,  in  the  year  A.  D.  48,  and 
was  the  immediate  successor  of  Camydus  or  Camithus  (Jos.  Antt. 
20.  5.  2).  He  filled  this  office  also  under  the  procurator  Cumanus, 
but,  having  been  implicated  in  a  dispute  between  the  Jews  and 
the  Samaritans,  he  was  sent  by  the  Syrian  proprator  to  Rome, 
in  A.  D.  52,  in  order  to  defend  himself  before  the  Emperor  Clau- 
dius. The  subsequent  history  of  Ananias  is  obscure.  He  either 
lost  his  office  in  consequence  of  this  journey,  or,  which  is  more 
probable  (Jos.  Antt.  20.  6.  3),  he  was  acquitted,  and  continued  to 
officiate  as  high-priest  until  he  was  superseded  by  Ismael,  son  of 
Phabi,  just  before  the  departure  of  Felix  from  Judea.  In  the 
latter  case,  says  the  same  Avi'iter,  he  was  the  actual  high-priest  at 
the  time  of  the  occurrence  related  here,  and  is  called  dpxtfpev's  on 
that  account,  and  not  because  he  had  formerly  held  the  office,  or 
because  he  occupied  it  during  a  vacancy.  —  tois  Tra/Deo-Tcucrtv  aurw, 
those  who  stood  near  to  him ;  not  members  of  the  council,  or  spec- 
tators, but  the  virqpirai,  the  ser\^ants  in  attendance ;  see  on  4,  1. 
—  TVTTTuv  avTov  TO  c7To/xa,  to  stAlcc  hvt  mouth.  The  mouth  must  be 
shut  that  uttered  such  a  declaration.  It  was  not  to  be  endured 
that  a  man  arraigned  there  as  an  apostate  from  the  religion  of  his 
fathers  should  assert  his  innocence.      This  mode  of  enjoming 


Chap.  XXIII,  3-5.  COMMENTARY.  371 

silence  is  practised  in  the  East  at  the  present  day.  "  As  soon  as 
the  ambassador  came,"  says  a  traveller  in  Persia,  "  he  punished 
the  principal  offenders  by  causing  them  to  be  beaten  before  him  ; 
and  those  who  had  spoken  their  minds  too  freely,  he  smote  upon 
the  mouth  with  a  shoe."  He  relates  another  instance  :  " '  Call 
the  Ferasches,'  exclaimed  the  king ;  '  let  them  beat  the  culprits 
until  they  die.'  The  Ferasches  appeared  and  beat  them  violent- 
ly ;  and  when  they  attempted  to  say  anything  in  their  defence, 
they  were  struck  on  the  mouth."  i 

V.  3.  TVTTTetv  ....  6  ^eo?,  Crod  shall  smite  thee.  The  apostle 
declares  in  terms  suggested  by  the  outrage  that  God  would  punish 
the  author  of  the  brutal  insult ;  he  does  not  imprecate  vengeance 
on  him,  or  predict  that  he  would  die  by  violence.  As  Ananias 
was  killed  by  an  assassin  (Jos.  Bell.Jud.  2.  17.  9),  some  have  sup- 
posed Paul's  language  to  prefigure  such  an  end.  —  toi.)(€.  Ke/covta/Aevf, 
tliou  lohited  ivall,  i.  e.  hypocrite,  because,  as  stated  in  the  next 
clause,  he  did  one  thing  while  he  professed  another.  For  the 
origin  of  the  expression,  see  Matt.  23,  27.  The  Jews  painted 
their  sepulchres  white,  so  as  not  to  defile  themselves  by  coming 
unexpectedly  in  contact  with  them;  hence  they  were  fair  to  the 
eye  while  they  were  full  of  inward  corruption.  Jahn's  Archseol. 
§  207.  —  KoL  (TV  Kadri,  And  dost  thou  sit  ?  etc.  The  verb  is  a  later 
form  for  Kd^-qa-au  Lob.  ad  Phryn.  p.  358.  Km  conforms  here  to 
its  use  in  questions  designed  to  bring  out  the  inconsistency  of 
another's  views  or  conduct.  Compare  Mark  4,  13 ;  Luke  10,  29. 
K.  ^  321.  R.  1.  —  KpCvdiv  fxe  Kara  tov  vofjiov,  judging  me  according  to 
the  Imv,  states  what  was  true  of  him  in  theory,  Trapavofiwv,  trans- 
gressing the  laiv,  what  was  true  in  point  of  fact. 

V.  5.  ovK  ri^civ,  I  did  not  know  at  the  moment,  bear  in  mind 
(Bng.  Wetst.  Knin.  Olsh.  Wdsth.).  Compare  the  use  of  this 
verb  in  Eph.  6,  8 ;  Col.  3,  24.  Some  understand  that  Paul  did 
not  know,  was  ignorant,  that  Ananias  was  now  the  high-priest;  a 
possible  ignorance,  certainly,  since  he  had  been  absent  from  the 
country  so  long,  and  the  high-priest  was  changed  so  frequently 
at  that  period.  On  the  contrary,  if  the  laigh-priest  presided  on 
such  occasions  or  wore  an  official  dress,  Paul  could  tell  at  a  glance 
who  that  dignitary  was,  from  his  position  or  his  costume.  But 
this  view  is  liable  to  another  objection;  it  renders  the  apostle's 
apology  for  his  remark  irrelevant,  since  he  must  have  perceived 
from  the  presence  of  Ananias  that  he  was  at  least  one  of  the 
rulers  of  the  people,  and  entitled  to  respect  on  account  of  his 

'  Morier's  Second  Journey  through  Persia,  pp.  8,  94. 


372  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXHI,  6.  7. 

Station.  Others  think  that  Panl  spoke  ironically,  meaning  that 
he  did  not  know  or  acknowledge  such  a  man  as  high-priest  (Mey. 
Bmg.).  The  sarcasm  so  covertly  expressed  would  not  have  been 
readily  understood,  and  the  appeal  to  Scripture  in  that  state  of 
mind,  becomes  unmeaning,  not  to  say  irreverent.  —  yap  yiypairraL 
connects  itself  with  an  implied  thought :  Otherwise  I  should  not 
have  so  spoken  ;  for  it  is  icritten,  viz.  in  Ex.  22,  28.  The  passage 
applies  to  any  civil  magistrate,  as  well  as  to  the  high-priest.  Paul 
admits  that  he  had  been  thrown  off  his  guard ;  the  insult  had 
touched  him  to  the  quick,  and  he  had  spoken  rashly.  But  what 
can  surpass  the  grace  with  which  he  recovered  his  self-possession, 
the  frankness  with  which  he  acknowledged  his  error?  If  his 
conduct  in  yielding  to  the  momentary  impulse  was  not  that  of 
Christ  himself  under  a  similar  provocation  (John  18,  22.  23), 
certainly  the  manner  in  wliich  he  atoned  for  his  fault  was  Christ- 
like. 

V.  6.  yvovs  Sc,  K.  T.  A.  Neander :  "  In  order  to  secure  the  voice 
of  the  majority  among  his  judges,  Paul  availed  himself  of  a  meas- 
ure for  promoting  the  triumph  of  the  truth  which  has  been  oftener 
employed  against  it,  —  the  divide  et  impera  in  a  good  sense ;  in 
order  to  produce  a  division  in  the  assembly,  he  addressed  liimself 
to  the  interest  for  the  truth  which  a  great  part  of  his  judges  ac- 
knowledged, and  by  which  they  reaUy  approached  nearer  to  him 
than  the  smaller  number  of  those  who  denied  it.  He  could  say 
with  truth  that  he  stood  there  on  trial  because  he  had  testified 
||  of  the  hope  of  Israel,  and  of  the  resurrection  of  the  dead  ;  for  he 
had  preached  Jesus  as  the  one  through  whom  this  hope  was  to 
be  fulfilled.  This  declaration  had  the  eifect  of  uniting  the  Phar- 
isees present  in  his  favor,  and  of  involving  them  in  a  violent  dis- 
pute ^vith  the  Sadducees.  The  former  could  find  no  fault  with 
him.  If  he  said  that  the  spirit  of  a  deceased  person,  or  that 
an  angel,  had  appeared  to  him,  no  one  could  impute  that  to  him 
as  a  crime ;  what  he  meant  by  this,  and  whether  what  he  alleged 
was  true  or  not,  they  did  not  trouble  themselves  to  decide."  — 
TTtpi  cXttiSos,  k.  t.  X.,  for  hope's  sake  and  (that)  a  resurrection  of  the 
decui  (Mey.  De  Wet.),  i.  e.  by  hendiadys,  the  hope  of  the  resurrec- 
tion (Kuin.  Olsh.).  The  first  mode  of  stating  it  analyzes  the 
grammatical  figure. 

V.  7.  cycvero  o-rao-is,  tliere  arose  a  disse?ition,  difl'erence  of  views 
respecting  Paul's  case;  see  on  15,  2.  —  As  the  effect  of  this  dif- 
ference, i(rxC<rSrj  to  7r\rjSo<;,  the  multitude  was  divided,  took  opposite 
sides. 

V.  8.     fJLr]  tlfat  ....  irvev/xa,  that  there  is  no  resurrection,  nor 


Chap.  XXIII,  8-10.  COMMENTARY.  373 

angel  or  sinrit.  See  Mark  12,  18.  yu,r;Se  adds  a  second  denial  to 
the  first,  while  /^^re  expands  this  denial  into  its  parts.  See  W.  k 
55.  6.  Josephus  confirms  this  statement  as  to  the  belief  of  the 
Sadducees.  In  one  place  (Bell.  Jud.  2.  8.  14)  he  says,  that  "  the 
Sadducees  reject  the  permanence  or  existence  of  the  sonl  after 
death,  and  the  rewards  and  punislunents  of  an  invisible  world ; " 
and  in  another  place  (Antt.  18.  1.4),  that  "the  Sadducees  hold 
that  the  souls  of  men  perish  with  their  bodies."  The  Talmudists 
and  other  Jewish  writers  make  the  same  representation.  —  rot 
d/A^orepa,  both,  i.  e.  according  to  the  above  analysis,  a  resurrection 
and  the  reality  of  spiritual  existences,  whether  angels  or  the 
souls  of  the  departed.  Josephus  belonged  to  the  sect  of  the 
Pharisees,  and  he  represents  their  opinion  to  have  been,  "  that 
souls  have  an  immortal  vigor,  and  are  destined  to  be  rewarded  or 
punished  in  another  state  according  to  the  life  here,  as  it  has 
been  one  of  virtue  or  vice ;  that  the  good  will  be  permitted  to 
live  again  (i.  e.  in  another  body  on  the  earth),  and  that  the  wicked 
will  be  consigned  to  an  eternal  prison."  (Antt.  18.  1.  3.)  "There 
was  a  variety  of  opinions  concerning  the  resurrection,"  says  Bis- 
coe,  "  among  the  Pharisees,  or  traditionary  Jews.  In  this  account 
of  it,  which  resembles  the  heathen  idea  of  transmigration,  Jose- 
phus, as  I  apprehend,  has  given  us  that  which  comes  nearest  to 
his  own  belief,  or  which  he  was  inclined  to  have  the  Greek  phi- 
losophers understand  to  be  his  own.  For  he  is  accused  by  learned 
men,  and  certainly  not  without  reason,  of  sometimes  accommo- 
dating the  Jewish  revelation  to  the  sentiments  of  the  heathen, 
or  bringing  it  as  near  to  what  was  taught  by  them  as  might  be." 

V.  9.  ol  y/3a/A/i,aT€ts,  k.  t.  A..,  the  scribes  of  the  jjarty  of  the  Phari- 
sees contended,  disputed  violently.  They  appear  as  the  champions 
of  their  party,  because  they  were  the  men  of  learning,  and  ac- 
customed to  such  debates.  —  d  Se  Trvev/ia,  K.  T.  X.,  but  if  a  sjnrit 

spoke  to  him,  or  an  angel ;  undoubtedly,  a  designed  apo- 

siopesis.  A  significant  gesture  or  look  towards  the  Sadducees 
expressed  what  was  left  unsaid  :  that  is  not  an  impossible  thing, 
the  matter  then  assumes  importance,  or  something  to  that  effect. 
See  W.  ^  64.  II.  For  other  examples  of  aposiopesis,  see  Luke 
19,  42  and  22,  42.  Some  maintain  that  the  sentence  is  incom- 
plete, because  the  remainder  was  unheard  amid  the  tumult  that 
now  ensued.  The  common  text  supplies  fxr}  S^eofxaxptixev  as  the 
apodosis;  but  the  testimonies  require  us  to  reject  that  addition. 
It  was  suggested,  probably,  by  ^eofxdxot  in  5,  39. 

V.  10.  fJii]  SiacriTaa-S^y  6  IlaiiXos  vtt  airwi/,  lest  Paul  should  be 
pulled  i?i  2neces  by  tliem,  as  the  parties  struggled  to  obtain  posses- 


374  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXIII,  11-15. 

sion  of  him;  their  object  being  on  the  one  side  to  protect  him, 
and  on  the  other  to  maltreat  or  kill  him.  —  to  oTpaTcv/i.a,  the  sol- 
dienj, some  of  the  troops  stationed  in  the  castle;  see  v.  27. —  Ob- 
serve the  collateral  tc  after  ayeiv,  since  the  rescue  and  the  con- 
veyance to  the  garrison  are  parts  of  the  same  order. 

Verses  11-15.     A  Conspiracy  of  the  Jews  to  slay  Paul. 

V.  11.  6  Kvpios,  i.  e.  Christ.  —  Sdpa-ei,  he  courageous  still.  The 
tense  is  present.  Though  he  had  not  begun  to  despond,  he  was 
on  the  eve  of  trials  which  would  expose  him  to  that  danger.  — 
HavXe  in  the  T.  E..,  which  the  E.  V.  retains,  is  to  be  struck  out. 
—  eh'UpovaraX-^fx  and  eh'Fwfirjv  involve  an  ellipsis  like  that  noticed 
on  8,  40. — Sei,  is  necessary,  because  such  was  the  purpose  of  God  ; 
comp.  27,  24.  Paul  had  long  cherished  a  desire  to  see  Rome 
(19,  21;  Rom.  1,  13);  but  as  far  as  we  know,  he  was  now  as- 
sured for  the  first  time  that  such  was  to  be  his  destiny 

V.  12.  TToirya-avTes  cTvcrTpo^rjv,  having  formed  a  combination,  (Mey. 
Rob.),  which  o-uvoj/Aoo-tav  in  v.  13  defines  more  precisely.  —  ol  'lov- 
haioi,  the  Jeivs,  since  this  party  of  them  manifested  the  Jewish 
spirit;  see  the  last  remark  on  4,  1.  tivcstwv  'lovSaiwv  is  an  unap- 
proved reading. 

V.  14.  Tots  a.p)(tepev(Ti  kol  toi?  7rpeal3vTepoL<;,  the  chief-priests  and 
the  elders,  i.  e.  those  of  these  classes  who  were  hostile  to  Paul, 
the  Sadducee  members  of  the  council  (Mey.  De  Wet).  This 
limitation  suggests  itself  without  remark,  after  the  occurrence 
which  has  just  been  related.  —  dvc^c/AaTto-a/xcv  eavrov's,  ive  cursed 
ourselves.  The  expression  points  to  some  definite  ratification  of 
the  atrocious  oath.  The  reflexive  of  the  third  person  (see  v.  12) 
may  follow  a  subject  of  the  first  or  second  person.  K.  §  303.  8 ; 
B.  k  127.  n.  5. 

V.  15.  crvv  Tw  on;ve8piu),  ivith  the  Sanhedrim,  i.  e.  in  the  name 
of  that  body,  as  if  it  was  their  united  request.  —  avpiov  has  been 
added  to  the  text  in  some  copies,  because  it  occurs  in  v.  20.  — 
aKpi(ii(Trcpov,more  exactly  than  on  the  former  trial.  —  -n-po  tov  iyyia-ai 
avTov,  before  he  has  co7ne  near,  i.  e.  to  the  place  of  assembly.  Their 
plan  was  to  kill  him  on  the  way;  see  v.  21.  —  tov  dveXeiv  depends 
on  lToip.01  as  a  genitive  construction.  W.  k  44.  4.  —  It  would  be 
difficult  to  credit  the  account  of  such  a  proceeding,  had  Luke 
related  it  of  any  other  people  than  the  Jews.  Here,  as  Lardner 
suggests  (Credibility,  I.  p.  224),  are  more  than  forty  men  who 
enter  into  a  conspiracy  to  take  away  Paul's  life  in  a  clandestine 
manner ;  and  they  make  no  scruple  to  declare  it  to  the  council, 


Chap.  XXIII,  16-21.  COMMENTARY.  375 

relying  upon  their  approbation.  It  is  clearly  implied  that  these 
teachers  of  rehgion,  these  professed  guardians  of  the  law,  gave 
their  assent  to  the  proposal ;  they  had  nothing  to  object,  either  to 
so  infamous  a  design,  or  to  the  use  of  such  means  for  accomplish- 
ing it.  But,  out  of  place  as  such  a  passage  would  be  in  any 
other  histoiy,  it  relates  a  transaction  in  perfect  harmony  with  the 
Jewish  opinions  and  practices  of  that  age.  A  single  testimony 
will  illustrate  this.  Philo,  in  speaking  of  the  course  to  be  pur- 
sued towards  a  Jew  who  forsakes  the  worship  of  the  true  God, 
lays  down  the  following  principle :  "  It  is  highly  proper  that  all 
who  have  a  zeal  for  virtue  should  have  a  right  to  punish  with 
their  own  hands,  without  delay,  those  who  are  guilty  of  this  crime  ; 
not  carrying  them  before  a  court  of  judicature,  or  the  council, 
or,  in  short,  before  any  magistrate  ;  but  they  should  indulge  the 
abhorrence  of  evil,  the  love  of  God,  which  they  entertain,  by 
inflicting  immediate  punishment  on  such  impious  apostates,  re- 
garding themselves  for  the  time  as  all  things,  senators,  judges, 
praetors,  sergeants,  accusers,  witnesses,  the  laws,  the  people ; 
so  that,  hindered  by  nothing,  they  may  without  fear,  and  with  all 
promptitude,  espouse  the  cause  of  piety."  Josephus  mentions  a 
similar  combination  against  the  life  of  Herod  into  wliich  a  party 
of  the  Jews  entered  on  account  of  the  religious  innovations  wloich 
they  charged  him  with  introducing.     (Antt.  15.  8.  1-4.) 


Verses  16-22.     The  Plot  is  disclosed  to  the  Roman  Commander. 

V.  16.  6  vios  T^9  dScXc^ijs,  the  son  of  his  sister.  Whether  the 
family  of  tliis  sister  resided  at  Jerusalem,  or  the  nephew  only, 
does  not  appear  from  the  narrative.  His  anxiety  for  the  safety  of 
Paul  may  have  arisen  from  a  stronger  interest  than  that  prompted 
by  their  relationship  to  each  other.  See  the  note  on  9,  30.  He 
was  not  a  bigoted  Jew  at  all  events ;  for  in  that  case  he  would 
have  allowed  no  tie  of  blood,  no  natural  affection  to  interfere 
with  the  supposed  claims  of  his  religion.  —  eto-eA^wv,  k.  t.  X.,  hav- 
ing entered  into  the  castle,  whence  it  appears  that  his  friends,  as 
afterward  at  Ceesarea  (24,  23),  had  free  access  to  him.  Lysias 
may  have  been  the  more  indulgent,  because  he  would  atone  for 
his  fault  in  having  bound  a  Roman  citizen.  —  Ty]v  iveSpav,  the  am- 
bush which  the  Jews  were  preparing. 

V.  18.  6  Sccr/Aio?  shows  that  Paul  was  still  bound,  i.  e.  by  a 
chain  to  the  arm  of  a  soldier.  —  'ixovrd  tl  XaXrja-aL  o-ol,  since  he  has 
something  to  say  to  thee ;  comp.  e'xet  yap,  k.  t.  X.,  in  v.  17. 

V.  21.     eveSpeuoucrt,  lie  in  ivait,  which  they  were  doing  inasmuch 


376  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXIII,  22-24. 

as  their  plot  was  already  so  mature  ;  comp.  ivlSpav  iroLovvre's  in  25,  3. 

—  TeaaapaKovra,  SC.  avSpwr,  as  in  V.  13.  —  iroLfJiOL  ctcrt,  SC.  rov  dveXetv 
avTOv;   comp.  V.  15.  —  TrpoaSe^ofJ-a'oi  ttjv  airo  aov  tTrayyeXiav,  awaiting 

the  (expected)  promise  from  thee.     eVayytXia  has  this  constant 
sense  in  the  New  Testament. 

V.  22.  Note  the  change  to  the  direct  style  in  on  ravra  cVe^avt- 
tras  Trpds  )u.e.  W.  §  63.  II.  ].  Compare  Luke  5,  14.  The  opposite 
change  occurs  in  v.  24. 

Verses  23-30.     The  Letter  of  Lysias  to  Felix. 

V.  23.  hvo  Ttvas  rCiv  eKarovTo.px'^v,  som,e  tioo  or  three  of  the  centu- 
rions;  not  07ie  or  tivo  (Hws.),  from  the  nature  of  the  expression 
and  because  less  than  two  would  be  an  inadequate  command 
for  so  large  a  force.  Though  it  is  not  said  expressly,  the  infer- 
ence is  that  these  officers  were  to  take  charge  of  the  expedition, 
as  well  as  prepare  for  it.  rts  joined  with  numerals  renders  them 
indefinite;  comp.  hvo  rtvas  twv  /xaStjTwv  in  Luke  7,  19.  W.  ^  25. 
2.  b;  K.  §  303.  4.  —  arpariwra';,  sohliers,  who,  as  they  are  distin- 
guished from  the  other  two  classes  named,  must  be  the  ordinary, 
heavy-armed  legionaries.  —  8efioXa/3ovs  occurs  only  here  and  in 
two  obscure  writers  of  the  iron  age.  "  Its  meaning,"  says  De 
Wette,  "is  a  riddle."  The  proposed  explanations  are  these:  irapa- 
</)i;Xa»c£s,  military  lictors  who  guarded  jirisoners,  so  called  from 
their  taking  the  right-hand  side  (Suid.  Bez.  Kuin.);  lancers  (Vulg. 
E.  V.)  ;  a  species  of  light-armed  troops  (Mey.),  since  they  are 
mentioned  once  in  connection  with  archers  and  peltasts.  Codex 
A  reads  Se$to/36Xov^,  jaculantes  dextra  ( Syr.).  See  De  Wette's 
note  here.  —  airo  rpCr-qs  Sipa<;,from  the  third  hour,  i.  e.  nine  o'clock 
with  us  ;  it  being  implied  that  they  were  to  march  at  that  hour 
as  well  as  be  ready. 

V.  24.  KTrjvr]  tc  TrapacrTTJcrat.,  and  that  they  should  provide  beasts 
of  burden,  as  two  or  more  would  be  needed  for  relays,  or  for  the 
transportation  of  baggage.  The  discourse  changes  at  this  point 
from  the  direct  to  the  indirect ;  comp.  on  19,  27.  —  Iva  eViySi/Sao-ai/- 
T€s,  K.  T.  X.,  that  having  mounted  Paul  (on  one  of  them)  they  might 
convey  him  in  safety  unto  Felix,  hid.  in  the  verb  refers  to  the  in- 
termediate space,  not  to  the  dangers  through  which  they  were  to 
pass  ;  comp.  18,  27  ;  27,  44  ;  1  Pet.  3,  20.  —  Felix  was  the  procu 
rator  of  Judea,  having  received  this  office  from  the  Emperoi 
Claudius,  probably  in  the  autumn  of  A.  D.  52  (Win.  Ang.  Mey.). 
He  was  originally  a  slave,  was  a  man  of  energy  and  talents,  but 
avaricious,  cruel,  and  hcentious,     Tacitus  (Hist.  5.  9)  has  drawn 


Chap.  XXIII,  25-29.  COMMENTARY.  377 

his  character  in  a  single  hne :  "  Per  omnem  ssevitiam  ac  hbidinem 
jus  regium  servih  ingenio  exercixit."     See  furtlier,  on  24,  3.  24. 

V.  25.  ypdif/as  belongs  to  the  subject  of  eiTrcv  in  v.  23.  —  -n-epte- 
\ovaav  Tov  tvttov  tovtov,  containing  litis  outline,  draught,  i.  e.  a  let- 
ter to  this  effect.  The  Roman  law  required  that  a  subordinate 
officer,  in  sending  a  prisoner  to  the  proper  magistrate  for  trial, 
should  draw  up  a  written  statement  of  the  case.  The  technical 
name  of  such  a  communication  was  elogium. 

V.  26.  Kparia-To)  is  an  honorary  epithet;  see  on  1,  1.  —  rjyefxovi 
stands  in  the  New  Testament  for  the  more  specific  e.iriTpoiro<i 
(comp.  Matt.  27,  2).  —  x^'W^'-  Compare  the  last  remark  on  15, 
23. 

V.  27.  TOV  avSpa  is  the  object  of  efctXo/tr/v,  which  avrov  repeats 
on  account  of  the  distance  of  the  noun  from  the  verb ;  comp, 
TovTwv  in  1,  22. — fiiXXovTa  avaipeta-^aL,  on  the  point  of  being  killed; 
not  should  have  heen  (E.  V.).  —  avv  m  a-rparevfjiaTL,  with  the  military/ 
(see  V.  10).  —  /x.a'^wv  OTL  'Pw/Aatos  icTTL,  having  learned  that  he  is  a 
Roman,  which  is  stated  as  a  reason  why  Lysias  was  so  prompt 
to  rescue  him.  It  was  not  until  after  he  had  taken  Paul  into  his 
custody  that  he  ascertamed  his  rank  ;  but,  as  was  not  unnatural, 
he  wished  to  gain  as  much  credit  as  possible  in  the  eyes  of  liis 
superior.  This  deviation  from  truth,  says  Meyer,  testifies  to  the 
genuineness  of  the  letter.  Some  resolve  p,a-^wv  into  koL  efxaS-ov, 
as  if  he  learned  the  fact  that  Paul  was  a  Roman  citizen  after  his 
apprehension.  The  Greek  of  the  New  Testament  affords  no  in- 
stance of  such  a  use  of  the  participle.  See  W.  \  46.  2.  Luke 
with  his  inquisitive  habits  (see  his  Gospel  1,  1)  would  find  an 
opportunity  to  copy  the  letter  during  his  abode  of  two  years  at 
Ca)sarea. 

V.  28.  /?oi;Xo/i,€vo5,  K.  T.  X.,  Wishing  to  know  or  ascertain  (yi/wmt 
and  cTTiyvwvat  are  both  found)  the  crime  (not  charge),  of  which  at 
this  stage  of  the  affair  Paul  was  supposed  to  be  guilty.  The 
weaker  sense  of  atnav  (Hws.)  makes  iveKaXow  repetitious.  —  Sl 
^v,  K.  T.  A..,  on  account  of  which  they  ivere  accusing  him,  not  formally, 
but  by  their  continued  outcry,  as  Luke  has  related.  —  Karriyayov 
avrov,  /  brought  him  down  in  person,  as  he  must  be  present  to 
gain  the  desired  information  ;  see  on  22,  30. 

V.  29.  TTcpl  t,y]Ty]p,a.Twv  tov  vofjbov  avTwv,  concerning  questions  of 
their  law.  See  the  note  on  18,  15.  —  As  ^avarov  and  Bea-fj^Ctv  de- 
noted the  highest  and  lowest  penalties  of  the  law,  the  idea  is 
that  Paul  had  no  crime  alleged  against  him  that  required  his 
detention  or  punishment  (Bottg  ).  Every  Roman  magistrate  be- 
fore whom  the  apostle  is  brought  declares  him  innocent. 
48 


378  COMMENTAKY.  Chap.  XXm,  30.  31. 

V.  30.  The  %vriter  falls  out  of  his  construction  here.  He  says 
firjwSeLcrrj'i  at  the  beginning  of  the  sentence,  as  if  he  would  have 
added  t^s  /i-cAAouoT^? ;  but  in  the  progress  of  the  thought  adds 
fiiXXeLv,  as  if  he  had  commenced  with  firjwa-dvTwv  ....  iTri/3ovXr]v, 
K.  T.  X.  The  idea  of  the  thing  disclosed  gives  place  to  that  of  the 
persons  who  disclose  it.  W.  ^  63.  I.  —  virb  twv  'lovSaiW  after  Icrccr- 
^ai  the  recent  editors  omit  (Tsch.  De  Wet.  Mey.).  —  iTre/xi/^a,  I 
sent ;  since  the  future  act  would  be  past  on  the  reception  of  the 
letter  (comp.  Phd.  2,  28;  Philem.  11).  W.  ML  5.  2.  —  iin  aov, 
before  thee. 

Verses  31-35.     Paulis  sent  to  Felix  at  Ccesarea. 

V.  31.  draXaySovrcs,  having  taken  up,  answers  to  eTrt/Jt^ao-avre? 
in  V.  24.  —  8ia  r^s  wktos,  during  the  night,  wlaicli  would  include  the 
hours  from  nine  o'clpck,  P.  M.  (v.  23)  to  six,  A.  M.  —  cis  t^v  'Aiai- 
TrarpiSa,  unto  Antipatris,  wliich  was  about  thirty-eight  miles  from 
Jerusalem,  on  the  route  to  Csesarea.  It  was  built  by  Herod  the 
Great,  on  the  site  of  a  place  called  Caphar  Saba,  and  was  named 
by  him  Antipatris,  in  honor  of  his  father  Antipatcr.  See  Jos. 
Antt.  16.  5.  2;  Bell.  Jud.  1.  21.  9.  The  modern  Kefr  Saba,  about 
ten  miles  from  Lud,  the  ancient  Lydda,  stands  no  doubt  on  the 
same  spot.^  It  is  an  instance,  like  Ptolemais  (21,  7),  in  which  the 
original  name  regained  its  sway,  on  the  decline  of  the  power 
wliich  imposed  the  foreign  name.  The  Romans  had  tAvo  mihtary 
roads  from  Jerusalem  to  Antipatris ;  a  more  southerly  one  by  the 
way  of  Gibeon  and  Bcth-horon,  and  a  more  northerly  one  by 
way  of  Gophna.  Bibl.  Res.  II.  p.  138.  If  Paul's  escort  took 
the  latter  as  the  more  direct  course,  they  would  arrive  at  Gophna 
about  midnight,  and  at  day-break  Avould  reach  the  last  line  of 
hills  which  overlooked  the  plain  of  Sharon.  Antipatris  lay  on  a 
shght  eminence,  at  a  little  distance  from  the  base  of  these  hills. 
To  perform  this  journey  in  the  time  allowed,  would  require  them 

1  See  the  account  of  a  visit  to  Kefr  Siha  by  the  late  Dr.  Smith,  in  the  Biblio- 
theca  Sacra,  1843,  p.  478  sq.  "It  is  a  Muslim  village,  of  considerable  size,  and 
wholly  like  tlie  most  common  villages  of  the  plain,  being  built  entirely  of  muQ. 
We  saw  but  one  stone  building,  which  was  ap])arently  a  mosque,  but  without  a 
minaret.  No  old  ruins,  nor  the  least  relic  of  antiquity,  did  we  sinywliere  discover. 
A  well  by  which  we  stopped,  a  few  rods  east  of  the  houses,  exhibits  more  signs 
of  careful  workmanship  than  anything  else.  It  is  walled  with  iiewn  stone,  and  is 
fifty-seven  feet  deep  to  the  water.  Tiie  village  stands  upon  a  slight  circular  emi- 
nence, near  the  western  hills,  from  wliich  it  is  actually  separated,  iiowever,  by  a 
branch  of  tlie  plain."  Raumcr  (Palastina,  p.  132,  3d  cd.)  and  Hitter  (Erdkunde, 
XVI.  p.  .571)  suppose  Antipatris  to  have  been  at  tliis  place. 


Chap.  XXIII,  31-35.  COMMENTARY.  379 

to  proceed  at  the  rate  of  about  four  miles  an  hour.  As  those  who 
conducted  Paul  had  a  good  road  (traces  of  the  old  P^oman  pave- 
ment are  still  visible),  they  could  accomplish  a  forced  march  of 
that  extent,  in  nine  hours.  Strabo  says  that  an  army,  under  or- 
dinary circumstances,  could  march  from  two  hundred  and  fifty  to 
three  hundred  stadia  in  a  day,  i.  e.  an  average  of  about  thirty 
miles.  Forbiger  (Handb.  der  Geog.  p.  551)  gives  a  table  of  the 
various  distances  of  a  day's  journey  among  the  ancients.  Some 
understand  rjyayov  Slo.  ttjs  vvkt6<;  to  mean  that  they  brought  him  hij 
night,  in  distinction  from  the  day;  in  which  case  they  could  have 
occupied  two  nights  on  the  road.  It  is  suggested  that  the  escort 
may  have  proceeded  to  Nicopolis  the  first  night,  which  was 
twenty-two  Roman  mdes  from  Jerusalem,  and,  remaining  there 
the  next  day,  have  amved  at  Antipatris  the  night  following.  Bis- 
coe,  Meyer.J  Kuinoel,  and  others,  adopt  this  opinion.  In  this  case 
rg  liravpiov  in  V.  32  must  denote  tlie  morroio  after  the  arrival  at 
Antipatris  on  the  second  night,  instead  of  the  morrow  after  leav- 
ing Jerusalem,  as  the  text  would  more  obviously  suggest.  If  it 
be  thought  necessary,  we  may  consider  8ia  t^s  vvktos  as  applying 
only  to  the  greater  part  of  the  journey.  It  would  be  correct  to 
speak  of  the  journey,  in  general  terms,  as  a  journey  by  night, 
although  it  occupied  two  or  three  hours  of  the  following  day. 
Tliis  view,  which  Winer  maintains  (Realw.  I.  p.  65),  allows  us 
to  assign  twelve  hours  to  the  march,  and  the  rate  of  travelling 
would  then  be  a  httle  more  than  three  miles  the  hour. 

V.  32.  eao-avTcs,  k.  t.  X.  The  remaining  distance  to  Csesarea 
was  not  more  than  twenty-five  miles.  They  were  now  so  far 
from  the  scene  of  danger  that  they  could  with  safety  reduce  the 
escort.  Whether  they  had  orders  to  do  this  or  acted  on  their 
own  discretion,  we  are  not  told.  They  commenced  their  return 
to  Jerusalem  on  the  morroic,  but  after  so  hurried  a  march  would 
travel  leisurely,  and  may  have  occupied  two  days  on  the  way. 

Y.  34.  6  rjyefxwv  appears  in  the  common  text,  without  sufficient 
reason  —  eTrepwri^o-as,  K.  T.  X.,  having  asked  from  ivhat  province  he  is. 
He  makes  the  inquiry,  perhaps,  because  the  letter  stated  that 
Paul  was  a  Roman  citizen. 

V.  35.  SLaKovaofiai.  aov,  I  ivill  hear  tJtee  fully.  Observe  the  com- 
pound. The  expression  exhibits  a  singular  conformity  to  the 
processes  of  Roman  law.     The  rule  was,  Qui  cum  elogio  (see  on 


1  J.  A.  G.  Meyer  in  his  Versuch  einer  Vertheidisung  und  Eriauterung  der 
Geschichte  Jesu.  und  der  Apostei  aus  Griechisclien  und  Roniisclien  rrofanscriben- 
ten  (j>.  461). 


380  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXIV,  1. 

V.  25)  mittuntur,  ex  integro  audiendi  sunt.  The  governor  of  a 
province  was  not  to  give  implicit  credit  to  the  document  with 
which  a  prisoner  was  sent  to  him;  he  must  institute  an  independ- 
ent examination  of  the  case  for  himself  See  Bottger,  Beitrage, 
vi.  s.  w.,  II.  p.  8.  —  ev  TO)  TTpaLTioptu)  tov  'HpwSov,  in,  the  prcetoriuni  of 
Herod,  i.  e.  in  the  palace  built  by  him  at  Caesarea,  and  now  occu- 
pied as  the  residence  of  the  Roman  procurators.  Paul  was  con- 
fined in  some  apartment  of  this  edifice,  or  within  its  precincts. 
See  Win.  Realw.  II.  p.  324. 


CHAPTER   XXIV. 

Verses  1-9.     Tertullus  accuses  Pond  before  Felix. 

V.  1.  As  to  Ananias,  see  on  23,  2. — //.era  Se  nevre  r}ix.ipa<;,  NotO 
after  Jive  days,  i.  e.  in  popular  usage,  on  the  fifth  since  Paul's  de- 
parture from  Jerusalem  (Kuin.  Mcy.  De  Wet.)  ;  not  since  his 
capture  there,  or  since  his  arrival  at  Csesarea.  The  escape  from 
the  Jewish  conspiracy  is  nearest  to  the  mind  here  after  what  has 
been  related ;  and  further,  according  to  Roman  usage,  a  case  re- 
ferred like  this  should  be  tried  on  the  tliird  day,  or  as  soon  after 
that  as  might  be  possible  (comp.  25,  17).  See  Bottger,  II.  p.  9. 
The  reckoning  in  v.  11  admits  of  this  decision. — //.era  twv  Trpco-- 
(Svripwv,  u-ith  the  elders,  i.  e.  the  Sanhedrists,  represented  by  some 
of  their  number,  tivwv  is  a  gloss.  —  py]Topo<;  TepTvXXov.  As  the 
people  in  the  provinces  were  not  acquainted  with  the  forms  of 
Roman  law,  they  employed  advocates  to  plead  for  them  before 
the  public  tribunals.  Tertullus  was  one  of  this  class  of  men,  and 
may  have  been  a  Roman  or  a  Greek.  It  is  not  certain,  that  "the 
proceedings  before  Felix  were  conducted  in  Latin.  In  ancient 
times  the  Romans  had  attempted  to  enforce  the  use  of  Latin  in 
all  law  courts,  but  the  experiment  failed.  tJnder  the  Emperors 
trials  were  permitted  in  Greek,  even  in  Rome  itself,  as  well  in 
the  senate  as  in  the  forum,  and  it  is  unlikely  that  greater  strict- 
ness should  have  been  observed  in  a  distant  province."  Lewin, 
II.  p.  684.  —  €V€c{>a.vLaav,  k.  t.  \.,  informed  the  governor  against  Paul, 
lodged  their  complaint.  "  The  beginning  of  any  judicial  action," 
says  Geib,  "  consisted  in  tlie  formal  declaration  on  the  part  of  the 
accuser,  that  he  wished  to  prosecute  a  particular  person  on  ac- 
count of  a  certain  crime."  ^ 

1  Gcschichtc  des  Rijmisclicn  Criminal-processes,  p.  115. 


Chap.  XXIV,  2-5.  COMMENTARY.  381 

V.  2.  KXrjd^evTO';  avrov,  he  having  been  called,  after  information  of 
the  case  had  been  given  (eVe^avto-w),  but  before  the  charges 
against  liim  were  produced.  The  Roman  law  secured  that 
privilege  to  the  accused ;  see  25,  16.  Nothing  could  be  more 
unstudied  than  this  conformity  to  the  judicial  rule.  —  rip^aro 
KaTTjyopeLv,  proceeded%  to  accuse.  Tertullus  insisted  on  three 
charges  ;  viz.  sedition  (Ktvovvra  o-Tao-iv),  lieresy  {■n-pityroa-ra.Tiqv  twv 
Na^w/aatW),  and  profanation  of  the  temple  (09  koL,  k.  t.  A,.) ;  see 
on  V.  5.  6. 

V.  3.  In  this  verse  the  participial  clause  forms  the  object  of 
d,7ro8€;)(d/A€^a  ;  comp.  ev)(apurT(x}  toJ  «^€<3  irdvTwv  vfjiwv  fxaXXov  yXtixraaLg 
XaXwv  in  1  Cor.  14,  18.  W.  §  46.  1.  a.  Translate,  That  we  enjoy 
much  peace  through  thee,  and  (the  benefit  of)  mamj  (sc.  TroAXwj/) 
excellent  deeds  performed  for  this  nation  by  thy  prudence,  ive  ac- 
knowledge, with  all  gratitude.  Most  critics  transfer  the  idea  of 
TToXX^s  to  KaTop3o}fjidTwv  (De  Wet.  Mey.  Rob.),  which  term  refers 
to  the  general  measures  of  his  administration.  The  speaker 
employs  the  first  person  plural,  because  he  identifies  himself  with 
llis  clients. — irdvr-q  re  kol  Trai/ra^oi;  some  join  with  yivofxivwV.  both 
in  every  ivay  and  everywhere  (Rob.)  ;  others  with  d7ro^e-^6p.(.da,  and 
render,  both  alivays  and  everywhere ;  not  merely  now  and  here 
(De  Wet.  Mey.).  The  first  is  the  surer  sense  of  TravTrj.  The 
best  editors  write  this  word  without  iota  subscript.     W.  §  5.  4.  e. 

—  The  language  of  Tertullus  is  that  of  gross  flattery.  History 
ascribes  to  Felix  a  very  different  character.  Both  Josephus  and 
Tacitus  represent  him  as  one  of  the  most  corrupt  and  oppressive 
rulers  ever  sent  by  the  Romans  into  Judea.  He  deserved  some 
praise  for  the  vigor  with  which  he  suppressed  the  bands  of  rob- 
bers by  which  the  country  had  been  infested.  The  compliment 
had  that  basis,  but  no  more. 

V.  4.  iVa  ....  iyKOTTTO},  But  that  Itnay  not  hinder,  weary,  thee  too 
much,  I  will  be  brief,  i.  e.  in  what  he  proposes  to  advance,  iin 
nXeiov  refers,  not  to  the  few  words  of  his  preamble  (Mey.),  as  if 
that  was  beginning  to  be  tedious,  but  to  his  subsequent  plea.  — 
aKovaaL  r)/xa)v  ctwto/aws,  to  hear  us  brief  y,  where  the  adverb  qualifies 
the  verb.     It  is  unnecessary  to  supply  \€$6vto)v  after  -fjfxCjv. 

V.  5.  The  sentence  is  irregular.  We  should  have  expected 
iKpaTTJa-afj-ev  avrov  at  the  beginning  of  the  apodosis  ;  but  instead  of 
that  the  writer  says  ov  kul,  influenced  apparently  by  os  /cat  in  the 
clause  which  precedes.  W.  ^  46.  2.  —  ydp,  namely:  the  case  is 
as  follows  (comp.  1,  20).  —  Aot/AoV,  pest,  hke  our  use  of  the  word. 

—  KLvovvTa  ....  'lovSaioLs,  exciting  disturbance  unto  all  the  Jews,  i.  e. 
among  them  and  to  their  detriment.     The  latter  idea  occasions 


382  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXIV,  6-10. 

the  use  of  the  dative.  The  charge  is,  that  he  set  the  Jews  at 
variance  with  one  another ;  not  that  he  excited  them  to  rebel 
against  the  Romans.  —  Na^wpaiW  occurs  here  only  as  a  term  of 
reproach  (Olsh.) ;  see  on  2,  22. 

■  V.  6.  OS  ...  .  )8e/3r/Xa)o-at,  iclio  also  attempted,  etc.  See  21,  28. 
—  The  entire  passage  koa.  Kara  ....  cttI  o-c  (v.  6-8)  is  of  doubtful 
authority.  It  is  rejected  by  Griesbach,  Bengal,  Mill,  Lachmann, 
Tischendorf,  De  Wette,  and  others.  Manuscripts  of  the  fiist 
class  omit  the  words,  and  others  contain  them  with  dilferent  vari- 
ations. "  If  they  are  genuine,"  says  Meyer,  "  it  is  difficult  to  see 
why  any  one  should  have  left  them  out ;  for  Kara  tov  rjixerepov 
vojxov  rj^eX^a-afxev  Kpivf.iv  would  be  no  more  offensive  in  the  mouth 
of  the  advocate  who  speaks  in  the  name  of  liis  chent,  than  the 
preceding  cKparT^o-a/xev.  The  indirect  complaint  against  Lysias  in 
v.  7  was  entirely  natural  to  the  relation  of  the  Jews  to  this  tri- 
bune, who  had  twice  protected  Paul  against  them."  It  is  urged 
for  the  words  that  their  insertion  answers  no  apparent  object,  and 
that  they  may  have  been  di-opped  accidentally  (Wdsth.).  —  ^^eX- 
ijo-a/iev,  K.  T.  \.,  loe  wished  to  judge,  etc.  We  obtain  a  very  differ- 
ent view  of  their  design  from  21,  31  ;  26,  21. 

V.  7.  In  /xera  ttoW^s  )8tas,  with  much  violence.  Tertullus  mis- 
states the  fact.  The  Jews  released  Paul  without  any  struggle, 
on  the  appearance  of  Lysias  ;  see  21,  32.  —  ctti  o-e,  be/ore  thee. 

V.  8.  nap'  ov  would  refer  to  Paul,  if  we  exclude  the  uncertain 
text  which  precedes;  but  more  naturally  to  Lysias,  if  we  re- 
tain it  (comp.  V.  22).  —  dvaKpiVa?  may  be  used  of  any  judicial 
examination.  It  is  impossible  to  think  here  of  a  trial  by  tor- 
ture, since  both  Paul  and  Lysias  were  exempt  from  it  in 
virtue  of  their  rank  as  Roman  citizens.  It  was  illegal  at  all 
events  to  have  recourse  to  this  measure.  See  Howson's  note, 
II.  p.  322. 

V.  9.  (rvve-n-iSevTo,  k.  t.  A.,  And  the  Jews  also  assailed  Jiiin  at  the 
same  time,  viz.  by  asserting  that  the  charges  were  true.  This  is 
a  better  reading  than  o-uve'^evro,  assented,  agreed,  though  we  have 
that  word  in  23,  20. 

Verses   10-23.     Paul s  Defence  before  Felix. 

V.  10.  Ik  ttoXXCjv  irwv,  since  many  years.  As  Felix  became 
procurator  probably  in  A.  D.  52  (see  on  v.  24),  he  had  been  in 
office  six  or  seven  years,  which  was  comparatively  a  long  time, 
at  this  period  when  the  provincial  magistrates  were  changed  so 
rapidly.     Some  of  them  exceeded  that  term  of  service,  but  a 


Chap.  XXIV,  11.  COMMENTARY.  383 

greater  number  of  them  fell  short  of  it.  Before  his  own  appoint- 
ment as  procurator,  he  had  also  governed  Samaria  for  some  years, 
under  Cumanus,  his  predecessor.  See  Hertz.  Encycl.  IV.  p.  354. 
—  eSvet  depends  on  Kpinqv  as  dat.  coraxn.,  judge  for  this  nation, 
since  the  relation  existed  ideally  for  their  benefit.  B.  ^  133.  2.  h ; 
W.  §  31.  2.  Paul  avoids  the  usual  Aao's  and  says  e^fos,  because 
he  is  speaking  to  a  foreigner  ;  see,  also,  v.  17.  —  evSv[x6T€pov,  more 
cheerfully  (T.  R.) ;  or  ev^v/xw?,  cheerfully  (Tsch.)  ;  the  former  more 
correct  since  the  comparative  as  less  obvious  was  liable  to  be  dis- 
placed. 

V.  11.  Savafjievov  aov  yvwvai,  since  you  are  able  to  knoiv,  i.  e.  by 
inquiry;  or,  imyvwyai  (Tsch.),  to  ascertain.  Paul  adds  this  as  an- 
other reason  why  he  was  encouraged  to  reply.  The  subject  lay 
within  a  narrow  compass.  Felix  could  easily  ascertain  how  the 
prisoner  had  been  employed  during  the  time  in  which  he  was 
said  to  have  committed  the  crimes  laid  to  his  charge.  —  The  com- 
mon text  inserts  ^  before  SeKaSvo,  which  the  later  editions  omit. 
See  on  4,  22.  The  best  mode  of  reckoning  the  twelve  days  is  the 
following  :  First,  the  day  of  the  arrival  at  Jerusalem  (21,  17) ; 
second,  the  intei'view  with  James  (21,  18)  ;  third,  the  assumption 
of  the  vow  (21,  26)  ;  fourth,  fifth,  sixth,  and  seventh,  the  vow 
continued,  which  was  to  have  been  kept  seven  days  (being  inter- 
rupted on  the  fifth) ;  eighth,  Paul  before  the  Sanhedrim  (22,  30 ; 
23,  1-10) ;  ninth,  the  plot  of  the  Jews  and  the  journey  by  night 
to  Antipatris  (23,  12.  31)  ;  tenth,  eleventh,  twelfth,  and  thirteenth, 
the  days  at  Caesarea  (24,  1),  on  the  last  of  which  the  trial  was 
then  taking  place.  The  number  of  complete  days,  therefore, 
would  be  twelve ;  the  day  in  progress  at  the  time  of  speaking 
not  being  counted.  The  five  days  mentioned  in  v.  1  above  agree 
with  this  computation,  if,  as  suggested  there,  we  reckon  the  day 
of  leaving  Jerusalem  as  the  first  of  the  five,  and  that  of  the  arriv- 
al at  Csesarea  as  the  last.  So  essentially  Wetstein,  Anger,  Meyer, 
De  Wette,  and  others.  Some,  as  Kuinoel,  Olshausen,  would  ex- 
clude the  days  spent  at  Cajsarea,  and  extend  the  time  assigned 
to  the  continuation  of  the  vow.  But  dai  jmol  (note  the  tense) 
evidently  represents  the  days  as  reaching  up  to  the  present  time. 
According  to  Wieseler's  hypothesis,  that  Paul  was  apprehended 
on  the  second  day  of  the  vow,  the  at  eTrro,  rjfxepai  in  21,  27  form  no 
part  of  the  series.  He  distributes  the  time  as  follows  :  two  days 
on  the  journey  from  Caesarea  to  Jerusalem  (21,  15) ;  third,  inter- 
view with  James ;  fourth  (-n-evTrjKoa-T-^),  seizure  of  Paul  in  the 
temple ;  fifth,  the  session  of  the  Sanhedrim ;  sixth,  the  departure 
by  night  to  Caesarea;  seventh,  the  arrival  at  Caesarea;  twelfth 


384  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXIV,  12-15. 

(five  days  after  that),  the  journey  of  Ananias  from  Jerusalem 
(24,  1);  and  thirteenth,  his  arrival  at  Caisarea,  and  the  trial  of 

Paul.  —  a<f)  rj<;  is  abbre\'iated   for   diro  t^s  r]fji,epa^  rj<i.  —  Trpoo-KWT^o-wv, 

in  Older  to  ivorship,  i.  e.  in  the  temple;  which  was  an  object  en- 
tirely different  from  that  imputed  to  him.  For  tliis  use  of  the 
future  participle,  see  B.  k  144.  3. 

v.  12.  The  grammatical  analysis  here  requires  attention.  The 
first  oxrre.  extends  to  o^A-oi,  and  r),  or  (not  nor),  connects  merely  the 
participial  clauses,  not  cvpov  expressed  with  that  verb  repeated. 
Before  the  second  and  third  ovt(.  we  are  to  insert  again  tvpov  .... 
0x^.01) ;  so  that  both  acts,  the  having  disputed  and  the  having  ex- 
cited a  tumult,  are  denied  with  reference  to  the  temple,  the  syna- 
gogues, and  the  city.  —  The  StaXeyo/xevov  was  not  in  itself  censur- 
able, but  in  this  instance  he  could  urge  that  he  had  not  even  had 
any  religious  discussion  during  the  few  days  in  question. — cv  rais 
cri'vaywyai?,  in  tJie  synagogues  at  Jerusalem,  where  they  were  nu- 
merous ;  see  on  6,  9.  —  Kara,  t^v  ttoXiv,  throughout  the  city,  up  and 
down  the  streets  (Alf ) ;  not  excluding  StaAtyd/Aevov,  but  refering 
especially  to  l-mava-raa-LV. 

V.  14.  Having  rephed  to  what  was  falsely  alleged,  he  states 
now  (8e  adversative)  what  Avas  true  in  the  case.  —  on  Kara  -rqv  6S6v, 
K.  T.  X.,  that  according  to  (those  of)  the  loay  (9,  2 ;  19,  9,  etc.)  uhich 
(not  m  ivhich)  they  call  a  sect  (aipeo-iv,  with  a  shade  of  reproach) 
so  (i.  e.  after  their  mode)  /  worship,  etc.  This  appears  to  me 
more  simple  than  to  make  owtco  prospective  :  so,  viz.  by  believing  all 
things,  etc.  (Mey.  De  Wet.).  —  Kara  t6v  vofiov,  throughout  the  law, 
in  all  the  books  of  Moses ;  see  on  13,  15. 

V.  15.  £A.7ri8a  ....  Siov,  having  a  hope  in  reference  to  God,  i.  e. 
founded  on  him,  since  his  word  and  his  promise  furnish  the  only 
basis  of  such  a  hope.  —  ^i^  Kal,  k.  t.  X.,  which  also  these  theinselves 
entertain,  that  it  is  appointed  there  shall  be  (see  on  10,  28)  a  resur- 
rection of  the  dead,  etc.  aurol  ourot  are  the  Jews  present,  viewed 
as  representatives  of  the  nation.  Hence  most  of  his  accusers 
here  were  Pharisees,  and  the  breach  between  them  and  the 
Sadducees  (23,  7)  had  been  speedily  repaired,  vc/cpoov  in  T.  E,. 
lacks  the  requisite  support  (Lchm.  Tsch.).  —  SiKaiW  tc  kcll  aStKOJv, 
not  only  of  the  just  (those  accepted  as  such  l)y  faith),  but  of  the 
vnjust.  The  resurrection  of  the  Avicked  in  order  to  be  punished 
is  as  clearly  taught  here,  as  that  of  the  righteous  to  be  rewarded. 
The  apostle  represents  tliis  hope  as  the  prevalent  Jewish  faith. 
Comp.  26,  7.  "  The  Sadducees,"  says  Biscoe,  (p.  68)  "were  so  few 
in  number,  that  they  were  not  worthy  of  his  notice  by  way  of  ex- 
ception.    Josephus  expressly  tells  us,  '  that  they  were  a  few  men 


Chap.  XXIV,  16-18.  COMMENTARY.  385 

only  of  the  chief  of  the  nation'  (Antt.  18.  1.  4)  ;  that  they  pre- 
vailed only  with  the  rich  to  embrace  their  sentiments,  and  that 
the  common  people  were  all  on  the  side  of  the  Pharisees  (lb.  13. 
10.  6)." 

V.  16.  ev  TouVoj,  therefore  (comp.  John  16,  30),  i.  e.  in  anticipa- 
tion of  such  a  day.  —  kcu.  airos,  also  I  myself,  as  well  as  others 
who  exemplify  the  proper  effect  of  this  doctrine.  It  is  impossi- 
ble, the  apostle  would  argue,  that  he  should  entertain  such  a  per- 
suasion, and  yet  be  guilty  of  the  crimes  imputed  to  him.  —  kaKili, 
I  strive,  exert  myself  —  aTrpoa-Ko-n-ov,  blameless,  lit.  not  made  to 
stumble,  preserved  from  it,  and  hence  unoffended.  The  term  is 
passive  here,  as  in  Phil.  1,  10,  but  active  in  1  Cor.  10,  32. 

V.  17.  The  defence  here  (8e  metabatic)  goes  back  to  the  spe- 
cification in  V.  6.  —  St'  Itwv  TrAeioVwv,  after  several  years,  i.  e.  of  ab- 
sence. It  was  now  A.  D.  58  or  59.  He  had  made  his  last  visit 
to  Jerusalem  in  the  year  A.  D.  54  or  55.  —  iX.er]iJLoavva<i  Troirja-wv,  in 
order  to  bring  alms  which  he  had  collected  in  the  churches  of 
Macedonia  and  Achaia,  for  the  relief  of  the  believers  at  Jerusa- 
lem;  see  Rom.  15,  25.  26;  1  Cor.  16,  1-4;  2  Cor.  8,  1-4.  This 
allusion  is  very  abrupt.  It  is  the  fi.rst  and  only  intimation  con- 
tained in  the  Acts,  that  Paul  had  been  taking  up  contributions  on 
so  extensive  a  plan.  The  manner  in  which  the  Epistles  supply 
this  deficiency,  as  Paley  has  shown,  furnishes  an  incontestable 
proof  of  the  credibility  of  the  New  Testament  -writers.  —  Trpoo-- 
<^ojoas  depends  loosely  on  Troi-qa-iMv :  and  while  there  I  was  making 
or  would  have  made,  offerings ;  which  after  the  information  in 
21,  26  we  naturally  understand  of  those  that  he  engaged  to  bring 
in  behalf  of  the  Nazarites.  They  are  not  the  oblations  which 
were  made  during  the  feast  of  Pentecost ;  since  no  connection 
would  exist  then  between  Trpoa(j>opd<;  and  the  purification  spoken 
of  in  the  next  verse. 

V.  18.  iv  oh,  in  which,  the  business  of  the  offerings.  For  this 
use  of  the  pronoun,  comp.  26,  12.  —  ^vpov  .  .  .  .  ev  tw  Upui,  they,  sc. 
the  Jews,  found  me  ])urifed  as  a  Nazarite  in  the  temjile.  riyvLcrfX€' 
vov  must  have  this  sense  here,  since  it  points  back  so  evidently 
to  21,  24.  26.  —  ov  jxeTo.  ox^ov,  not  with  a  mob,  as  Tertullus  had 
given  out  (v.  5),  but  conducting  himself  altogether  peaceably. — 
He  now  retorts  this  charge  of  a  riot  upon  the  true  authors  of  it. 
Tiv£s  Se  (XTTo  r>5s  'Ao-ias  'lorSaioi,  but  certain  Jews  from  Asia — it  is  they 
who  excited  a  tumult,  not  I.  The  verb  could  be  omitted  (a  true 
picture  of  the  speaker's  earnestness)  because  it  suggests  itself 
so  readily  from  Sopv^ov,  and  because  the  details  of  the  affair  have 
been  related  at  such  length  (21,  27).  The  common  text  omits  84 
49 


386  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXI V,  1 9-22. 

and  makes  nvcs  the  subject  of  evpov.  This  is  incorrect,  as  Be  must 
be  retained.  Our  EngUsh  translation  is  founded  on  the  omission 
of  tliis  particle. 

V.  19.  ovs  eSet,  tvhom  it  became  to  he  present ;  imperfect  because 
they  should  have  been  there  already  (comp.  /ca^%ev  in  22,  22). 
The  instigators  of  the  riot  were  the  persons  to  testify  how  it 
arose.  —  el  n  exoiev,  if  they  might  have  anything;  a  possibility 
purely  subjective,  and  hence  optative. 

V.  20.  17  avTol  ovToi,  or  (since  the  proper  witnesses  are  not 
here)  let  these  themselves  (see  v.  1.  15)  say  ivhat  crime  they  foimcl. 
With  £6  in  the  T.  R.  we  must  read  if  they  found  any,  etc.  (E.  V.) ; 
but  £1  is  unauthorized. 

V.  21.  rj  irepi  /tta?  rau-n^s  <^wr^s,  No  other  offence  than  (that)  con- 
cerning  this  one  expression.  The  sentence  is  framed  as  if  tl  oAAo 
aSLKTjfjia  had  preceded  (Mey.  De  Wet.).  The  Sadducees  might 
object  to  his  avowal  of  a  belief  in  the  resurrection,  but  the  rest 
of  his  countrymen  would  esteem  that  a  merit  and  not  a  crime.  — 
^s  eKpa$a,  ichich  I  cried ;  an  attracted  genitive,  instead  of  the  ac- 
cusative, wliich  this  verb  would  properly  take  as  having  a  kin- 
dred sense.  In  Matt.  27,  50,  and  Mark  1,  26,  (^wijj  after  the  same 
verb  denotes  the  instrument  of  speech,  not,  as  here,  what  was 
spoken.     See  W.  ^  24.  1. 

V.  22.  avTov?,  them,  viz.  both  parties  like  r/tSs  just  below. — 
aKpiftea-repov  etStbs  to,  Trepl  ttjs  oSov,  hioicing  the  things  in  regard  to 
the  way  (the  Christian  sect)  more  accuratehj,  i.  e.  than  to  give  a 
decision  against  Paul  (comp.  25,  10),  or  than  the  complaint  agamst 
him  had  taken  for  granted.  "  Since  Felix,"  says  Meyer,  "  had 
been  already  procurator  more  than  six  years,  and  Christianity  had 
spread  itself,  not  only  in  all  parts  of  Judea,  but  in  Ca^sarea  itself, 
it  is  natural  that  he  should  have  had  a  more  correct  knowledge 
of  this  rehgion  than  the  Sanhedrists  on  this  occasion  had  sought 
to  give  him  ;  hence  he  did  not  condemn  the  accused,  but  left  the 
matter  in  susi)ense."  Other  explanations  of  the  comparative  are 
the  following  :  knowing  the  case  more  accurately,  i.  e.  as  the  result 
of  the  present  trial  (which  would  have  been  a  reason  for  decid- 
ing it,  instead  of  deferring  it)  ;  knoving  it  more  accurately  than  to 
postpone  it,  i.  e.  (a  remark  of  Luke)  Felix  should  have  acquitted 
Paul  at  once  (which  brings  a  severe  reflection  on  his  conduct 
into  too  close  connection  with  the  account  of  liis  lenity  in  the 
next  verse) ;  and,  finally,  knowing  the  case  more  exactly,  i.  e. 
(joined  with  what  follows)  when  I  thus  know  it,  after  hearing 
the  testimony  of  Lysias--,  judgment  shall  be  given.  This  last 
sense  is  out  of  the  question,  because  it  disregards  utterly  the 


Chap.  XXIV,  23.  24.  COMMENTARY.  387 

order  of  the  words,  as  well  as  the  proper  meaning  of  Stayvwo-o/tai, 
Iivill  know  fully,  not  ivill  decide. 

V.  23.  The  rw  before  kKarovrapxy,  designates  the  centurion  as 
the  one  who  had  charge  of  Paul,  and  perhaps  other  prisoners  (see 
27, 1 ;  28, 16)  ;  whether  he  belonged  to  Caesarea  or  had  come  from 
Jerusalem.  This  officer  is  not  necessarily  the  one  who  had  con- 
ducted the  troops  from  Antipatris  (23,  32)  in  distinction  from  the 
one  who  returned,  since  tw  admits  of  the  other  explanation,  and 
since  ^vo  nva?  in  23,  23  leaves  the  number  indefinite.  Hence  as 
the  article  does  not  identify  the  centurion,  the  inference  to  that 
effect  (Blunt,'  p.  323  and  Birks,  p.  344)  is  not  to  be  urged  as  a 
proof  of  the  verity  of  the  history.  —  T-qpua-Sai  avrov,  not  middle, 
to  keep  him  (E.  V.),  but  that  he  shouM  be  kejjt  as  a  prisoner,  be 
guarded.  —  e^^ctv  re  avecnv,  and  should  have  respite  or  alleviation,  i.  e. 
be  treated  with  indulgence,  and  not  subjected  to  a  severe  captiv- 
ity. One  of  the  favors  wlaich  he  received  is  mentioned  in  the 
next  clause.  —  The  grammatical  subject  changes  before  kwAlW 
of  which  Kai  (note  re  between  the  other  verbs)  admonishes  the 
reader.  —  vir-qp^Tdv,  serve  him,  minister  to  his  wants.  —  ^  irpoa-ip- 
;(€o-^ai  is  doubtful,  and  may  be  borrowed  from  10,  28. 

Verses  24-27.     Paul  testifies  before  Felix  and  Drusilla. 

V.  24.  ivapayi.v6p.i.vo<i,  having  come,  not  to  Caesarea,  after  a  tem- 
porary absence,  but  to  the  place  of  audience ;  comp.  5,  21 ;  25,  23. 
—  (Tvv  Apova-iXXy  ....  'lovSata,  with  Drusilla,  his  wife,  being  a 
Jeivess,  which  would  imply  that  she  still  adhered  to  the  Jewish 
religion.  This  Drusilla  was  a  younger  daughter  of  Agrippa  the 
First,  who  was  mentioned  in  12,  1  sq.,  and  a  sister  of  Agrippa  the 
Second,  who  is  mentioned  in  25,  13.  We  turn  to  Josephus  (Antt. 
20.  7.  1  sq.)  and  read  the  following  account  of  her :  "  Agrippa 
gave  his  sister  Drusilla  in  marriage  to  Azizus,  king  of  the  Eme- 
senes,  who  had  consented  to  be  circumcised  for  the  sake  of  the 
alhance.  But  this  mamage  of  Drusilla  with  Azizus  was  dis- 
solved in  a  short  time  after  this  manner.  When  Felix  icas  pro- 
curator for  Judca,  he  saw  her,  and,  being  captivated  by  her  beauty, 
persuaded  her  to  desert  her  husband,  transgress  the  laws  of  her 
country,  and  marry  himself."  "  Here,"  as  Paley  observes,  "  the 
public  station  of  Felix,  the  name  of  his  wife,  and  the  circum- 
stance of  her  religion,  all  appear  in  perfect  conformity  with  the 

1  Undesigned  Coincidences  in  the  Writings  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments 
by  Rev.  J.  J.  Blunt,  London  1847. 


388  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXIV,  25-27. 

sacred  writer."  The  fate  of  this  woman  was  singular.  She  had 
a  son  by  Felix,  and  both  the  mother  and  the  son  were  among 
those  who  lost  their  lives  by  the  eruption  of  Mount  Vesuvius, 
in  A.  D.  79.  —  Luke  does  not  inform  us  why  Felix  summoned 
Paul  to  this  conference.  We  may  infer  from  the  presence  of 
Drusilla,  that  it  was  on  her  account.  In  all  probability  it  was  to 
afford  her  an  opportunity  to  see  and  hear  so  noted  a  leader  of  the 
Christian  sect. 

V.  25.  Trepi  St/catocruvT/s,  conceniirtg  justice,  which  the  conduct 
of  Felix  had  so  outraged.  Tacitus  (Ann.  12.  54)  draws  this  pic- 
ture of  him  as  a  magistrate  :  "  Relying  upon  the  influence  of  his 
brother  at  court,  the  infamous  Pallas,  this  man  acted  as  if  he  had 
a  license  to  commit  every  crime  with  impunity." — kol  iyKpareias, 
and  self-control,  especially  continence,  chastity.  Here  we  have 
another  and  double  proof  of  the  apostle's  courage.  At  the  side 
of  Fehx  was  sitting  a  victim  of  his  libertinism,  an  adultress,  as 
Paid  discoursed  of  immorality  and  a  judgment  to  come.  The  wo- 
man's resentment  was  to  be  feared  as  well  as  that  of  the  man. 
It  was  the  implacable  Herodias  and  not  Herod,  who  demanded 
the  head  of  John  the  Baptist.  —  l/t^o^os  yei/d/xcvos,  having  become 
alarmed.  —  to  vvv  ex'^v,  as  to  ichat  is  noio,  for  the  present  (Kyp. 
De  Wet.  Mey.).  The  construction  is  that  of  an  adverbial  accu- 
sative. K.  k  279.  R.  10.  —  Place  a  comma  or  colon,  not  a  period, 
at  the  end  of  the  verse. 

V.  26.  ayaa  kox  eX-rri^wv,  at  the  same  time  also  (that  he  gave  this 
answer)  hoping.  The  participle  connects  itself  Avith  direKpiSr] 
(comp.  23,  25),  and  is  not  to  be  taken  as  a  finite  verb.  —  on  XPV' 
fiara,  k.  t.  A.,  that  tnoney  will  he  give^i  to  him  by  Paul,  i.  e.  as  an 
inducement  to  release  him.  —  ottw?  Xvcttj  uvtuv  (T.  B,.),  that  he 
might  loose  him  (E.  V.),  suggests  a  correct  idea,  but  is  not  genu- 
ine. Felix  had  conceived  the  hope  that  his  prisoner  would  pay 
liberally  for  his  freedom.  He  may  have  supposed  him  to  have 
ample  resources  at  his  command.  He  knew  that  his  friends 
were  numerous,  and  had  been  informed  (see  v.  17)  that  they 
were  not  too  poor  or  too  selfish  to  assist  one  another. 

V.  27.  8t€Tia5  Se  7rXr]pw&etcrrj<;,  Two  years  now  having  been  com- 
pleted, i.  e.  since  Paul's  imprisonment  at  Cassarea.  —  eXaySe  ha^oxov 
6  <I>j}\t|  IIo/jKiov  ^oTov,  Felix  received  Porcius  Festus  as  successor. 
Luke  wrote  first,  or  we  might  suspect  him  of  having  copied  Jose- 

Jihus  who  says,   WopKiov  Se  f^a-TOV  iiahoxov  ^r^kiKL  7refi(f>SeyTOS  (Antt. 

20.  8.  9).  As  to  the  year  in  which  this  change  in  the  procurator- 
ship  took  place,  see  Introd.  $  6.  4.  —  StXwv  ....  rots  'lovSai'ois,  and 
wishing  to  lay  up  favor  for  himself  with  the  Jeivs,  to  make  himself 


Chap.  XXV,  1.  2.  COMMENTARY.  389 

popular  among  them ;  which  was  the  more  important  at  this  time, 
as  they  had  a  right  to  follow  him  to  Rome,  and  complain  of  his 
administration  if  they  were  dissatisfied  with  it.  His  policy  was 
unsuccessful ;  see  Introd.  §  6.  4,  An  act  like  this,  on  leaving 
such  an  office,  was  not  uncommon.  Thus  Albinus,  another  cor- 
rupt procurator  of  Judea,  having  heard  that  Gessius  Florus  had 
been  appointed  to  succeed  him,  liberated  most  of  the  state  pris- 
oners at  Jerusalem,  in  order  to  conciliate  the  Jews.  —  KaTeXnre, 
K.  T.  k.,  left  Paul  behind  chained,  still  a  prisoner,  instead  of  setting 
him  at  liberty.  I  correct  my  former  note  here  in  view  of  Mr. 
Howson's  suggestion.  As  we  are  not  to  infer  from  avccrtv  in  24, 
23  that  Paul  was  freed  from  his  chains,  Z(.hiiJi€vov  does  not  mean 
that  he  was  rebound  after  a  temporary  release.  Wieseler  (p.  380) 
has  shown  that  the  custodia  libera  was  granted  only  to  persons  of 
rank,  and  hence  Paul  could  not  have  enjoyed  that  favor,  as  is 
proved,  also,  by  his  subjection  to  the  surveillance  of  the  centu- 
rion. Meyer  has  changed  the  note  in  his  last  edition  to  agree 
with  this  view.  According  to  De  Wette,  Felix  loaded  Paul  again 
with  the  chains  which  he  had  removed.  Lange  (11.  p.  326), 
speaks  of  the  custodia  libera  as  exchanged  now  for  the  custodia 
militaris. 


CHAPTER   XXV. 

Verses   1-5.     Festus  refuses  to  bring  Paul  to  Jerusalem. 

V.  1.  ovv,  therefore,  since  he  was  the  successor  of  Felix. — "  The 
new  procurator,"  says  Mr.  Lewin  (11.  p.  699),  "had  a  straight- 
forward honesty  about  him,  which  forms  a  strong  contrast  to  the 
mean  rascality  of  his  predecessor.  He  certainly  did  not  do  all 
the  justice  that  he  might  have  done  ;  but  allowing  somewhat  for 
the  natural  desire  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the  people  of  his 
government,  his  conduct,  on  the  whole,  was  exemplary,  and  his 
firmness  in  resisting  the  unjust  demands  of  the  Jews  cannot  fail 
to  elicit  our  admiration."  —  /xera  rpei?  r]fxipa<;,  after  three  days,  i.  e. 
on  the  third,  which  allows  him  one  day  for  rest  between  his  ar- 
rival at  Caesarea  and  his  departure  for  Jerusalem. 

V.  2.  If  6  apxi^pf-v';  (T.  R.)  be  correct,  this  high-priest  must 
have  been  Ismael,  son  of  Phabi,  who  succeeded  Ananias  (Jos. 
Antt.  20.  8.  8).  Two  years  have  elapsed  since  the  trial  before 
Felix  (24,  1  sq.),  at  which  Ananias  was  so  active.     Instead  of 


390  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXV,  2-6. 

the  singular,  some  read  ol  dpx«pcis  (Lchm.  Tsch.),  which  was  in- 
troduced probably  to  agree  with  v.  15  (De  Wet.  Alf.).  —  oi  rrpwrot, 
the  first  men,  are  the  cliief-priests  and  tlie  elders  in  v.  15,  except 
that  the  dp;;^i€prJs  mentioned  separately  here  would  be  one  of  the 
apxtepets  there.  —  -n-apeKciXovv,  as  imperfect,  shows  their  impor- 
tunity. 

V.  3.  airovfievoL  x^ptv,  k.  t.  X.,  asking  for  themselves  a  favor  against 
him,  viz.  tliat  he  icouhl  send  for  him,,  etc.  —  cve'Spav  TroiowTes,  mak- 
ing an  ambush,  arranging  for  it;  see  23,  21.  They  anticipated 
no  obstacle  to  their  plan,  and  may  have  aheady  hired  their  as- 
sassins and  pointed  out  to  them  the  cave  or  rock  whence  they 
were  to  rush  forth  upon  their  victim.  Compare  the  note  on 
V.  16. 

V.  4.  a.Tr€Kpi3r],  ansivcred,  viz.  to  their  second  request  (see  note 
on  V.  16).  —  T-qpCid^ai,  K.  T.  X.,  that  Paul  teas  kepi  as  a  ■prisoner  at 
(lit.  unto^  Casarea,  as  the  Jews  were  aware  ;  and  hence  as  the 
governor  was  about  to  proceed  thither,  it  would  be  more  conven- 
ient to  have  the  trial  at  that  place.  The  English  version,  viz. 
that  Paul  should  he  kept,  conveys  the  idea  of  a  too  peremptory  re- 
fusal. So  decided  a  tone  would  have  given  needless  ofTence. 
Trjpela-Sai  announces  a  fact  rather  than  a  purpose.  —  m  Kaiadpeiav 
(more  correct  than  iv  with  the  dative)  opposes  tacitly  his  being 
kept  back  unto  Ccesarea  to  his  removal  thence  ;  not  unhke  ets 
*Ao-iavin  19,  22. 

V.  5.  ol  8vvaTol  ev  vpuv,  the  poicerfal  among  you,  your  chief  men ; 
not  those  who  are  able,  who  may  find  it  easy  or  possible  to  perform 
the  journey  (Calv.  Grot.  E.  V.).  Their  attendance  at  the  trial 
was  imperative,  and  the  magistrate  would  not  si)eak  as  if  they 
were  to  consult  their  convenience  merely  in  such  a  matter. 
Kuinoel  has  shown  that  'lovSat'wv  ol  Swarot  was  common  among 
the  Jews  as  a  designation  of  their  rulers ;  see  Jos.  Bell.  Jud.  1. 
12.  4  ;  2.  14.  8  and  elsewhere.  Compare,  also,  1  Cor.  1,  26  and 
Rev.  6,  15.  Howson,  after  Meyer,  renders  those  who  are  compe- 
tent, are  authorized  to  act  as  prosecutors,  but  Avithout  offering  any 
proof  of  that  absolute  use  of  the  term.  —  <^iyo-i  should  stand  be- 
fore iv  vfuv,  not  after  it  (T.  K). 


Verses  6-12.     Paul  appeals  from  Festus  to  Cccsar. 

V.  6.  Siarpii/'a?,  k.  t.  A..,  Having  noio  spent  not  more  than  eight 
or  ten  days,  i.  e.  having  returned  speedily,  as  he  had  intimated 
(tV  Tcix"  in  V.  4).  Instead  of  ov  ttXciovs  oKTio  rj  SeVa  (Grsb.  Tsch. 
Mey.)  as  above,  the  received  text  (and  so  E.  V.)  reads  ttXciovs  *] 


Chap.  XXV,  7-11.  COMMENTARY.  391 

Sc'/ca,  more  than  ten  days,  as  if  Festus  (hi,  adversative,  hut)  had 
not  fulfilled  llis  word  (v.  4). — rf)  i-TravpLov  =  ry  €$?!<;  in  V.  17. 

V.  7.  irepUa-Trjaav,  stood  around  him,  not  the  tribunal  (Kuin.)  ; 
comp.  TTcpt  ov  cTTa^evTe^  in  V.  18.  —  Most  manuscripts  omit  Kara  tov 
HavXov  after  cftipovre's.  Tischendorf  writes  Kara^epovres ;  but  others 
defend  the  simple  participle.  —  The  heavy  charges  (/?apea  ah-i- 
w/tara)  as  the  defence  of  the  apostle  shows  (v.  8),  were  heresy, 
impiety,  and  treason ;  comp.  24,  5.  6. 

V.  9.  e/cei  .  .  .  .  £7r'  c/aou,  there  to  be  judged  (viz.  by  the  Sanhe- 
drim) before  me,  i.  e.  in  his  presence,  while  he  should  preside 
(Mey.  De  Wet.  Wiesl.),  and  perhaps  confirm  or  reject  the  decis- 
ion. There  are  two  views  as  to  the  import  of  this  proposal.  One 
is,  that  Festus  intended  merely  to  transfer  the  trial  from  Cffisarea 
to  Jerusalem ;  and  the  other  is,  that  he  wished  to  change  the 
jurisdiction  in  the  case,  to  surrender  Paul  to  the  Jews,  and  allow 
them  to  decide  whether  he  was  innocent  or  guilty.  The  expla- 
nation last  stated  agrees  best  with  the  intimations  of  the  context. 
The  reply  of  the  apostle  (eVl  roi)  [ii]ix.aTo<i  ....  Kpivea-Sai  in  v.  10), 
and  the  fact  that  he  proceeds  at  once  to  place  himself  beyond 
the  power  of  Festus,  would  appear  to  show  that  he  regarded  the 
question  (^cAet?,  k.  t.  X.)  as  tantamount  to  bemg  deprived  of  his 
rights  as  a  Roman  citizen. 

V.  10.  iirl  TOV  (ST^p-aTos,  k.  t.  X.,  before  the  tribunal  of  Ccesizr  am  1 
standings  am  under  Roman  jurisdiction  since  Festus  was  the  rep- 
resentative of  the  emperor.  The  answer  of  Festus,  unto  Ccesar 
hast  thou  appealed,  unto  Ccesar  shalt  thou  go  (v.  11),  is  founded  on 
the  apostle's  subsequent  Kato-apa  iTnKaXovp.ai,  and  is  not  proof 
(Wdsth.)  that  Paul  viewed  himself  as  "already  standing  in  his 
own  resolve  before  CcBsa/s  judgment-seat." — ov  ....  KptVeo-^at, 
where  I  ought  to  be  judged  (present),  to  be  having  my  trial ;  as 
matter  of  right  (Set),  not  because  it  is  God's  will  (comp.  v.  24 
and  24,  19). — ws  koL  av  kolXXlov  €7rtytvwo-K€ts,  as  also  thou  perccivest 
better,  i.  e.  than  to  make  such  a  proposal ;  comp.  24,  22.  W.  k 
35.  4.  Such  a  comparative  is  very  convenient  as  suggesting 
something  which  it  might  be  less  courteous  to  express  (Wdsth). 
After  hearing  the  charges  against  Paul,  and  his  reply  to  them, 
Festus  knew  that  the  prisoner  was  entitled  to  be  set  free,  instead 
of  giving  him  up  to  a  tribunal  where  his  accusers  were  to  be  his 
judges.  The  temporizing  Roman  confesses  in  v.  18  that  Paul 
was  right  in  imputing  to  him  such  a  violation  of  his  convic- 
tions. 

V.  11.  €t  ovv  dStKcj,  if  therefore  I  am  unjust,  guilty,  i.  e.  in  conse- 
quence of  past  wrong-doing.    The  verb  expresses  here  the  result 


392  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXV,  12.  13. 

of  an  act,  instead  of  the  act  itself  See  W.  §  40.  2.  c.  ydp  in  the 
common  text  (for  in  E.  V.)  is  incorrect.  The  clause  is  illative 
^ndth  reference  to  the  assumption  (v.  9)  that  the  Jews  might  find 
him  guilty.  Some  combine  the  present  and  past  in  dSiKoi,  and 
render  if  I  have  done  and  am  doing  urong.  See  K.  ^  255.  R.  1. — 
Kttt  a$iov  .  .  .  .  TL  defines  the  degree  of  guilt.  If  it  was  such  that 
he  deserved  to  die,  he  was  willing  to  die.  —  ci  oiSiv  cortv  Jjv  =  el 

OvSeV  icTTL  TOVTUiV  a. 

V.  12.  o-vXXaX^cras  fiera  rov  ctv^jl^ovXIov,  having  spoke7l  with  the 
council,  i.  e.  the  assessors  or  judges  (TrapeSpoi,  consiliani)  who  as- 
sisted him  at  the  trial.  It  was  customary  for  the  proconsul,  or  his 
substitute,  to  choose  a  number  of  men  whose  office  it  was  to  aid 
him  in  the  administration  of  justice.  The  proconsul  himself  pre- 
sided, but  was  bound  to  consult  his  assessors,  and  to  decide  in 
accordance  with  the  views  of  the  majority.  See  Geib's  Ge- 
schichte,  p.  243  sq.  The  subject  of  consultation  in  this  instance, 
doubtless,  was  whether  the  appeal  should  be  allowed  or  refused. 
Writers  on  Roman  law  inform  us  that  the  provincial  magistrates 
had  a  certain  discretionary  power  in  tliis  respect.  An  appeal  to 
the  emperor  was  not  granted  in  every  case.  It  was  necessary  to 
consider  the  nature  of  the  accusation,  and  also  the  amount  of 
evidence  which  supported  it.  Some  offences  were  held  to  be  so 
enormous  as  to  exclude  the  exercise  of  this  right ;  and  when  the 
crime  was  not  of  this  character,  the  evidence  of  guilt  might  be 
so  palpable  as  to  demand  an  immediate  and  final  decision.  — 
Kaio-a/ja  tVtKeKXTjo-at  is  declarative  (not  a  question  as  in  E.  V.)  and 
repeats  Paul's  last  word  before  the  consultation,  for  the  purpose 
of  attaching  to  it  the  verdict.  —  lirl  KatVapa  Tropevar),  unto  Ccesar 
shah  thou  go,  be  sent,  announces  the  ready  conclusion  in  regard 
to  the  present  appeal.  I  perceive  no  severity  in  this  answer 
(Bng.),  beyond  that  of  the  abrupt  official  form.  The  prisoner  is 
told  that  the  government  would  carry  out  his  ajipeal,  and  take 
measures  to  convey  him  to  Rome  ;  see  on  27,  1. 


Verses  13-22.    Festu^  confers  with  Agrippa  concerning  Paul 

V.  13.  rjfjLfpCov,  K.  T.  X.,  certain  days  being  past  since  the  appeal. 
— 'AyptWas  o  ^ao-iXev?.  This  Agrippa  was  a  son  of  the  Agrippa 
whose  tragical  end  has  been  related  in  12,  20-24.  At  his  father's 
death,  as  he  was  considered  too  young  to  succeed  him  on  the 
throne,  Judea  was  committed  again  to  the  government  of  procu- 
rators. He  i)assed  his  early  life  at  Rome.  In  A.  D.  50,  on  the 
death  of  Herod,  his  uncle,  he  received  the  sovereignty  of  Chalcis, 


Chap.  XXV,  15.  16.  COMMENTARY.  393 

and  in  A.  D.  53  the  dominions  of  Philip,  and  Lysanias  (Lnke 
3,  1),  at  which  time  he  assnmed  the  title  of  king.  Li  the  yeai 
A.  D.  55  Nero  added  to  his  possessions  a  part  of  Galilea  and 
Perea.  He  died,  after  a  reign  of  nearly  fifty  years,  in  A.  D.  100, 
It  will  be  observed  that,  althongh  Luke  in  this  passage  styles 
Agrippa  a  king,  he  does  not  style  him  king  of  Judea ;  whereas, 
in  speaking  of  his  father  (12,  1  sq.),  he  not  only  applies  to  him 
this  title,  but  mentions  an  instance  of  his  exercise  of  the  regal 
power  at  Jerusalem.  The  facts  stated  above  show  how  perfectly 
this  distinction  conforms  to  the  circumstances  of  the  case, — 
BepviKT].  Bernice  was  the  eldest  daughter  of  Agrippa  the  First, 
and  a  sister  of  Drusilla  (24,  24).  She  was  noted  for  her  beauty 
and  her  profligacy,  Luke's  accuracy  in  introducing  her  at  this 
stage  of  the  history  is  worthy  of  remark.  After  a  brief  marriage 
with  her  first  husband,  she  became  the  wife  of  Herod,  her  uncle, 
king  of  Chalcis,  and  on  his  death  remained  for  a  time  with  Agrip- 
pa her  brother.  She  was  suspected  of  living  with  him  in  a  crim- 
inal manner.  Her  third  marriage  with  Polemon,  king  of  Cilicia, 
she  soon  dissolved,  and  returned  to  her  brother,  not  long  before 
the  death  of  the  Emperor  Claudius.  She  could  have  been  with 
Agrippa,  therefore,  in  the  time  of  Festus,  as  Luke  represents  in 
our  narrative.  Her  subsequent  connection  with  Vespasian  and 
Titus  made  her  name  familiar  to  the  Roman  writers.  Several 
of  them,  as  Tacitus,  Suetonius,  and  Juvenal,  either  mention  her 
expressly  or  allude  to  her.  —  do-Trao-o/Aevot  tov  ^yjo-tov,  in  order  to 
salute  Festus.  It  was  their  visit  of  congratulation.  Agrippa, 
being  a  vassal  of  the  Romans,  came  to  pay  his  respects  to  this 
new  representative  of  the  power  on  which  he  was  dependent. 

V.  15.  ei/c</)ttvi(7av,  informed,  i.  e.  judicially,  brought  accusation  ; 
comp.  V.  2;  24,  L  —  airovfjievot  .  .  .  ,  Slktjv,  asking  for  themselves 
justice  against  him.  The  idea  of  condemnation  lies  in  kot  avTov, 
not  in  SiKTjv.     Tischendorf  decides  against  KaraScK-qv. 

V.  16.  In  V.  3  the  request  of  the  Jews  was  that  Paul  might 
be  brought  to  Jerusalem ;  and  in  that  case  the  accusers  and  the 
accused  would  have  met  face  to  face.  Hence  the  reply  of  Fes- 
tus here,  in  order  to  warrant  his  objection,  must  relate  to  a  differ- 
ent proposal,  viz.  that  he  would  condemn  Paul  at  once  (see  v. 
24)  and  in  his  absence.  On  his  declaring  that  as  a  Roman  mag- 
istrate he  could  not  be  guilty  of  such  injustice,  the  Jews,  as  it 
would  seem,  changed  their  tactics.  If  it  was  so  that  the  parties 
must  confront  each  other,  they  asked  then  that  he  would  sum- 
mon the  prisoner  to  Jerusalem  and  have  him  tried  there.  But 
this  second  request  was  a  mere  pretence.     They  knew  the  weak- 

50 


394  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXV,  18-21. 

ness  of  their  cause  too  well  to  await  the  result  of  a  trial,  and 
wanted  only  to  secure  an  opportunity  to  waylay  and  kill  the  apos- 
tle on  the  road.  The  two  proj)Osals  may  have  been  made  at  dif- 
ferent times ;  so  that  in  the  interval  they  could  have  begun  the 
ambuscade  (as  intimated  in  v.  3),  beheving  that  though  baffled 
in  their  first  attempt  they  could  not  fail  in  the  second.  —  on 
....  'Pto/jtaiois,  tjiot  it  is  not  a  custom  for  Romans,  if  it  was  for 
Jews.  The  article  (E.  V.)  obscures  the  o})position.  —  av^puiirov 
(as  generic)  declares  the  rule  to  be  universal.  The  claim  to  this 
impartiality  was  a  human  right  in  the  eye  of  the  Roman  law.  — 
€ts  d7r(oA€tav  after  av^pwTrov  (T.  R.  and  hence  E.  V.)  is  unai)}»roved. 

V.  18.  -Trepl  ov,  around  ivhoiyi,  belongs  to  o-Ta^eVres  (comp.  v.  7), 
not  to  €ire(f>€pov,  against  tchom  (E.  V.).  The  antecedent  of  ov  is 
avSpa,  not  the  remoter  ^T^/^aros.  —  ahiav,  SC.  TOVT(i)v.  —  wv  (=  a  by 
attraction)  vTrevoow,  which  I  was  suspecting,  i.  e.  some  capital  of- 
fence, as  treason,  murder,  or  the  like. 

V.  19.  TTcpi  T^s  iSi'a;  8etcri8ai/xovia?,  concerning  their  oxen  religion; 
not  superstition.  Comimre  the  note  on  ^cio-iSai/xoveo-Te/aous  in  17, 
22.  Agrippa  was  known  to  be  a  zealous  Jew,  and  Festus  would 
not  have  been  so  uncourteous  as  to  describe  his  faith  by  an  offen- 
sive term.  iSi'as  refers  not  to  the  subordinate  ov,  his  oicn,  viz. 
Paul's,  but  to  KaTrjyopoi,  the  leading  subject.  —  irtpi  rtvos  'Ii^o-ou, 
K.  T.  A.,  concerning  a  certain  Jesus,  etc.  As  to  Luke's  candor  in 
recording  this  contemptuous  remark,  see  note  on  18,  15. 

V.  20.  aTTopow'/Acvos,  perijlexed,  uncertain,  as  Festus  may  have 
said  with  truth,  but  could  not  honestly  assign  as  the  motive  for 
his  proposal ;  see  v.  9  above.  —  ei's  r^v  Trept  tovtov  tfyrqfriv,  in  regard 
to  the  dispute  concerning  this  one,  viz.  Jesus  (v.  19) ;  not  this  mat- 
ter ;  as  if  it  were  neuter.  But  the  best  reading  is  vcpl  tovtcov, 
concerning  these  things,  viz.  in  relation  to  their  religion  and  the 
resurrection  of  Jesus. 

V.  21.  ToC  8e  naDAou,  k.  t.  A.,  But  Paul  havivg  appealed  (and  so 
demanded)  that  he  should  he  kept  in  Roman  custody,  instead  of 
being  tried  at  Jerusalem.  —  eis  r^v  tov  SeySao-ToC  Siayvwo-u',  irilh  a 
view  to  the  examination  of  Augustus.  The  Senate  conferred  this 
title  on  Octavius  in  the  fu-st  instance  ;  but  it  was  given  also  to 
his  successors.  —  c/ct'Acuo-a  ....  avrov,  I  commanded  that  he  should 
still  be  kept  (infinitive  jircsent)  at  Cajsarea.  In  i-qprj^Yivai  just 
before,  the  time  is  entirely  subordinate  to  the  act.  —  cws  ov  Tre/Ai/'a) 
avTov,  until  I  shall  send  him  ( T.  R.)  ;  but  the  surer  word  is  dm- 
Trifiipu),  shall  send  up  (Lchm.  Tsch.  Mcy.) ;  comp.  Luke  23,  7.  11. 
Festus  would  intimate  that  he  was  waiting  only  until  a  vessel 
should  sail  for  Italy. 


Chap.  XXV,  22-26.  COMMENTARY.  395 

V.  22.  i^ovXofirjv  Koi  owrds,  /  myself  also  could  ivish,  i.  e.  were 
it  possible.  The  Greeks  employed  the  imperfect  indicative  to 
express  a  present  wish  which  the  speaker  regarded,  or  ont  of 
courtesy  affected  to  regard,  as  one  that  could*  not  be  reahzed. 
Compare  Rom.  9,  3;  Gal.  4,  20.  W.  Ml.  2;  S.  ^  138.  3;  K.  $ 
259.  R.  6.  It  is  less  correct  to  understand  the  wish  as  one  long 
entertained. 

Verses  23-27.     Paul  is  brought  before  Agrippa. 

V.  23.  yu.€Ta  TToAA^s  ^avrao-tas,  ivitli  much  pomp,  display,  wliich 
consisted  partly  in  their  personal  decorations  (comp.  12,  21),  and 
partly  in  the  retinue  wliich  attended  them.  —  ets  ro  aKpoaTrfptov, 
unto  the  place  of  audience,  which  the  article  represents  as  the  cus- 
tomary one  (Olsh.),  or  as  the  one  to  which  they  repaired  on  this 
occasion  (Mey.).  — (tvv  tois  x<-'^tapx°'^'  with  the  chiliarchs,  the  com- 
manders of  the  cohorts  stationed  at  Caesarea,  which  were  five 
in  number  (Jos.  Bell.  Jud.  3.  4.  2).     Compare  the  note  on  27,  1. 

V,  24.  The  procurator  could  say  ttSv  to  ttXtj^^  twv  'louSatcov,  all 
the  multitude  of  the  Jews,  because  he  had  reason  to  know  that  the 
Jewish  rulers  (v.  2.  15)  who  had  demanded  the  death  of  Paul 
represented  the  popular  feeling.  Meyer  suggests  that  a  crowd 
may  have  gone  with  them  to  the  procurator  and  enforced  their 
application  by  clamoring  for  the  same  object.  —  eveVv^ov  fioi,  inter- 
ceded (in  its  bad  sense  here)  ivith  me,  against  him.  A  genitive 
or  dative  may  follow  this  verb.  —  Some  manuscripts  read  ^r^v 
auTov,  and  others  avrov  t,riv ;  and  so,  in  the  next  verse,  some  read 
^avoiTov  avToV,  and  others  avrov  3ava.Tov.  Sucli  transpositions, 
which  have  no  effect  on  the  sense,  show  how  unimportant  are 
many  of  the  various  readings  of  the  sacred  text.  —  tTrtySowvTc?, 
crying  against  him,  etc.;  see  on  v,  15.  —  fjLr)K€TL.  A  qualification 
like  this  in  a  negative  sentence  requires  a  compound,  containing 
the  1X7]  or  ovK  which  precedes.  K.  ^  318.  6  ;  B.  §  148.  6.  —  cKptva, 
I  decided,  viz.  at  the  time  of  the  trial  when  he  appealed.  The 
perfect  (E.  V.)  is  less  accurate  than  the  aorist. 

V,  26.  TTcpi  ov,  K.  T.  A.,  Concerning  whom  I  have  nothing  sure, 
definite,  to  write  to  the  sovereign.  In  such  cases  of  appeal  it  was 
necessary  to  transmit  to  the  emperor  a  written  account  of  the 
offence  charged  as  having  been  committed,  and  also  of  all  the 
judicial  proceedings  that  may  have  taken  place  in  relation  to  it. 
Documents  of  this  description  were  called  apostoli,  or  litcrce  dimis- 
sorice.  —  Kvptw  is  the  Greek  for  dominus.  The  writer's  accuracy 
should  be  remarked  here.    It  would  have  been  a  mistake  to  have 


396  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXVI,  1. 

applied  this  terra  to  the  emperor  a  few  years  earlier  than  tliis. 
Neither  Augustus  nor  Tiberius  would  allow  himself  to  be  called 
dominns,  because  it  implied  the  relation  of  master  and  slave. 
The  appellation 'had  now  come  into  use  as  one  of  the  imperial 
titles.  —  o-^w  TL  ypai/'o),  ma7j  have  what  (future)  I  shall  icrite ;  not 
Ti  ypanf/aL  (T.  R.),  tvhat  to  ivrite  (E.  V.).  Some  repeat  d<r0aXes 
after  rt  (Mey.),  which  is  not  necessary.  Meyer  leaves  out  the 
ellipsis  in  his  new  edition. 

V.  27.  aXoyov  yap  /Aot  SoKei,  For  it  appears  to  me  absurd.  It 
was  illegal,  too ;  but  Festus  thinks  of  the  act  as  being  a  violation, 
not  so  much  of  the  law,  as  of  the  propriety  which  dictated  the 
law.  —  TTc/xTTovra,  sc.  Ttva,  k.  t.  X.,  that  any  one  (De  Wet.)  sending  a 
piisoner  should  not  also  signify  the  cJiarges  (not  crimes)  against 
him.  Some  would  make  Tre/ATrovra  the  subject  of  arj/xavaL,  without 
any  elHpsis,  K.  ^  238,  R.  2.  e.  Some  sujiply  i/xi  as  the  subject. 
It  is  more  forcible  in  such  a  case  to  state  the  general  rule  or  prin- 
ciple which  controls  the  particular  instance. — Josephus  (Bell.  Jud. 
2.  14.  1)  describes  Festus  as  a  reasonable  man,  who  was  not  des- 
titute of  a  regard  for  justice  and  the  laws,  and  Avho  a{)proved  him- 
self to  such  of  the  Jews  as  were  willing  to  submit  to  any  foreign 
rule.  What  Luke  relates  of  liim  shows  him  to  be  worthy  of  this 
encomium. 


CHAPTER    XXVI. 

Verses  1-23.     PauFs  Speech  before  Agrippa. 

V.  1.  This  speech  of  the  apostle  is  similar  to  that  which  he 
delivered  on  the  stairs  of  the  castle  (22,  1  sq.).  The  main  topic 
is  the  same  in  each,  viz.  the  wonderful  circumstances  of  his  con- 
version ;  but  in  this  instance  he  recounts  them,  not  so  much  for 
the  purpose  of  asserting  his  personal  innocence,  as  of  vindicating 
the  divine  origin  of  his  commission,  and  the  truth  of  the  message 
proclaimed  by  him.  So  far  from  admitting  that  he  had  been  un- 
faithful to  Judaism,  he  claims  that  his  Christian  faith  realized  the 
true  idea  of  the  religion  taught  in  the  Old  Testament.  On  the 
former  occasion,  "  he  addressed  the  infuriated  poj)ulace,  and  made 
liis  defence  against  the  charges  with  which  he  was  hotly  pressed, 
of  profaning  the  temple  and  apostatizing  from  the  Mosaic  law. 
He  now  passes  by  these  accusations,  and,  addressing  himself 


CiiAP.  XXVI,  2. 3.  COMMENTARY.  397 

to  a  more  intelligent  and  dispassionate  hearer,  he  takes  the 
highest  gronnd,  and  holds  himself  up  as  the  apostle  and  messen- 
ger of  God.  With  this  view,  therefore,  he  paints  in  more  strik- 
ing colors  the  awful  scene  of  his  conversion,  and  repeats  more 
minutely  that  heavenly  call  which  was  impossible  for  him  to  dis- 
obey (v.  19),  and  in  obeying  which,  though  he  incurred  the  dis- 
pleasure of  his  countrymen  (v.  21),  he  continued  to  receive  the 
divine  support  (v.  22)."  Humphry,  p.  192.  —  eViTpeVcTat  .... 
Xeyeiv.  It  is  Agrippa  who  gives  the  permission  to  speak,  because 
as  he  was  the  guest  on  this  occasion  and  a  king,  he  presides  by 
right  of  courtesy ;  comp.  21, 40.  —  eKreims  Wjv  x^'P «>  having  stretched 
forth  the  hand,  is  the  same  as  /caTao-etcras  -tq  Kupi  in  13,  16  (comp.  21, 
40),  and  Karao-etcras  r^v  x'^'^P"-  i'^  ^^'  '^^-  '^^^^  gesture  was  the  more 
courteous,  because  the  attention  asked  for  was  certain  from  the 
known  curiosity  of  the  hearers.  On  the  arm  which  Paul  raised 
hung  one  of  the  chains,  to  which  he  alludes  in  v.  29. 

V.  2.  viro  'lovSaiW,  hy  Jeivs,  without  the  article  (comp.  22,  30) 
because  he  Avould  represent  the  accusation  as  purely  Jeioish  in  its 
character.  The  best  manuscripts  omit  twv  before  the  proper 
name. — fiaa-iXev.  For  Agrippa's  claim  to  the  title,  see  on  25,  13. 
—  Some  copies  place  cttI  crov  after  /xa/capiov,  others  after  dTroAoycto-- 
i&at.  The  first  is  the  best  position,  because  it  secures  a  stronger 
emphasis  to  the  pronoun  (Grsb.  Tsch.).  —  The  object  of  rp^-qfxai  is 
the  same  as  the  subject,  but  the  latter,  which  is  more  prominent, 
controls  the  case  of  fxiXXuiv.  This  verb  is  perfect,  have  thought ; 
not  think  (E.  V.).  Paul  distinguishes  the  tenses  in  Phil.  3, 
7.  8. 

V.  3.  fxaXiara,  especially,  rendered  namehj  in  the  older  versions 
(Tynd.  Cran.  Gen.)  states  why  Paul  was  so  eminently  fortunate ; 
not  how  much  Agrippa  knew.  —  yvwo-TT/v  ovra  o-e,  since  thou  art 
expert,  lit.  'a  knower.  The  accusative  is  anacoluthic,  instead  of 
the  genitive  (Mey.  Win.  Rob.).  W.  k  32.  7.  Some  explain  it  as 
an  instance  of  the  accusative  absolute  ;  but  we  have  no  clear 
example  of  that  construction  in  the  New  Testament.  ocfiSaXfxov? 
in  Eph.  1,  18,  has  been  cited  as  an  example  of  it,  but  stands 
really  in  apposition  with  Trvevixa,  or  depends  on  hwrj.  Beza's  un- 
authorized ctSws  (whence  "  knowing  "  in  E.  V.)  obviates  the  irreg- 
ularity. The  Rabbinic  writers  '  speak  of  Agrippa  as  having  ex- 
celled in  a  knowledge  of  the  law.  As  the  tradition  which  they 
follow  could  not  have  flowed  from  this  passage,  it  confirms  the 
representation  here  by  an  unexpected  agreement.  —  Kara  'lovSat- 

1  Sepp  gives  the  testimonies  in  his  Das  Lcben  Christi,  "Vol.  IV.  p.  138. 


398  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXVI.  4-6. 

ov?,  among  Jews,  of  whom  we  are  led  to  think  as  existing  in  dif- 
ferent places.  W.  k  53.  d.  —  ho,  therefore.  In  the  presence  of 
such  a  judge,  he  proposes  to  speak  at  length,  and  requests  a 
patient  hearing. 

V.  4.  ovv,  therefore,  i.  e.  encouraged  thus  he  will  proceed.  The 
apostle  enters  here  on  liis  defence — Ik  v(.6t7ito%  from  youth.  See 
on  22,  3.  —  ctTr'  a.p-)(rfs,from  the  beginning,  refers  to  the  same  period 
of  his  life,  but  marks  it  more  strongly  as  an  early  period.  It  will 
be  observed  that,  while  the  apostle  repeats  this  idea  in  the  suc- 
cessive clauses,  he  brings  forward  in  each  case  a  new  circum- 
stance in  connection  with  it.  He  states,  first,  how  long  the  Jews 
had  known  him ;  secondly,  where  they  had  known  him  so  long 
(ev  TO)  €^v£i  fjiov  Iv  'lepoa-oXvfioi'i)  ;  and,  thirdly,  what  (ort  Kara  rr/v 
dKpi^ea-TaTrjv  oLpeinv,  k.  t.  X.)  they  had  known  of  him  so  long  and 
in  that  place. 

V.  5.  Trpoytvcoo-KovTc?  /uc,  hioicing  me  before  (i.  e.  the  present 
time).  —  lav  ^c'Xwo-i  p-aprvpeiv,  if  titey  icould  be  loiiling  to  testify,  as 
he  had  not  the  confidence  in  their  honesty  to  expect.  —  ort  Kara 
r^v  d/cpi/Jctrrarr/v  aiptanv,  that  according  to  the  strictest  sect  in  regard 
both  to  'doctrine  and  manner  of  life.  See  22,  3.  Josephus  de- 
scribes this  peculiarity  of  the  Pharisees  in  similar  language  : 
eucrc^eo-rcpov  dvai  roii/  aAAwv  /cat  tov<;  vo/jlovs  aKpi^ia-Tipov  u(f>riyeLa-^ai 
(Bell.  Jud.  1.  5.  2).     on  reaches  back  to  to-ao-t. 

V.  6.  Kat  vvv,  and  noiv,  compares  his  present  with  his  former 
position.  'f.If  his  rigor  as  a  Pharisee  had  been  a  merit  in  the  eyes 
of  the  Jews,  his  hope  as  a  Christian  was  merely  that  of  the  true 
Israel,  and  should  as  httle  be  imputed  to  him  as  a  crime.  —  r^s 
Trpos  rot'5  Trarepas  y]jxCov  cTrayycXtas  yevo/xcK*;?,  of  tlte  promise  (i.  e.  of  a 
Messiah)  made  unto  our  fathers  (Kuin.  Olsh.  De  Wet.  Mey.). 
The  same  expression  occurs  in  Paul's  discourse  at  Antioch  (13, 
32),  where  it  is  said  that  God  fulfilled  tlie  proraise.  or  showed  it  to 
be  fulfilled,  by  raising  up  Jesus  from  the  dead.  See  the  note  on 
that  passage.  Compare  28,  20. — ets  rfv,  unto  ichicli,  viz.  the  prom- 
ise, its  accomplishment.  This  is  the  natural  antecedent  and  not 
the  remoter  iX-n-iSi.  —  BwSeKaffivXov  (jurats  8oj8e(ca  «^uXat9  in  James 
1,  1)  exists  only  here,  but  is  formed  after  the  analogy  of  other 
compounds  from  SwScKa.  The  Jewish  nation  consisted  of  those 
who  were  descended  from  the  twelve  tribes  ;  which  fact  justifies 
the  expression  historically,  though  the  twelve  tribes  had  now  lost 
their  separate  existence.  —  iv  eKrcvcia,  with  earnestttrss.  See  on 
iKTev^s  in  12,  5.  The  noun  is  a  later  Grecism.  Lob.  Phryn.  p.  311. 
Such  forms  help  us  to  fLx  the  age  of  the  New  Testament  writings. 
—  w'/cra  Koi  •^/u.cpav  Xarptvov,  worshipping  flight  and  day.     This  was 


Chap.  XXVI,  7-9.  COMMENTARY.  399 

a  phrase  which  denoted  habitual  worship,  especially  as  connected 
with  fasting  and  prayer.  See  Luke  1,  75;  2,  37  ;  18,  1 ;  1  Thess. 
5,  17;   1  Tim.  5,  5. 

V.  7.  TTf-pl  rj'i  eXTTtSo?  iyKaXovfiai.,  concerning  which  hope  I  am  ac- 
cused. The  apostle  means  to  say,  that  he  was  accused  of  main- 
taining that  this  hope  of  a  Messiah  had  been  accomplished  in 
Jesus,  and  had  been  accomplished  in  him  because  God  raised  liim 
from  the  dead.  The  presence  of  the  latter  idea  in  the  mind  of 
the  apostle  leads  to  the  interrogation  in  the  next  verse. — ^ Ay piinra 
after  fiaa-iktv  has  decisive  evidence  against  it  —  vtto 'IovSumv,  by 
Jews,  is  reserved  to  the  end  of  the  sentence,  in  order  to  state 
more  strongly  the  inconsistency  of  such  an  accusation  from  such 
a  source.  Here,  too,  the  article  (E.  V.)  weakens  the  sense,  and 
is  incorrect. 

V.  8.  TL  is  printed  in  some  editions  as  a  separate  question : 
miat,  ?  Is  it.  judged  incredible  ?  Other  editions  connect  rC  with 
the  verb  :  Why  is  it  judged  incredibk  ?  Griesbach,  Kuinoel,  De 
Wette,  Howson,  and  others,  prefer  the  first  mode ;  Knapp,  Hahn, 
Meyer,  Tischendorf,  and  others,  prefer  the  second  mode.  The 
latter  appears  to  me  more  agreeable  to  the  calm  energy  of  the 
apostle's  manner.  "  It  is  decisive  against  the  other  view,"  says 
Meyer  in  his  last  edition,  "  that  tl  ahnie  was  not  so  used;  the  ex- 
pression would  be  Tl  yap,  Tl  ovv,  or  Tt  Sc."  The  examples  of  ti  as 
interrogative  in  Rom.  3,  3.  9;  6,  15  and  Phil.  1,  18  agree  with  this 
criticism.  —  v/aiv  extends  the  inquiry  to  all  who  were  present. 
The  speaker  uses  the  singular  number  when  he  addresses  Agrip- 
pa  personally ;  see  v.  2.  3,  27.  —  d  6  ^cos,  k.  t.  A,.,  if  God  raises  the 
dead;  where  ei  is  not  for  oti,  but  presents  the  assertion  as  one 
that  the  sceptic  might  controvert.  —  eyeipei  is  present  because  it 
expresses  a  characteristic  act.  The  resurrection  of  Jesus  was 
past,  but  illustrated  a  permanent  attribute  or  power  on  the  part 
of  God. 

V.  9.  This  verse  is  illative,  with  reference  to  the  preceding 
question,  eyi)  fAv  ovv,  I  indeed,  therefore,  i.  e.  in  consequence  of 
a  spirit  of  incredulity,  like  that  of  others.  —  (.ho^a  ifxavrco,  I  seemed 
to  myself,  thought.  The  pronoun  opposes  his  own  to  another  and 
higher  judgment.  This  same  act  in  which  Paul  gloried  at  the 
time,  appeared  to  him  as  the  crime  of  his  life  after  he  became  a 
Christian.  In  1  Con  15,  9  he  declares  that  he  "  was  the  least  of 
the  apostles,  that  he  was  not  meet  to  be  called  an  apostle,  be- 
cause he  persecuted  the  church  of  God."  —  Trpog  to  nvo^x-a  'Irjo-ov, 
against  the  name  of  Jesus;  comp.  Trpo?  in  Luke  23,  12.  — TroAAa  Ivav 
na,  many  things  hostile. 


400  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXVI,  10.  11. 

V.  10.  o  refers  to  the  collective  idea  in  ttoXXo.  ivavria.  —  kou 
connects  eVow/a-a  with  eSo^a.  —  Koi  iroXXov's,  k.  t.  A.,  adds  the  facts 
in  illustration  of  what  was  stated  in  general  terms.  —  twv  dyiW, 
the  saints,  is  no  doubt  a  chosen  word  here.  It  does  not  occur  in 
Luke's  account  of  the  apostle's  conversion  (9,  1  sq.).  Paul  him- 
self avoids  it  in  his  speech  to  the  Jews  (22,  4  sq.)  who  were  so 
sensitive  in  regard  to  any  claim  of  merit  in  behalf  of  the  Chris- 
tians. "  But  here  before  Agrippa,  where  there  was  no  such  need 
of  caution,  the  apostle  indulges  his  own  feehngs,  by  giving  them 
a  title  of  honor  which  aggravates  his  own  guilt."  Birks,  p.  327. 
—  e'yoj,  emphatic.  The  imprisoning  was  the  speaker's  act.  — The 
common  text  omits  Iv  before  <^vXaKah,  I  shut  up  unto  priso7is, 
which  would  be  an  instance  of  the  local  dative  sometimes  found 
after  verbs  compounded  with  /cara.  See  Bernh.  Synt.  p.  243. 
But  Griesbach,  Tischendorf,  and  others,  allege  good  authority  for 
reading  ev  <f>vXaKaLs,  which  would  be  the  ordinary  construction ; 
comp.  Luke  3,  20.  —  irapa  twv  ap)(Lf.pi(jiv.  See  the  note  on  9,  2.  — 
avai.povp.ivMv  ....  ij/rj<f>ov,  and  as  they  (which  refers  to  dyiwv  as*  a 
class,  not  to  all  those  imprisoned)  were  put  to  death,  I  brougJd  or 
cast  my  vote  against  them,  i.  e.  encouraged,  approved  the  act  (Bng. 
Kuin.  De  Wet.  Mey.) ;  comp.  o-weuSoKuJv  in  22,  20.  Some  insist 
on  the  literal  sense  of  the  phrase,  and  infer  from  it  that  Paul  was 
a  member  of  the  Sanliedrim,  and  voted  with  the  other  judges  to 
put  the  Christians  to  death.  But  the  Jews  required,  as  a  general 
rule,  that  those  who  held  this  office  should  be  men  of  years ;  and 
Paul  at  the  time  of  Stephen's  martyrdom,  could  hardly  have  at- 
tained the  proper  age.  It  is  said,  too,  on  the  authority  of  the 
later  Jewish  writers,  that  one  of  the  necessary  qualifications  for 
being  chosen  into  the  Sanhedrim  was  that  a  man  should  be  the 
father  of  a  family,  because  he  who  is  a  parent  may  be  expected 
to  be  merciful ;  a  relation  which,  from  the  absence  of  any  allusion 
to  it  in  the  apostle's  -writings,  we  have  every  reason  to  beheve 
that  he  never  sustained.  The  expression  itself  affords  but  slight 
proof  that  Paul  was  a  voter  in  the  Sanhedrim.  \\/y]<^o%,  a  stone 
used  as  a  ballot,  like  our  "  suffrage,"  signified  also  opinion,  assent, 
and  accompanied  various  verbs,  as  n^evat  and  Kara^kpuv,  as  mean- 
ing to  think,  judge,  sanction,  with  a  figurative  allusion  only  to  the 
act  of  voting.  Plato  uses  the  term  often  in  that  sense.  See  R. 
and  P.  Lex.,  p.  2576.  —  avrwi/  agrees  \vith  the  intimation  of  other 
passages  (8,  3  ;  9,  1  ;  22,  4),  that  Stephen  was  not  tlie  only  vic- 
tim whose  blood  was  shed  at  this  time. 

V.  11.  Ktti  Kara  Tracra?,  k.  t.  X.,  and  jmnishing  them  often  through- 
out  all  the  synagogues  in  the  different  places  where  he  pursued 


Chap.  XXVI,  11-14.  COMMENTAKY.  401 

his  work  of  persecution.  See  22,  19.  "  The  chief  rulers  of  the 
synagogues,"  says  Biscoe  (p.  81),  "being  also  the  judges  of  the 
people  in  many  cases,  especially  those  which  regarded  religion 
(comp.  on  9,  2),  chose  to  give  sentence  against  offenders,  and  see 
their  sentence  executed  in  the  synagogue.  Persons  were  always 
scourged  in  the  presence  of  the  judges  (Vitr.  de  Synag.  Yett.  p. 
177).  For  punishment  being  designed  '  in  terrorem,'  what  more 
likely  to  strike  the  mind  with  awe,  and  deter  men  from  falling 
into  the  like  errors,  than  to  have  it  executed  in  their  religious  as- 
semblies, and  in  the  face  of  the  congregation  ?  Our  Lord  fore- 
told that  his  disciples  should  be  scourged  in  the  synagogues 
(Matt.  10,  17  ;  23,  34),  and  we  learn  here  that  Paul  was  an  in- 
strument in  fulfilling  this  prediction,  having  beaten  them  that 
beheved  in  every  synagogue."  —  rjvdyKa^ov  /3Aao-^7;/x£rv,  I  loas  con- 
straining them  (i.  e.  urged  them  by  threats  and  torture)  to  blas- 
pheme, Viz.  Jesus,  or  the  gospel;  comp.  13,  45;  James  2,  7.  The 
imperfect  states  the  object,  not  the  result  of  the  act.  That, 
among  the  many  who  suffered  this  violence,  every  one  preserved 
his  fidelity,  it  would  be  unreasonable  to  affirm.  We  learn  from 
Pliny's  letter  to  Trajan  (Lib.  X.  97),  that  heathen  persecutors 
applied  the  same  test  which  Saul  adopted,  for  the  purpose  of  as- 
certaining who  were  truly  Christians.  "  Propositus  est  libellus 
sine  auctore,  multornm  nomina  continens  ;  qui  negarent  se  esse 
Christianos  aut  fuisse,  quum  prseeunte  me  deos  appellarent  et 
imagini  tuae  (quam  propter  hoc  jusseram  cum  simulacris  numi- 
num  adfem)  thure  ac  vmo  supphcarent,  praeterea  maledicerent 
Christo  ;  quorum  nihil  cogi  posse  dicuntur  qui  sunt  revera  Chris- 
tiani."  —  ews  koI  els  ras  efw  TroAecs,  as  far  as  even  unto  foreign  cities, 
as  those  would  be  called  which  were  out  of  Judea.  Among  these 
Luke  and  Paul  single  out  Damascus,  because  a  train  of  such 
events  followed  the  apostle's  expedition  to  that  city. 

V,  12.  h/  oh  Kai,  in  ivhich  also,  while  intent  on  tliis  object; 
comp.  €v  oTs  in  24,  18.  Kai,  so  common  in  Luke  after  the  rela- 
tive, some  of  the  best  copies  omit  here. —  i^ova-Las  and  eTrtrpoTr^s 
strengthen  each  other ;  he  had  ample  power  to  execute  his  com- 
mission. 

V.  13.  rjixipas  fxia-qs,  at  midday.  "  jxicrr]  rjixepa,  pro  meridie  com- 
munis dialecti  est,  at  fiiaov  rjfjiepa<;,  aut  fjiecrrjixfSpLa  (22,  6)  elegan- 
tiora."  See  Lob.  ad  Pliryn.  p.  55.  —  Kara  t^v  686v,  along  the  way 
(Mey.  Rob.);  not  on  the  xcay  (De  Wet).  —  For /ac  after  7re/)tXa/t- 
\^av,  see  on  9,  3.  —  For  tous  <rvv  ip-ol  Tropeuo/xevovs,  those  journeying 
with  me,  see  on  22,  9. 

V.  14.  TrdvTwv  .  .  .  .  £is  Tr]v  yrjv,  And  we  all  Jiaving  fallen  down 
51 


402  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXVI,  15-17. 

upon  the  earth,  from  the  effect  of  terror,  not  as  an  act  of  rever- 
ence; conip.  9,  4  ;  22,  17.  In  regard  to  the  alleged  inconsistency 
between  tliis  statement  and  cio-T^Kcio-ai/  in  9,  7,  see  the  note  on 
that  passage.  —  UKX-qpov  o-oi  irpb^  Kevrpa  XaKTi^eiv,  It  is  hard  for  thee 
to  kick  against  goads.  The  meaning  is,  that  his  opposition  to  the 
cause  and  will  of  Christ  must  be  unavailing;  the  continuance  of 
it  would  only  bring  injury  and  ruin  on  himself  Wetstein  has 
produced  examples  of  this  proverb  from  both  Greek  and  Latin 
writers.  Euripides  (Bacch.  v.  791)  applies  it  as  here  :  Svfiov- 
fievo^  TT/Dos  KevTpa  XaKTt^oi/At,  Svr}Tb<;  wv  Sew.  Terence  (Phorm.  1.  2. 
27)  employs  it  thus :  "  Num  quae  inscitia  est,  Advorsum  stimu- 
lum  calces?"  Plautus  (4.  2.  55)  has  it  in  this  form  :  "  Si  stimulos 
pugnis  csedis,  manibus  plus  dolet."  The  SchoUast  on  Find.  Pyth. 
2.  173  explains  the  origin  of  the  expression :  rj  Bk  TpoTrrj  aTro  twi/ 
/Bowv  •  Tojv  yap  oi  araKTOi  Kara  Tr}v  yeuypyiav  Kcvrpt^o/xevot  vrro  tov  apovv- 
Tos,  XaxTt^ovcri  to  Kivrpov  Koi  yxoAAov  TrXTyxTovTai.  The  same  or  B. 
similar  proverb  must  have  been  current  among  the  Hebrews, 
though  this  is  the  only  instance  of  it  found  in  the  Scri})tures. 
The  common  plough  in  the  East  at  present  has  but  one  handle. 
The  same  person,  armed  with  a  goad  six  or  eight  feet  long,  holds 
the  plough  and  drives  his  team  at  the  same  time.  As  the  driver 
follows  the  oxen,  therefore,  instead  of  being  at  their  side  as  with 
lis,  and  applies  the  goad  from  that  position,  a  refractory  animal  of 
course  would  kick  against  the  sharp  iron  when  pierced  with  it. 
In  early  times  the  Greeks  and  Romans  used  a  plough  of  the  like 
construction. 

V.  16.  €ts  TovTo  prepares  the  mind  for  what  follows;  see  on 
9,  21.  —  yap  shows  that  the  command  to  arise  was  equivalent  to 
assuring  him  that  he  had  no  occasion  for  such  alarm  (v.  14)  ;  the 
object  of  the  vision  was  to  summon  him  to  a  new  and  exalted 
sphere  of  effort.  —  irpoxcipLo-aa-Sai  ae  vrrqpiTrjV,  to  appoint  thee  as  a 
minister,  call  him  to  his  destined  work.  The  antecedent  purpose 
must  be  sought  in  the  nature  of  the  act,  rather  than  in  the  verb. 
See  on  3,  20.  —  Understand  tovtwv  after  fxaprvpa  as  the  attracting 
antecedent  of  wv.  —  wv  re  64>Br)(Top.ai  a-oi  is  an  unusual  construction. 
The  best  solution  is,  that  wv  stands  for  a,  as  a  sort  of  explanatory 
accusative  (K.  ^  279. 1):  as  to  which,  or=:8t'  a,  on  account  ofivhich 
(Mey.),  /  icill  aippear  unto  thee.  See  W.  ^  39.  3.  1.  Many  com- 
mentators assign  an  active  sense  to  6(f>&rj(T0fx.aL :  which  I  will  cause 
thee  to  see  or  know.  This  use  of  the  verb  has  no  warrant  either 
in  classic  or  Hellenistic  Greek. 

V.  17.  c^atpov/Acvos  ....  eSvwv,  delivering  thee  from  the  people, 
i.  e.  of  the  Jews  (see  on  10,  2),  and  the  heathen.     For  this  sense 


Chap.  XXVI,  18.  19.  COMMENTARY.  403 

of  the  participle,  see  7,  10  ;  12,  11 ;  23,  27.  Such  a  promise  was 
conditional  from  the  nature  of  the  case.  It  pledged  to  him  the 
security  which  he  needed  for  the  accomplishment  of  his  work 
until  his  work  was  done.  Some  render  e^atpoi^'/xcvos  o-e,  selecting 
thee,  so  as  to  find  here  the  idea  of  o-kcDos  cKAoy^s  in  9,  15  ( Kuin. 
Hnr.  Rob.  Hws.).  This  interpretation  would  suit  tov  \a.ov,  but,  as 
De  Wette  and  Meyer  remark,  it  is  inappropriate  to  twi/  e^voJv. 
Paul  was  not  one  of  the  heathen,  and  could  not  be  said  to  be 
chosen  from  them.  —  ets  ou?,  unto  lohom,  refers  to  both  the  nouns, 
which  precede.  —  The  correct  text  inserts  cyw  before  o-e,  and 
omits  vvv.  —  aTToa-TiXkw  is  present,  I  send,  because  his  ministry 
is  to  begin  at  once. 

V.  18.  It  is  important  to  pbseve  the  relation  of  the  different 
clauses  to  each  other,  dvoifai  offiSaXixovs  avrwv,  to  open  their  eyes, 
states  the  object  of  airoaTiXkut.  —  tov  imo-Tpexf/aL,  that  they  may  turn, 
derives  its  subject  from  avrwv.  The  verb  is  intransitive  (see  v. 
20 ;  14,  15)  ;  not  active,  in  order  to  turn  them  (E.  V.).  This  clause 
states  the  designed  effect  of  the  illumination  which  they  should 
receive.  —  tov  XajSetv,  k.  t.  X.,  that  they  may  obtain  forgiveness  of 
sins,  expresses  the  direct  object  of  the  second  infinitive  and  the 
ultimate  obj  ect  of  the  first.  —  For  kXt}joov  Iv  rots  rjyiaa-fxevoLs,  an  in- 
heritance among  the  sanctified,  see  the  note  on  20,  32.  —  Trio-ret  ttJ 
€ts  l\ii,  hy  faith  on  one,  our  English  translators  and  some  others 
join  with  T^ytacr/xeVot? ;  but  the  words  specify  evidently  the  condi- 
tion by  which  believers  obtain  the  pardon  of  sin  and  an  interest 
in  the  heavenly  inheritance.  T7ytao-/x€Vois  is  added  merely  to  in- 
dicate the  spiritual  nature  of  the  KXrjpov. 

V.  19.  o^ev,  tchence,  accordingly,  i.  e.  having  been  so  instructed, 
and  in  such  a  manner.  —  ovk  eyevd/Aryv  d7r€t.?7^?,  I  proved  not  disobe- 
dient, affirms  the  alacrity  of  his  response  to  the  call  more  strongly 
than  if  the  mode  of  expression  had  been  positive,  instead  of  neg- 
ative. a.TTf.i^rj';  attaches  itself  to  the  personal  idea  of  oTrrao-ta,  and 
demands  that  element  in  the  meaning  of  the  word.  The  service 
required  of  him  and  so  promptly  rendered  evidently  was  that  he 
should  preach  the  gospel  to  Jews  and  Gentiles  (v.  17).  It  is  im- 
possible to  reconcile  such  intimations  with  the  idea  that  the 
apostle  after  this  remained  for  years  inactive  in  Arabia,  or  spent 
the  time  there  in  silent  meditation  and  the  gradual  enlargment 
of  his  views  of  the  Christian  system.  I  cannot  agree  with  Dr. 
Davidson,  that  "  Paul  was  not  a  preacher  of  the  gospel  in  Arabia, 
but  went  through  a  process  of  training  there,  for  the  purpose  of 
preaching  it."  See  his  Introduction,  II.  p.  80. — t^  ovpavii^  oTrra- 
o-ta,  the  heavenly  vision,  manifestation  of  the   Saviour's  person ; 


404  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XX^^,  20-22. 

comp.  Luke  1,  22 ;  24,  23 ;  2  Cor.  12,  1.  See  the  note  on 
9,7. 

V.  20.  Tois  €v  Aa)u.ao-K<3  irpdrov,  to  those  in  Dajnascus  first,  as 
stated  in  9,  20,  and  implied  in  Gal.  1,  17.  —  "IcpocroAu/^ois  with  cv 
repeated,  in  Jerusalem;  hardly  unto  as  a  direct  dative  (Mey.). — 
€15  TTtto-av,  K.  T.  A.,  awc^  2/»^o  (i.  e.  with  a  union  of  the  local  idea 
with  the  personal,  the  inhabitants  of)  all  the  rcgioyi  of  Judea ; 
comp.  aTT-qyyciXav  ek  ttjv  ttoXlv  in  Luke  8,  34.  Meyer  extends  to?? 
from  the  other  clause  into  this  :  and  unto  those  throughout  all  the 
region.  But  in  his  last  edition  he  gives  up  this  analysis  and  ap- 
proves the  other.  —  The  apostle  during  his  labors  in  Syria  and 
CiUcia,  after  his  first  visit  to  Jerusalem,  was  as  yet  unknown  in 
person  to  the  churches  of  Judea.  See  Gal.  1,  22.  Hence  he 
must  have  preached  there,  as  intimated  in  this  passage,  at  a  later 
period.  He  could  have  done  so  when  he  went  thither  at  the 
time  of  the  famine  (see  on  11,  30)  or  while  he  was  at  Jerusalem 
between  his  first  and  second  mission  to  the  heathen  (18,  22). — 
a^'ta  T^s  /ACTttvotas  Ipya,  deeds  xcorthy  of  repentance,  such  as  showed 
that  they  were  changed  in  heart  and  life.  Zeller  charges  that 
Paul  would  not  have  spoken  so,  because  his  doctrine  was  that  of 
justification  by  faith  alone.  The  answer  is  that  in  Paul's  sys- 
tem good  works  are  the  necessary  evidence  of  such  faith,  and 
further,  that  Trio-ret  t^  ei?  e/xc  above  (v.  18)  shows  that  he  adhered 
fully  on  this  occasion  to  his  well-known  doctrinal  view.  —  Trpacr- 
(Toi'ras  deserts  the  case  of  l^viaiv  and  agrees  with  avrou's  as  the 
suppressed  subject  of  the  verbs. 

V.  22.  iirtKovpia's  ....  Seov,  Having  therefore  obtained  assistance 
from  God;  since  exposed  to  such  dangers  in  the  fulfilment  of 
his  ministry  (eTrcipwvTo  Siaxeipio-acrSai  in  v.  21)  he  must  otherwise 
have  perished.  The  assistance  was  an  inference  (ovv)  from  his 
present  safety.  —  /xaprvpofjievo?  fUKpQ  re  KOI  /x€yaX<i),  testifying  to  both 
small  and  great  (Rev.  11,  18;  13,  16;  19,  5);  not  young  and  old 
(8,  10).  Tlie  phrase  admits  either  sense,  but  the  more  obvious 
distinction  here  is  that  of  rank,  not  of  age.  The  grace  of  God 
is  impartial ;  the  apostle  declared  it  without  respect  of  persons. 
It  is  vtncertain  whether  this  is  the  correct  participal  or  the  re- 
ceived fiapTvpovfi€vo<;.  The  latter  would  mean  attested,  approved, 
both  by  small  and  great  (Bretsch.  Mey.)  ;  comp.  6,  3  ;  10,  22  ;  16,  2. 
It  is  objected  that  the  sense  with  the  latter  reading  is  impossi- 
ble, because  Paul  was  so  notoriously  desjiised  and  persecuted  by 
Jews  and  heathen  (Alf ).  But  tlie  meaning  miglit  be  that  though 
.not  openly  approved  he  had  received  that  verdict  at  the  bar  of 
their  consciences  ;  he  had  not  failed  to  commend  himself  and  his 


Chap.  XXVI,  2.3.  24.  COMMENTARY.  4O5 

doctrine  to  every  man's  better  judgment.  The  avowal  would 
imply  no  more  than  Paul  affirms  to  be  true  of  all  who  preach 
faithfully  the  system  of  truth  wliich  he  preached  ;  see  2  Cor.  4,  2. 
Some  render  /w-apT-upot'/xevo?  as  middle,  bearing  witness,  instead 
of  passive  ;  but  confessedly  mtliout  any  example  of  that  use. 
Knapp,  Hahn,  Tischendorf,  Baumgarten,  and  others,  approve  of 
[xapTvp6fj.evo<i.  It  has  no  less  support  than  the  other  word,  and 
affords  an  easier  explanation. 

V.  23.  This  part  of  the  sentence  attaches  itself  to  Xeyoiv  rather 
than  to  ficXXovTOiv  yivea-Sai.  —  €t  ira^rp-os  6  Xptoros,  if  the  Messiah 
can  suffer  (jpassibilis  in  Vulg.),  not  so  much  as  a  possibility  of  his 
nature,  as  one  of  the  conditions  of  his  office,  i.  e.  would  be  ap- 
pointed or  allowed  to  suffer,  and  so  could  be  subject  to  infirmity, 
pam,  death.  Verbals  in  tos  express  possibility  and  correspond  to 
Latin  adjectives  in  His.  B.  $  103.  N.  2.  The  apostle,  as  I  under- 
stand, approaches  the  question  on  the  Jewish  side  of  it,  not  on 
the  Christian ;  and  that  was,  whether  the  Messiah,  being  such  as 
many  of  the  Jews  expected,  could  suffer ;  not  whether  he  must 
suffer,  in  order  to  fulfil  the  Scriptures,  d  presents  the  points  as 
questions  which  he  was  wont  to  discuss.  Many  of  the  Jews 
overlooked  or  denied  the  suffering  character  of  the  Messiah,  and 
stumbled  fatally  at  the  gospel  because  (their  o-KavSaXov)  it  re- 
quired them  to  accept  a  crucified  Redeemer.  Some  make  et  = 
on,  that,  i.  e.  the  sign  of  a  moderated  assertion.  —  6  Xpioro?,  the 
Messiah  as  such ;  not  a  personal  name  here. —  -rrpuiro^  i$  dvaard- 

0-£WS     VCKpaJV  =  TrpwTOTOKOS    CK    TWV    V€KpwV    lu     Col.     1,     18.        If    MoSeS 

and  the  prophets  foretold  that  the  Messiah  would  suffer,  die,  and 
rise  from  the  dead,  it  followed  that  Jesus  was  the  promised  Sav- 
iour of  men,  and  the  author  of  eternal  life  to  those  who  believe 
on  Mm,  The  apodosis  (/x.eAAei  KarayyeAAeiv,  K.  T.  A.)  depends  log- 
ically on  the  protasis  (d  ttoStjto^,  d  Trpwros,  k.  t.  A.). 

Verses  24-29.     The  anstver  of  Paul  to  Festus. 

V.  24  Tavra  refers  more  especially  to  the  words  last  spoken 
(Mey.),  and  not  in  the  same  degree  to  the  entire  speech  (De 
Wet).  The  idea  of  a  resun-ection,  which  excited  the  ridicule 
of  the  Athenians  (17,  32),  appeared  equally  absurd  to  the  Roman 
Festus,  and  he  could  listen  with  patience  no  longer.  It  is  evi- 
dent that  TouTOJv  in  v.  26  has  reference  to  e^  dvao-Tao-cw?  vc/cpuv  in 
V.  23,  and  the  intermediate  raCra  would  not  be  likely  to  turn  the 
mind  to  a  different  subject.  —  a,7roXoyoi;/;i€vav  may  be  present,  be- 
cause Festus  interposed  before  Paul  had  finished  liis  defence 


406  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXVI,  25-27. 

(Mey.). — fJ-^akr]  rJ7  ^wr^.  See  on  14,  10.  The  "loud  voice" 
was  the  effect  of  his  surprise  and  astonishment.  —  fiati^,  thou  art 
mad,  which  he  says  earnestly,  not  in  jest  (Olsh.),  because  it  real- 
ly appeared  to  him  that  Paul  was  acting  under  an  infatuation 
which  could  spring  only  from  insanity  (Neand.  Mey.  De  Wet.). 
Bengel :  "  Videbat  Festus,  naturam  non  agere  in  Paulo  ;  gratiam 
non  vidit."  —  ra  ttoAAo,  ypa/x/xara  admits  of  two  senses  :  the  tnatiy 
writings  which  thou  readest  (Kuin.  Mey.  Hws.),  or  the  much  learn- 
ing which  thou  hast  or  art  reputed  to  have  (Neand.  De  Wet. 
Alt.).  The  latter  is  the  more  natural  idea  (as  Meyer  now  holds), 
and  may  have  been  suggested  to  the  mind  of  Festus  from  his 
having  heard  that  Paul  was  distinguished  among  the  Jews  for 
liis  scholarsliip.  It  is  less  probable  that  he  was  led  to  make  the 
remark  because  he  was  struck  with  the  evidence  of  superior 
knoA^dedge  evinced  in  Paul's  address.  It  was  able  and  eloquent, 
but  would  not  be  characterized  as  learned  in  any  very  strict  sense 
of  the  term. 

V.  25.  ov  ixaLi'ojxai,  k.  t.  X.,  I  am  not  mad,  etc.  This  reply  of 
Paul  is  unsuriiasscd  as  a  model  of  Christian  courtesy  and  self- 
command.  Doddridge  takes  occasion  to  say  here,  that,  "  if  great 
and  good  men  who  meet  -with  rude  and  insolent  treatment  in  the 
defence  of  the  gospel  would  learn  to  behave  with  such  modera- 
tion, it  would  be  a  great  accession  of  strength  to  the  Christian 
cause."  —  KpdTL(TT€,  most  excellent,  as  in  23,  26.  —  aXrj&eia^,  of  truth, 
as  opposed,  not  to  falsehood  (his  veracity  was  not  impeached), 
but  to  the  fancies,  hallucinations,  of  a  disordered  intellect. — 
trw^pooaVTjs  is  the  opposite  of  fxavia,  i.  e.  a  sound  mind. 

V.  26.  cTrt'oraTat  ....  6  ^aaiXeis,  For  the  king  knows  well  con- 
cerning these  things,  viz.  the  death  and  resurrection  of  Clurist. 
The  apostle  is  assured  that  Agrippa  has  heard  of  the  events  con- 
nected with  the  origin  of  Christianity,  and  could  not  deny  that 
they  were  sui)iiorted  by  evidence  too  credible  to  make  it  reproach- 
ful to  a  man's  understanding  to  admit  the  reality  of  the  facts.  — 
irpos  ov  Koi  TrappT/fTia^d/u-evos  XakiT),  unto  ichom  also  (i.  e.  while  he  has 
this  knowledge  and  on  that  account)  /  speak  boldly,  without  fear 
of  contradiction.  —  iv  -yovta,  in  a  corner,  secretly  (litotes)  ;  on  the 
contrary,  at  Jerusalem,  the  cai)ital  of  the  nation.  The  expression 
was  current  in  this  sense  (Wetst.).  —  TofTo::=Toirra)v  just  before. 
The  plural  views  the  circumstances  in  detail,  the  singular  as  a 
whole.     See  the  note  on  5,  5. 

V.  27.  TrwTTcvei?,  k.  t.  A.  As  Afrrijipa  professed  to  believe  the 
,  Scriptures,  which  foretold  that  the  MossitUi  would  rise  from  the 
dead,  he  was  bound  to  admit  that  there  was  nothing  irrational  or 


Chap.  XXVI,  28.  29.  COMMENTARY.  407 

improbable  in  the  apostle's  testimony  concerning  an  event  which 
accomplished  that  prophecy. 

V.  28.  iv  oXtyu)  (sc.  XPoVw)  ....  yeviaSat,  In  a  little  time  (at 
this  rate)  you  persuade  me  to  become  a  Christian  (Wetst.  Raph. 
Kuin.  Neand.  De  Wet.  Rob.).  It  was  not  uncommon  in  Greek 
to  omit  xpovos  after  this  adjective.  Wetstein,  Raphel  (Anott.  II. 
p.  188),  and  others,  have  produced  decisive  examples  of  this  ellip- 
sis. By  taking  iv  oAtyw  as  quantitative,  instead  of  temporal, 
Meyer  brings  out  this  sense  from  the  expression  :  With  little,  i.  e. 
trouble,  efibrt,  you  persuade  me  to  become  a  Christian ;  in  other 
words  (said  sarcastically).  You  appeal  to  me  as  if  you  thought 
me  an  easy  convert  to  your  faith.  This  would  be,  no  doubt,  the 
correct  explanation,  if,  with  Meyer,  Tischendorf,  and  others,  we 
adopt  iv  fjiiydXw  as  the  correct  reading  in  Paul's  reply,  instead  of 
cv  TToXAo) ;  but  the  testimony  for  the  common  text  outweighs  that 
against  it  (Neand.  De  Wet.).  It  is  held,  at  present,  to  be  unphi- 
lological  to  translate  eV  oAtyo),  almost  (Bez.  Grot.  E.  V.).  The 
Greek  for  that  sense  would  have  been  6\iyov,  oXtyov  Set,  or  nap 
oXiyov.  The  translation  of  the  common  version  appears  fii-st  in 
the  Geneva  version.  Tyndale  and  Cranmer  render:  "  Somewhat 
thou  bringest  me  in  mind  for  to  become  a  Christian."  Agrippa 
appears  to  have  been  moved  by  the  apostle's  earnest  manner, 
but  attempts  to  conceal  his  emotion  under  the  form  of  a  jest. 

V.  29.  €v$aLiJL7]v  av  tw  -^ew,  I  could  j^raj/  to  God,  i.  e.  if  I  obeyed 
the  impulse  of  my  own  heart,  though  it  may  be  unavailing.  For 
av  with  the  optative,  see  W.  ^  41.  1.  b  ;  B.  §  139.  m.  15.  —  /cat  iv 
oXtyo)  Kal  iv  ttoXXi^,  both  in  a  little  and  in  much  time.  We  may 
paraphrase  the  idea  thus :  "  I  could  wish  that  you  might  become 
a  Christian  in  a  short  time,  as  you  say ;  and  if  not  in  a  short  time, 
in  a  long  time.  1  should  rejoice  in  such  an  event,  could  it  ever 
take  place,  whether  it  were  sooner  or  later."  If  we  read  cv 
jLicyaXw,  the  words  would  then  mean,  ivhether  by  little  effort  or  by 
great ;  whether  he  was  to  be  converted  with  ease  or  difficulty.  — 
irapeKTo^  twv  8eafj.wv  rovVcov,  excejit  these  chains,  which  were  hanging 
upon  his  arms  as  he  made  his  defence.  See  note  on  12,  6. 
Tliough  separated  from  his  keepers,  he  must  wear  still  the 
badges  of  his  condition.  Hess  writes  (II.  p.  459)  as  if  the  sol- 
diers were  present  and  Paul  was  bound  to  them.  Some  have 
taken  the  language  as  figurative  :  except  this  state  of  captivity. 
The  literal  sense  is  not  inconsistent  with  an  occasional  Roman 
usage.  Tacitus  mentions  the  following  scene  as  having  occurred 
in  the  Roman  Senate  (Ann.  4.  28) :  "  Reus  pater,  accusator  fihus 
(nomeu  utrique  Vibius  Serenus)  in  senatum  inducti  sunt.     Ab 


408  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXVH,  1. 

exilio  retractus  et  turn  catena  vinctus,  orante  filio.  At  contra  reus 
nihil  infracto  animo,  obversus  in  filium  quatere  vincla,  vocare  ul- 
tores  deos,"  etc. 

Verses  30-32.     Agrippa  pronounces  Paul  innocent. 

V.  30.  The  .best  authorities  read  aviarrj  re  without  »cat  ravra 
ciTToWos  aiTov.  —  6  is  repeated  before  /Sao-iAev's  and  i^yc/itov,  because 
they  are  the  titles  of  different  persons.  —  ot  o-vyKa^^fiivoi  avrots, 
those  iv/io  sat  with  them,  are  the  mihtary  officers  and  magistrates 
who  were  mentioned  in  25,  23.  The  parties  are  named  as  rising 
and  leaving  the  hall  in  the  order  of  their  rank. 

V.  31.  dmxwp^o-avrcs,  having  retired,  withrawn  from  tlie  place 
of  audience  (see  25,  23)  ;  not  apart  simply  in  the  same  room.  — 
IXaXovv  Trpos  oAAt/Aou?,  talked  with  one  another.  The  object  of  the 
conference  was  to  ascertain  Agrippa' s  opinion  in  regard  to  the 
merits  of  the  case.  For  ov^\v  Savdrov  a^tov  rj  heafj-wv,  nothing  wor- 
thy  of  death,  etc.,  see  on  23,  29.  —  ovhh/  Trpacro-ct,  does  nothing  in 
that  he  holds  such  opinions,  pursues  such  a  course.  See  W. 
k  40.  2.  c.  It  is  not  an  instance  of  the  present  for  the  perfect 
(Kuin.). 

V.  32.  d7roXeXucr.^ai  eStVaro,  could  liave  been  (not  could  be)  re- 
leased, i.  e.  at  any  previous  time  since  his  apprehension,  before 
his  appeal  to  Cajsar.  It  wiU  be  seen  that  both  verbs  are  in  the 
past  tense.  As  the  appeal  had  been  accepted,  it  could  not  be 
withdraAvn,  even  with  the  consent  of  the  parties.  The  })rocura- 
tor  had  now  lost  the  control  of  the  case,  and  had  no  more  power 
to  acquit  the  prisoner  than  to  condemn  him  (Bottg.  Grot.).  —  One 
effect  of  Agrippa's  decision  may  have  been  that  Festus  modified 
his  report,  commended  Paul  to  the  clemency  of  the  coiut  at 
Rome.     See  on  28,  16. 


CHAPTER   XXVII. 

Verses  1-5.     Paul  embarks  at  Cacsareafor  Rome,  and  proceeds  as 
far  as  Myra. 

V.  1.  0)?,  as,  presents  iKpi^  as  immediately  antecedent  to 
7ra/3€8i8ow.  —  iKpi^-q  relates  to  the  time  of  departure,  not  to  the 
.original  purpose  that  Paul  should  be  sent;  see  25,  21. — tov  (Ittott- 
Xeiv  is  a  lax  use  of  the  tehc  infiuitive ;  the  conception  being  that 


Chap.  XXVn,  1.  COMMENTARY.  409 

the  decision  took  place  with,  a  view  to  the  saiHng.  W.  ^  44.  4.  b. 
—  rjjxa?,  us,  includes  the  historian  as  one  of  the  party;  last  used 
in  21,  18.  —  TrapeSiSovv,  proceeded  to  deliver  (imperfect  as  related  to 
iKpiSr]),  or,  delivered,  as  a  series  of  acts.  The  plural  subject  of 
the  verb  refers  to  those  who  acted  in  this  case  under  the  com- 
mand of  the  procurator.  —  kripov;,  other,  i.  e.  additional,  prisoners, 
not  different  in  character  from  Paul,  viz.  heathen,  as  Meyer  sup- 
poses. Luke  uses  that  term  and  oAAos  indiscriminately ;  see  15, 
35 ;  1 7,  34.  —  The  statement  here,  that  not  only  Paul,  but  certain 
other  prisoners,  were  sent  by  the  same  ship  into  Italy,  implies,  as 
Paley  remarks  after  Lardner,  that  the  sending  of  persons  from 
Judea  to  be  tried  at  Rome  was  a  common  practice.  Josephus 
confii-ms  this  intimation  by  a  variety  of  instances.  Among  others, 
he  mentions  the  following,  which  is  the  more  pertinent  as  it  look 
place  about  this  time.  "  Felix,"  he  says  (Life,  k  3),  "  for  some 
slight  offence,  hound  and  sent  to  Rome  several  priests  of  his  ac- 
quaintance, honorable  and  good  men,  to  answer  for  themselves 
to  Cajsar."  —  cnvdp-r]%  2e/?ao-r^?,  of  the  Augustan  cohort.  It  is  Avell 
established  that  several  legions  in  the  Roman  army,  certainly 
the  2d,  3d,  and  8th,  bore  the  above  designation.  No  ancient  -wri- 
ter, however,  mentions  that  any  one  of  these  was  stationed  in  the 
East.  Some  critics  suppose,  notwithstanding  the  absence  of  any 
notice  to  this  effect,  that  such  may  have  been  the  fact,  and  that 
one  of  the  cohorts  belonging  to  this  legion,  and  distinguished  by 
the  same  name,  had  its  quarters  at  Caesarea.  The  more  approved 
opinion  is,  that  it  was  an  independent  cohort,  assigned  to  that 
particular  service,  and  known  as  the  Augustan  or  imperial,  be- 
cause, with  reference  to  its  relation  to  the  procurator,  it  corres- 
ponded in  some  sense  to  the  emperor's  life-guard  at  Rorae.^  It 
may  have  taken  the  place  of  the  Itahan  cohort,  wliich  was  men- 
tioned in  10,  1  ;  or,  very  possibly,  as  Meyer  suggests,  may  have 
been  identical  with  it.  The  two  names  are  not  inconsistent  with 
this  latter  opinion.  Augustan  may  have  been  the  honorary  ap- 
pellation of  the  cohort,  while  it  was  called  Italian  by  the  people, 
because  it  consisted  chiefly  of  Itahans  or  Romans.  The  other 
four  cohorts  at  Caesarea,  as  stated  by  Josephus  (Antt.  20.  8.  7 ; 
19.  9.  2),  were  composed  principally  of  Caesareans,  or  Samaritans. 
Hence,  again,  some  explain  cnrupiq'i  SejSao-r^s  as  meaning  Sebas- 

1  Such  exceptions  to  the  general  system  occur  under  every  militaiy  establish- 
•went.  Speaking  of  that  of  England  at  a  certain  period,  Mr.  Macaulay  says  that 
"  a  troop  of  dragoons,  which  did  not  form  part  of  any  regiment,  was  stationed 
near  Berwick,  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  the  peace  among  the  moss-troopers  of 
the  border." 

52 


410  COMMENTARY.  Cuap.  XXVII,  2. 

tenean  or  Samaritan  cohort,  since  the  city  of  Samaria  bore  also 
the  Greek  name  '^i^aa-T-q  in  honor  of  the  Emperor  Augustus. 
But  in  that  case,  as  Winer  (Reahv.  II.  p.  338),  Dc  Wctte,  Meyer, 
and  others  decide,  we  should  have  expected  ^ejiaa-njvMv,  instead 
of  2£/3ao-T7/9,  or  an  adjective  equivalent  in  sense,  fonned  like 
'IraXtK?/  in  10,  1.  Wieseler  (p.  391)  has  proposed  another  view 
of  the  expression.  It  appears  that  Nero  organized  a  body-guard, 
which  he  denominated  Augustani  (Suet  Ner.  20.  25)  or  Augus- 
tiani  (Tac.  Ann.  14.  15).  The  critic  just  named  tliinks  that  Ju- 
lius may  have  been  a  centurion  in  that  cohort,  whose  station  of 
course  was  at  Rome ;  and  that,  having  been  sent  to  the  East  for 
the  execution  of  some  public  service,  he  was  now  returning  to 
Italy  with  these  prisoners  under  his  charge.  But  that  guard,  as 
Wieseler  himself  mentions,  was  organized  in  the  year  A.  D.  60  ; 
and,  according  to  his  own  plan  of  chronology  in  the  Acts,  it  was 
in  that  very  year  that  Paul  was  sent  from  Caesarea  to  Rome. 
This  coincidence  in  point  of  time  leaves  room  for  a  possibility 
that  the  centurion  may  have  left  his  post  of  duty  thus  early,  but 
encumbers  the  supposition  with  a  strong  improbabihty.  Mr.  How- 
son  admits  the  force  of  this  objection.  The  Roman  discipline, 
says  Meyer,  would  have  given  the  procurator  no  claim  to  the 
service  of  such  an  officer. 

v.  2,  TrXoto)  'A8pa/i,DrTi7vw,  a  vessel  of  Adraviyttium,  which  was 
a  seaport  of  Mysia,  on  the  eastern  shore  of  the  .iEgcan  Sea,  op- 
posite to  Lesbos.  It  was  on  a  bay  of  the  same  name,  and  was 
then  a  flourishing  city.  Pliny  speaks  of  it  as  one  of  the  most 
considerable  toAvnas  in  that  vicinity.  No  antiquities  have  been 
found  here  except  a  few  coins.  —  Some  critics  prefer  /xeAXoiTt  to 
the  common  /xe'XAon-es  (Grsb.  Mcy.  Tsch.),  though  it  is  doubtful 
whether  the  latter  should  be  relinquished  (De  Wet).  —  ttXClv  tovs 
Kara  rryv  'AcriW  tottoi's,  to  sail  the  ]}laces  along  (the  coast  of)  Asia, 
i.  e.  touch  at  them  here  and  there  on  the  way  to  their  port.  This 
intransitive  verb  may  govern  an  accusative,  after  the  analogy  of 
iropeveaSai  oSov  and  the  like.  K.  279.  R.  5.  See  Isjug.  Gr.  i  46. 
6.  3.  Some  regard  toVous  as  the  place  ichither  (Win.  Dc  AVet.), 
which  confounds  the  incidental  delays  with  the  end  of  the  voy- 
age. A  few  copies  have  ets  after  irXfiv,  which  was  inserted,  no 
doubt,  to  render  the  constniction  easier.  As  Myra  was  one  of 
the  places  where  the  sliij)  sto})ped,  Asia  here  may  denote  Asia 
Minor.  Luke's  prevalent  use  of  the  term  restricts  it  to  tlie  west- 
ern countries  washed  by  the  iEgean.  —  It  would  appear  that  they 
embarked  in  this  Adramyttian  ship  because  they  had  no  oppor- 
'  tunity  at  tliis  time  to  sail  directly  from  Cajsarea  to  Italy.     "  The 


Chap  XXVII,  2. 3.  COMMENTARY.  411 

vessel  was  evidently  bound  for  her  own  port,  and  her  course  from 
Ceesarea  thither  necessarily  led  her  close  past  the  principal  sea- 
ports of  Asia.  Now,  this  is  also  the  course  which  a  ship  would 
take  in  making  a  voyage  from  Syria  to  Italy ;  they  would,  there- 
fore, be  so  far  on  their  voyage  when  they  reached  the  coast  of 
Asia,  and  in  the  great  commercial  marts  on  that  coast  they  could 
not  fail  to  find  an  opportunity  for  proceeding  to  their  ulterior  des- 
tination." J  The  opportunity  which  they  expected  presented  itself 
at  Myra  (v.  6). — 'Apta-Tdpxov.  This  is  the  Aristarchus  named  in 
19,  29 ;  20,  4.  Our  English  translators  speak  of  him,  very  strange- 
ly, as  "one  Aristarchus,"  as  if  he  were  otherwise  unknown.  That 
he  accompanied  Paul  to  Rome  appears  also  from  Philem.  24  ; 
Col.  4,  10 ;  which  Epistles  the  apostle  wrote  while  in  that  city. 
In  the  latter  passage  he  terms  Aristarchus  avvaix/j.dXoiTO's,  which, 
if  taken  literally,  would  lead  us  to  suppose  that  he  too  had  been 
apprehended  and  was  now  sent  as  a  prisoner  to  Rome.  But  in 
Philem.  24  he  is  called  merely  o-wepyos,  and  hence  it  is  more  prob- 
able that  he  went  with  the  apostle  of  his  own  accord,  and  that 
he  received  the  other  appellation  merely  as  a  commendatory  one, 
because  by  such  devotion  to  him  he  had  thus  made  Paul's  cap- 
tivity as  it  were  Ihs  own.  This  is  the  general  opinion  of  critics. 
We  have  every  reason  to  suppose  that  Luke  also  went  as  the 
voluntary  companion  of  the  apostle. 

V.  3.  KaTrj)(^7]iJt.w  €ts  SiSoJva,  ive  landed  at  Sidon,  the  modern 
Saida.  This  city  had  anciently  one  of  the  finest  harbors  in 
the  East,  and  was  celebrated  at  this  time  for  its  wealth  and 
commerce.  It  was  the  rival  of  Tyre ;  see  21,  3.  The  vessel 
stopped  here  perhaps  for  purposes  of  trade.  They  must  have 
sailed  quite  near  lo  the  shore,  and  the  views  on  land  which 
passed  mider  their  notice  were,  first,  the  mountains  of  Samaria  in 
the  background,  then  the  bold  front  of  Carmel,  the  city  of  Ptole- 
mais  with  the  adjacent  plain  of  Esdrselon,  the  hills  about  Naza- 


'  "  The  Voyage  and  Shipwreck  of  St.  Paul,"  etc.  By  James  Smith,  Esq.,  of 
Jordanhill,  E.  R.  S.,  etc.  London,  1848  and  1856.  I  have  availed  myself  freely 
of  the  illustrations  of  this  valuable  treatise  in  the  commentary  on  this  chapter  and 
the  next.  No  work  has  appeared  for  a  long  time  that  has  thrown  so  much  light  upon 
any  equal  portion  of  the  Scriptures.  The  author  is  entirely  justified  in  expressing  his 
belief,  that  the  searching  examination  to  which  he  has  subjected  the  narrative  has 
furnished  a  new  and  distinct  argument  for  establishing  the  authenticity  of  the  Acts. 
It  would  occasion  too  much  repetition  to  quote  this  work  in  a  formal  manner.  I 
am  indebted  to  Mr.  Smith  for  nearly  all  the  quotations  from  Englisli  travellers 
and  for  most  of  the  explanations  which  involve  a  knowledge  of  nautical  mat- 
ters. »• 


412  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXYII,  3.  4. 

reth,^  and  perhaps  the  heads  of  Gilboa  and  Tabor,  the  white  cliffs 
of  Cape  Blanco  or  Ras  cl-Abiad,  Tyre  with  its  crowded  port,  and 
the  southern  ridges  of  Lebanon. —  Saida  is  now  the  seat  of  a 
flourishing  mission  from  this  country,  with  an  outpost  at  Has- 
beiya  near  the  foot  of  Mount  Hermon.  —  The  distance  from 
Cajsarea  to  Sidon  was  sixty-seven  geograp laical  miles.  As  they 
performed  the  voyage  in  a  single  day,  they  must  have  had  a  fa- 
vorable wind.  The  prevailing  winds  now  in  that  part  of  the 
Mediterranean,  at  the  period  of  the  year  then  arrived,  are  the 
westerly ;  ^  and  such  a  Avind  would  have  served  their  purpose. 
The  coast  hne  between  the  two  places  bears  N.  N.  E.  The  sea- 
son of  the  year  at  which  Paul  commenced  the  voyage  is  known 
from  v.  9.  It  must  have  been  near  the  close  of  summer,  or  early 
in  September.  —  (^tXav^pwTrajs  ....  )(p-qcra.fjL(vo<;.  It  is  interesting 
to  obseu'e  that  the  centurion  manifested  the  same  friendly  dispo- 
sition towards  the  apostle  throughout  the  voyage.  See  v.  43  ; 
28,  16.  It  is  not  impossible  that  he  had  been  present  on  some 
of  the  occasions  when  Paul  defended  himself  before  his  judges 
(see  24,  1 ;  25,  23),  and  that  he  was  not  only  convinced  of  his 
prisoner's  innocence,  but  had  been  led  to  feel  a  personal  interest 
in  his  character  and  fortuiaes.  —  toi^s  ^t'Aov?,  the  friends,  behevers 
in  that  place.  Sidon  was  a  Phoenician  city;  and,  as  we  learn 
from  11,  19,  the  gospel  had  Ijeen  preached  in  Phoenicia  at  an  early 
period.  See  on  21,  4.  The  narrative  presupposes  that  Paul  had 
informed  the  centurion  that  there  were  Christians  here.  —  iropev 
Sivra  agrees  with  the  suppressed  subject  of  rvx^'iv ',  comp.  26,  20. 
K.  §  307.  R.  2.  It  is  corrected  in  some  manuscripts  to  Trop€v^ivTt, 
agreeing  with  aura),  imphed  after  iTrerpeipe. 

V.  4.  vir€Trkev(Tap.ev,  k.  t.  X.,  we  sailed  utider  Ci/prus  because  the 
vnnds  were  contrary.  It  is  evident  from  the  next  verse  that  they 
left  this  island  on  the  left  hand  and  passed  to  the  north  of  it,  in- 
stead of  going  to  the  south,  which  would  have  been  their  direct 


1  From  Ncby  Ismail  on  the  hill  hcliind  Nazareth,  I  could  see  distinctly  Mount 
Carmcl  with  its  foot  runninfc  out  into  the  sea,  the  entire  sweep  of  the  bay  from 
Camiel  to  Akka,  the  plain  of  Akka  and  the  town  itself,  with  glimpses  of  tho 
Mediterranean  at  other  points  up  and  down  the  roast  between  the  opening  hills.  It 
is  not  certain  that  Tabor  can  be  made  out  at  sea,  though  the  sea  can  be  distin- 
guished as  a  blue  line  along  the  edge  of  the  horizon  from  the  summit  of  Tabor. 

"  An  English  naval  officer,  at  sea  near  Alexandria,  under  date  of  July  4th, 
1798,  Avi-itcs  thus  :  "  The  wind  continues  to  the  westward.  I  am  sorry  to  find  it 
almost  as  prevailing  as  the  trade  winds."  Again,  on  the  19th  of  the  next  month, 
he  says  :  "  We  have  just  gained  sight  of  Cyj>rus,  nearly  the  track  we  followed  six 
weeks  ago,  so  invariably  do  the  westerly  winds  prevail  at  this  season." 


Chap.  XXIV,  4.  5.  COMMENTARY.  413 

course  in  proceeding  from  Sidon  to  Proconsular  Asia.  The  rea- 
son assigned  for  this  is,  that  the  winds  were  adverse  to  them. 
Such  would  have  been  the  effect  of  the  westerly  winds  which, 
as  before  stated,  prevail  on  that  coast  at  this  season,  and  which 
had  favored  their  progress  hitherto.  It  may  be  supposed,  there- 
fi)re,  that,  these  winds  still  continuing,  they  kept  on  their  northern 
course  after  leaving  Sidon,  instead  of  turning  towards  the  west 
or  northwest,  as  they  would  have  done  under  favorable  circum- 
stances. It  is  entirely  consistent  with  this  view  that  they  are 
said  to  have  sailed  under  Cijprus,  if  we  adopt  the  meaning  of  thisf 
expression  which  some  of  the  ablest  authorities  attach  to  it. 
Wetstein  has  stated  what  appears  to  be  the  true  explanation  as 
follows :  "  Ubi  navis  vento  contrario  cogitur  a  rectu  cursu  dece- 
dere,  ita  ut  tunc  insula  sit  interposita  inter  ventum  et  navem, 
dicitur  ferri  infra  insulam."  (Nov.  Test.  II.  p.  637.)  According 
to  this  opinion,  v-no  in  the  verb  affirms  merely  that  the  ship  waa 
on  that  side  of  the  island  from  which  the  wind  was  blowing,  i.  e. 
to  use  a  sea  phrase,  on  the  lee  side.  It  decides  nothing  of  itself 
with  respect  to  their  vicinity  to  the  island ;  though,  from  the  na- 
ture of  the  case,  it  would  not  be  natural  to  speak  of  sailing  under 
a  land,  or  being  on  the  lee  of  it,  unless  the  land  was  somewhere 
near,  rather  than  remote.  In  this  instance  they  passed  within 
sight  of  Cyprus,  since  that  island  was  visible  from  the  Syrian 
coast.  See  the  note  on  13,  4.  Many  commentators,  on  the  other 
hand,  render  {i7re7rXeiJo-a/xev  ttjv  'K.virpov,  we  sailed  near  Cyprus,  as  it 
were  under  its  projecting  shore.  In  this  case  they  must  have  had 
a  different  wind  from  that  supposed  above,  in  order  to  enable 
them  to  cross  from  the  coast  of  Palestine  to  that  of  Cyprus ;  but 
having  gained  that  position,  they  must  then  have  gone  around  to 
the  north  of  that  island,  in  accordance  precisely  with  the  other 
representation. 

V.  5.      TO  TTcAayos  to  KaTO.  ttjv  KtXtKtav  /cat  IIaix(j>vX.iav,  the  sea  oJong 

Gilicia  and  Pamjyhylia,  i.  e.  the  coast  of  those  countries.  The 
Cilician  Sea  extended  so  far  south  as  to  include  even  Cyprus. 
That  pass  the  Greeks  called  also  Aulon  Gilicium}  The  Pamphy- 
lian  Sea  lay  directly  west  of  the  Cilician.  Luke  says  nothing  of 
any  delay  in  these  seas,  and  the  presumption  is  that  the  voyage 
here  was  a  prosperous  one.  This  agrees  perfectly  with  what 
would  be  expected  under  that  coast  at  that  season  of  the  year. 
Instead  of  the  westerly  winds  which  had  been  opposed  to  them 
since  their  departure  from  Sidon,  they  would  be  favored  now  by 

1  Hoffmann's  Griechenland  und  die  Griechen,  Vol.  II.  p.  1385. 


4 14  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXVII,  5.  6. 

a  land  breeze  ^  which  prevails  there  during  the  summer  months, 
as  well  as  by  a  cuiTent  which  constantly  runs  to  the  westward 
along  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor.''  Their  object  in  standing  so  far 
to  the  north  was  no  doubt  to  take  advantage  of  these  circum- 
stances, which  were  well  known  to  ancient  mariners.  —  Mvpa  t^s 
A.Was.  Myra  was  in  the  south  of  Lycia,  two  or  three  miles  from 
the  coast  (Forbg.  Handb.  II.  p.  256).  The  vicinity  abounds  still 
in  magnificent  ruins,  though  some  of  them,  especially  the  rock 
tombs,  denote  a  later  age  than  that  of  the  apostle.^  The  ancient 
port  of  Myra  was  Andriaca,  which  was  identified  by  Captain 
Beaufort  at  the  bay  of  Andraki,  "where  the  boats  trading  with 
the  district  still  anchor,  or  find  shelter  in  a  deep  river  opening 
into  it." 

Verses  6-12.     Incidents  of  the  Voyage  from  Myra  to  Crete. 

V.  6.  ttAoiov  'AAcfavSptvov  likkov,  an  Alexandrian  ship  about 
doiling.  The  participle  describes  a  proximate  future,  as  in  21,  2. 
3,  etc.  This  ship  was  bound  directly  for  Italy,  having  a  cargo  of 
wheat,  as  we  learn  from  v.  38.  See  the  note  there.  Eg^^pt  at 
this  time,  it  is  well  knoAvn,  was  one  of  the  granaries  of  Rome ; 
and  the  vessels  employed  for  the  transportation  of  corn  from  that 
countiy  were  equal  in  size  to  the  largest  merchant-vessels  of 
modern  times.  Hence  this  ship  was  able  to  accommodate  the 
centurion  and  his  numerous  party,  in  addition  to  its  own  crew 
and  lading.    Josephus  states  (Life,  k  3)  that  the  ship  in  which  he 


1  jr.  tic  Paires,  a  French  navip;ator,  wlio  ^^•as  making  a  voyage  from  SjTia  to 
Marseilles,  took  the  same  course,  for  which  he  assigns  also  the  reason  which  influ- 
enced prohalily  the  commander  of  Paul's  ship.  "  The  winds  from  the  west,"  bo 
says,  "  and  consequently  contrary,  which  prevail  in  these  places  in  the  summer, 
forced  us  to  run  to  the  north.  "We  made  for  the  coast  of  Caramania  (Cilicia)  iu 
order  to  meet  the  northerly  winds,  and  which  we  found  accordingly." 

2  "From  Syria  to  the  Archipelago,  there  is  a  constant  current  to  the  westward." 
—  Beaufort's  Description  of  the  South  Coast  of  Asia  Minor,  p.  39.  Pococke 
found  this  current  running  so  strong  between  Rhodes  and  the  continent,  that  it 
broke  into  the  cabin  windows  even  in  calm  weather.  —  Description  of  the  East, 
Vol.  II.  p.  2.36. 

8  "  The  village  of  Demhra  (the  Turkish  name  of  the  modern  Myra)  occupies  a 
small  part  of  tiie  site  of  the  ancient  city  of  M}Ta.  The  acropolis  cro«nis  the  bold  preci- 
pice above.  — We  commenced  the  ascent  to  the  acropolis,  at  first  exceedingly  dif- 
ficult, until  we  found  an  ancient  road  cut  out  of  the  rock,  with  steps  leading  to  the 
summit.  The  walls  of  the  acroiiolis  are  entirely  built  of  small  stones  with  mortar. 
We  saw  no  remains  of  any  more  substantially  or  solidly  built  structures  ;  but  it  is 
evidently  the  hill  alluded  to  by  Strabo,  upon  which  '  Myra  is  said  to  have  been 
situated.'  " — Spratt  and  Forbes,  Vol.  I.  p.  132. 


Chap.  XXVII,  6.  7.  COMMENTARY.  415 

was  wrecked  in  his  voyage  to  Italy  contained  six  hundred  per- 
sons. Myra  was  almost  due  north  from  Alexandria;  and  it  is 
not  improbable  that  the  same  westerly  winds  which  forced  the 
Adramyttian  ship  to  the  east  of  Cyprus  drove  the  Alexandrian 
ship  to  Myra.  The  usual  course  from  Alexandria  to  Italy  was 
by  the  south  of  Crete  ;  but  when  this  was  impracticable,  vessels 
sailing  from  that  port  were  accustomed  to  stand  to  the  north  till 
they  reached  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  and  then  proceed  to  Italy 
through  the  southern  part  of  the  ^gcan.  See  the  proofs  of  this 
statement  in  Wetstein.  The  Alexandrian  ship  was  not,  there- 
fore, out  of  her  course  at  Myra,  even  if  she  had  no  call  to  touch 
there  for  the  purposes  of  commerce.  It  may  be  added,  that  "the 
land  breeze  on  the  Cdician  coast  appears  to  be  quite  local,  and 
consequently  might  enable  Paul's  ship  to  reach  Myra,  although 
the  prevalent  wind  did  not  admit  of  the  ships  in  that  harbor  pro- 
ceeding on  their  voyage."  —  This  vessel  must  have  reached  Myra 
in  August  or  early  in  September,  according  to  v.  9  below.  That 
an  Alexandrian  wheat  ship  now  should  have  been  here,  just  at 
this  time,  suggests  a  coincidence  which  may  be  worth  pointing 
out.  At  the  present  day,  the  active  shipping  season  at  Alexan- 
dria commences  about  the  first  of  August.  The  rise  of  the  Nile 
is  then  so  far  advanced  that  the  produce  of  the  interior  can  be 
brought  to  that  city,  where  it  is  shipped  at  once  and  sent  to  dif- 
ferent parts  of  Europe.  At  the  beginning  of  August  in  1852,  as 
I  saw  it  stated  in  the  circular  of  a  commercial  house  at  Alexan- 
dria, there  were  twelve  vessels  then  taking  on  board  grain  car- 
goes, just  received  from  Upper  Egypt.  Thus  it  appears  that  the 
Alexandrian  ship  mentioned  by  Luke  may  have  left  Egypt  not 
only  after  the  grain  harvest  of  the  year  had  been  gathered  (it  is 
ripe  at  the  end  of  March),  but  just  at  the  time  when  cargoes  or 
the  earliest  cargoes  of  that  kind  could  be  obtained  there  ;  and, 
further,  that  the  ship  would  have  had,  after  this,  just  about  the 
time  requisite  for  reaching  Myra,  when  Paul's  ship  arrived  at  the 
same  place.  —  ive/SilSao-ev  r]fia<;  ets  avro  (a  VOX  nauticd),  he  jmt  us  on 
hoard  of  it.  It  will  be  noticed  that  Luke  employs  such  terms 
with  great  frequency,  and  with  singular  precision.  He  uses,  for 
example,  not  less  than  thirteen  different  verbs  which  agree  in  this, 
that  they  mark  in  some  way  the  progression  of  the  ship,  but  which 
difier  inasmuch  as  they  indicate  its  distance  from  the  land,  rate 
of  movement,  direction  of  the  wind,  or  some  such  circumstance. 
With  the  exception  of  three  of  them,  they  are  all  nautical  ex- 
pressions. 

V.  7.     ev  i/cavats  Se  ^/Acpats  (3paSvTrXoovvT€<;.     The  distance  from 


416  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXVII,  7. 

Myra  to  Cnidus  is  not  more  than  a  hundred  and  thirty  geograph- 
ical miles.  They  occupied,  tlierefore,  "  many  days  "  in  going  a 
distance  which  with  a  decidedly  fair  wind  they  could  have  gone 
in  a  single  day.  We  must  conclude  from  this,  that  they  were  re- 
tarded by  an  unfavorable  wind.  Such  a  wind  would  have  been 
one  from  the  northwest,  and  it  is  precisely  such  a  wind,  as  we 
learn  from  the  Sailing  Directions  for  the  Mediterranean,  that  pre- 
vails in  that  part  of  the  Archipelago  during  the  summer  months. 
According  to  Pliny,  it  begins  in  August,  and  blows  for  forty  days. 
Sailing  vessels  almost  invariably  experience  more  or  less  delay 
in  proceeding  to  the  west  in  this  part  of  the  Mediterranean  at 
that  season  of  the  year.  But  with  northwest  winds,  says  Mr. 
Smith,  the  ship  could  work  up  from  Myra  to  Cnidus  ;  because, 
until  she  reached  that  point,  she  had  the  advantage  of  a  weather 
shore,  under  the  lee  of  which  she  would  have  smooth  water,  and, 
as  formerly  mentioned,  a  westerly  current ;  but  it  would  be  slow- 
ly and  with  difficulty.  fioXis  refers  evidently  to  this  laborious 
progress,  and  not  (E.  V.)  to  the  fact  of  their  having  advanced 
barely  so  far.  —  KvlSov.  Cnidus  was  the  name  both  of  a  penin- 
sula on  the  Carian  coast,  between  Cos  on  the  north  and  Rhodes 
on  the  south,  and  of  a  town  on  the  Triopian  promontory  which 
formed  the  end  of  this  peninsula.  It  is  the  town  that  is  intended 
here.  It  was  situated  partly  on  the  mainland,  and  partly  on  an 
island,  with  wliich  it  was  connected  by  a  causeway,  on  each  side 
of  which  was  an  artificial  harbor  (Forbg.  Hand.  II.  p.  221).  "The 
small  one,"  says  Captain  Beaufort,  "  has  still  a  narrow  entrance 
between  high  piers,  and  was  evidently  a  closed  basin  for  triremes. 
The  southern  and  largest  port  is  formed  by  two  transverse  moles; 
these  noble  works  were  carried  into  the  sea  at  the  depth  of  near- 
ly a  hundred  feet.  One  of  them  is  almost  perfect,  the  other, 
which  is  more  exposed  to  the  southwest  swell,  can  only  be  seen 
under  water."  ^  —  fxrj  7rpoaewvTo<;  r]fxa<;  tov  ave/j-ov,  the  wind  not  per- 
mitting us  unto  it,  i.  e.  to  approach  Cnidus,  to  take  shelter  in  the 
harbor  there,  which  would  have  been  their  first  preference.  They 
adopted,  therefore,  the  only  other  alternative  which  was  left  to 
them,  irpocreaw  docs  not  occur  in  the  classics.  Trpo's  cannot  weU 
mean  further,  as  some  allege,  since  they  would  have  had  no  mo- 
tive to  continue  the  voyage  in  that  direction,  even  if  the  weather 


1  Caramania,  or  a  Brief  Description  of  tlie  South  Coast  of  Asia  Minor,  p.  76. 
"  Few  places  bear  more  incontestable  proofs  of  former  magnificence.  The  whole 
area  of  the  city  is  one  promiscuous  mass  of  ruins ;  among  which  may  be  traced 
streets  and  gateways,  porticos  and  theatres." 


Chap.  XXVII,  7.  8.  COMMENTARY.  417 

had  not  opposed  it.^  —  vircirX^va-a^^v  Tr]v  K.p-qTr]V  Kara  '^aX[x<jji'r)i',  ice 
sailed  under  (i.  e.  to  the  leeward  of)  Crete  against  Sahnone,  a  pro- 
montory which  forms  the  eastern  extremity  of  that  island,  and 
bears  still  tlie  same  name.  An  inspection  of  the  map  will  show 
that  their  course  hither  from  Cnidus  must  have  been  nearly  south. 
The  wind  drove  them  in  this  direction.  It  has  been  said  that 
they  avoided  the  northern  side  of  Crete,  because  it  furnished  no 
good  ports ;  but  such  is  not  the  fact.  Soudra  and  Longa  Spina 
are  excellent  harbors  on  that  side  of  the  island.  Having  passed 
around  Salmone,  they  would  find  a  northwest  wind  as  much  op- 
posed to  them  in  navigating  to  the  westward  as  it  had  been  be- 
tween Myra  and  Cnidus  ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  they  would 
have  for  a  time  a  similar  advantage :  the  south  side  of  Crete  is 
a  weather  shore,  and  with  a  northwest  wind  they  could  advance 
along  the  coast,  until  they  reached  that  part  of  it  which  turns  de- 
cidedly towards  the  north.  Here  they  would  be  obhged  to  seek 
a  harbor,  and  wait  until  the  wind  changed.  The  course  of  move- 
ment indicated  by  Luke  tallies  exactly  with  these  conditions. 

V.  8.  /AoXts  Tc  7rapaA.eyo/i,€vot  avr-qv,  and  with  difficult?/  coasting 
along  it,  viz.  Crete,  not  Salmone,  since  the  former,  though  not  so 
near,  is  the  principal  word.  Besides,  Salmone  was  not  so  much 
an  extended  shore  as  a  single  point,  and  at  all  events  did  not  ex- 
tend so  far  as  the  place  where  they  stopped.  This  participle  is 
a  nautical  word. —  et?  tottov  ....  Ai/AcVa?,  unto  a  certain  jilace  called 
Fair  Havens.  No  ancient  writer  mentions  this  harbor,  but  no  one 
doubts  that  it  is  identical  with  the  place  known  still  under  the 
same  name,  on  the  south  of  Crete,  a  few  miles  to  the  east  of 
Cape  Matala.  This  harbor  consists  of  an  open  roadstead,  or 
rather  two  roadsteads  contiguous  to  each  other,  which  may  ac- 
count for  the  plural  designation.  It  is  adapted,  also,  by  its  situa- 
tion, to  afford  the  slielter  in  northwest  winds  which  the  anchorage 
mentioned  by  Luke  afforded  to  Paul's  vessel.  Nautical  authori- 
ties assure  us,  that  this  place  is  the  farthest  point  to  which  an 
ancient  ship  could  have  attained  with  northwesterly  winds,  be- 
cause here  the  land  turns  suddenly  to  the  north. — <2  ....  Aaaaia, 
near  to  ivhich  was  the  city  Las<ea.     The  vicinity  of  this  place  ap- 

1  Mr.  Smith  supposes  that  the  winds  did  not  permit  their  proceeding  on  their 
course,  and  in  his  second  edition  (p.  76)  urges  against  me  the  authority  of  Admi- 
ral Penrose  as  maintaining  the  same  view.  It  is  not  claimed  that  the  Greek  word 
is  at  all  decisive,  but  that  the  nautical  reason  demands  their  interpretation.  It  does 
not  become  me  to  urge  my  opinion  on  such  a  point  in  opposition  to  that  of  expe- 
rienced navigators.  One  would  say  as  a  critic  that  irpoffeuvTos  in  such  proximity 
to  Kara  tV  Kvidoy  would  have  naturally  the  same  local  direction. 

53 


418  C  0  M  M  E  N  T  A  R  Y .  Chap.  XXVII,  8.  9. 

pears  to  he  mentioned  because  it  was  better  known  than  Fair 
Havens.  In  the  first  edition  I  ^vrote  that  all  trace  of  Lasaga  was 
supposed  to  be  lost.  Since  then  an  English  traveller  in  Crete 
reports  that  the  name  is  applied  by  the  natives  to  the  site  of  an 
ancient  town  on  the  coast,  about  five  miles  east  of  Fair  Havens. 
Two  white  pillars,  masses  of  masonry  and  other  ruins  occur  on 
the  spot.i  Here  eyyus  governs  w  as  an  adverb,  rjv,  wag,  incorpo- 
rates the  notice  with  the  history  without  excluding  the  present. 
Compare  17,  21.  23.     K.  ^  256.  4.  a. 

V.  9.  iKavov  be  xpovov  Stayevo/AcVou,  Note  a  long  time  having 
elapsed,  i.  e.  since  the  embarkation  at  Caesarea.  The  expression 
is  to  be  taken  in  a  relative  sense.  On  leaving  Palestine  they 
expected  to  reach  Italy  before  the  arrival  of  the  stormy  season, 
and  would  have  accomplished  their  object  had  it  not  been  for 
unforeseen  delays.  —  ovtos  rjbrj  iTna<f)aXov^  tov  ttXoos,  the  navigation 
being  now  unsafe,  i.  e.  at  this  particular  period  of  the  year.  TrXoog 
is  a  later  Greek  form  for  irXov.  W.  ^  8.  2.  b ;  S.  §  22.  2.  —  8ia  to 
Ktti,  K.  T.  X.,  because  also  the  fast  ivas  now  past,  /cat  adds  this  clause 
to  the  one  immediately  preceding,  in  order  to  fix  more  precisely 
the  limits  of  the  rjSr]  there,  by  informing  us  how  far  the  season 
was  advanced.  See  W.  ^  53.  3.  c.  —  t^v  vrja-rclav  denotes  the  fast 
KttT  Hf'xv^y  which  the  Jews  observed  on  the  great  day  of  expia- 
tion, which  fell  on  the  tenth  of  the  month  Tisri,  about  the  time 
of  the  autumnal  equinox.  See  Lev.  16,  29;  23,  27.  Jahn's 
Archajol.  ^  357.  Philo  also  says  that  no  prudent  man  thought  of 
l)utting  to  sea  after  this  season  of  the  year.  The  Greeks  and 
Romans  considered  the  period  of  safe  navigation  as  closing  in 
October,  and  recommencing  about  the  nriddle  of  March.  Luke's 
familiarity  with  the  Jewisli  designations  of  time  rendered  it  en- 
tirely natural  for  him  to  describe  the  progress  of  the  year  in  this 
manner.  It  was  not  on  account  of  the  storms  merely  that  an- 
cient mariners  dreaded  so  much  a  voyage  in  winter,  but  because 
the  rains,  prevailed  then,  and  the  clouds  obscured  the  sun  and 
stars  on  which  they  were  so  dependent  for  the  direction  of  their 
course.  See  the  note  on  v.  20.  —  -n-aprivet,  exhorted  them,  viz.  to 
remain  here  and  not  continue  the  voyage.  It  is  not  stated  in  so 
mdny  words  that  this  was  his  object,  but  it  may  be  inferred  from 
the  argument  which  he  employs,  and  from  the  representation  in 
the  next  two  verses,  that  they  renewed  the  voyage  in  opposition 
to  his  advice.     See  also  v.  21. 


1  Mr.  Smith  inserts  an  interesting  account  of  this  discovery  (p.  262)  in  his  edi- 
tion of  1856. 


Chap.  XXVII,  10.  11.  COMMENTARY.  419 

V.  10.  S^ewpw,  I  perceive,  have  reason  to  think.  This  verb  ex- 
presses a  judgment  which  he  had  formed  in  view  of  what  they 
had  ah-eady  experienced,  as  well  as  the  probabilities  of  the  case, 
looking  at  the  future.  The  revelation  which  he  afteru^ard  re- 
ceived respecting  their  fate,  he  announces  in  very  different  terms; 
see  V.  23.  He  may  be  understood  as  declaring  his  own  personal 
conviction,  that,  if  they  now  ventured  to  sea  again,  the  ship  would 
certainly  be  wrecked,  and  that  among  so  many  some  of  them  at 
least  would  lose  their  lives.  None  lost  their  lives  in  fact,  and 
hence  Paul  could  not  speak  as  a  prophet  here.  The  apostles 
were  not  infallible,  except  in  their  sphere  as  religious  teachers. — 
In  on  fiera  v(3peo)?,  k.  t.  A.,  we  have  a  union  of  two  different  modes 
of  expression.  The  sentence  begins  as  if  /xiXXu  6  ttXoix;  was  to 
follow,  but  on  reaching  that  verb  the  construction  changes  to  the 
infinitive  with  its  subject,  as  if  on  had  not  preceded.  See  W.  § 
63.  2.  c.  Such  variations  are  so  common,  even  in  the  best  writers, 
that  they  are  hardly  to  be  reckoned  as  anacoluthic. — /xcra  {J/Jpews 
Koi  TToXXrj^  ^17/x.ias,  ivith  violence  (lit.  insolence,  i.  e.  of  the  winds  and 
waves)  and  much  loss.  The  second  noun  states  an  effect  of  the 
first,  which  is  applied  here  in  a  sort  of  poetic  way,  like  our  "  sport " 
or  "riot"  of  the  elements.  Kuinoel  quotes  to  re  Kav/xa  kol  ttjv  diro 
Twv  ofji^pwv  v/SpLv  dTrop.ax6p.eva  in  Jos.  Antt.  3.  6.  4,  as  showing  this 
sense.  Horace  has  the  same  idea  in  his  "ventis  debes  ludibri- 
um"  (Od.  1.  11.  14).  To  render  the  words  injury  and  loss  does 
violence  to  the  first  of  them,  and  makes  them  tautological. 
Some  have  relied  for  this  meaning  on  Find.  Pyth.  1.  140  ;  but  the 
poet  is  speaking,  says  Professor  Vomel,^  not  of  a  shipwreck,  but 
a  sea-fight,  and  vPpi<;  is  used  there  in  its  strictest  sense.  Meyer 
understands  it  of  the  rashness,  the  presumption,  which  they  would 
evince  in  committing  themselves  again  to  the  deep."  If  we  as- 
sume that  meaning  here,  we  are  to  retain  it  naturally  in  v.  21  ; 
and  it  would  be  there  a  term  of  reproach,  which  we  should  not 
expect  the  apostle  to  employ  in  such  an  address. 

V.  11.  iKaTovrdpxrj'i.  In  regard  to  the  termination,  see  on  10, 
1. — Tw  KvftepvrJTr],  the  steersman,  whose  authority  in  ancient  ships 
corresponded  very  nearly  with  that  of  the  captain  in  our  vessels. 
—  Tw  vavKXrjpta,  the  owner,  to  whom  the  ship  belonged.  The  pro- 
prietor, instead  of  chartering  his  vessel  to  another,  frequently 
went  himself  in  her,  and  received  as  his  share  of  the  profit  the 
money  paid   for   carrying   merchandise   and   passengers.      The 

1  Of  the  Gymnasium  at  Frankfort  on  the  Maine.  In  his  Procrramme  for  1850, 
he  inserts  a  translation  of  tliis  chapter  of  tlie  Acts,  with  some  critical  remarks. 


420  C  0  JI M  E  N  T  A  R  Y .  Chap.  XXVII,  12. 

owners  of  the  cargo  hired  the  captain  and  the  mariners.  —  rots 
vTTo  Tov  UavXov  Acyo/xevois  changes  the  object  of  the  verb  (cttci^cto) 
from  that  of  a  person  to  a  thing.     Compare  26,  20. 

V.  12.  dv€u^€Tou,  not  trell  situated,  inconvenient.  The  harbor 
deserved  its  name  undoubtedly  (see  v.  8),  for  many  purposes,  but 
in  the  judgment  of  those  to  whose  opinion  it  was  most  natural 
that  the  centurion  should  defer,  it  was  not  considered  a  desirable 
place  for  wintering  (tt/jos  Trapa^^^ip-aa-iav).  The  question  was  not 
whether  they  should  attempt  to  proceed  to  Italy  during  the  pres- 
ent season,  but  whether  they  should  remain  here  in  preference 
to  seeking  some  other  harbor  where  they  might  hope  to  be  more 
secure.  In  this  choice  of  evils,  the  advice  of  Paul  was  that  they 
should  remain  here  ;  and  the  event  justified  his  discernment.^  — 
ot  ttXuovs,  the  majority.  Their  situation  had  become  so  critical, 
that  a  general  consultation  was  held  as  to  what  should  be  done. 
—  KOLKu^ev,  also  from  there,  as  they  had  sailed  previously  from 
other  places,  see  v.  4.  6 ;  iKu^tv  (Lchm.)  is  less  correct.  —  €ts 
4>oa'iKa,  unto  Phoenix,  which  must  have  been  a  town  and  harbor 
in  the  south  of  Crete,  a  little  to  the  west  of  Fair  Havens ;  comp. 
on  V.  13.  The  palm-trees  in  that  region  are  supposed  to  have 
given  occasion  to  the  name.  Strabo  mentions  a  harbor  with  this 
name  on  the  south  of  Crete,  and  Ptolemy  mentions  a  town  called 
Phoenix,  with  a  port  Avhich  he  terms  Phoenicus.  On  the  contrary, 
Stephanus  Byzantinus  calls  the  town  Phcenicus,  which  Hierocles, 
again,  calls  Phoenice.  See  Hoffm.  Griechenland,  11.  p.  1334. 
The  best  way  to  harmonize  these  notices  is  to  suppose  that  the 
different  names  were,  at  times,  applied  promiscuously  to  the  town 
and  the  harbor.  It  is  uncertain  with  what  motlern  port  we  are  to 
identify  the  ancient  Phoenix.  Anapolis,  Lutro  (unless  the  places 
differ  merely  as  town  and  harbor),  Sphakia,  Franco  Castello, 
Phineka,  have  each  been  supposed  to  be  that  port.  —  cittws  SiWivto, 
ifhy  any  means  they  might  be  able,  etc.  Those  who  advise  the  step 
consider  it  perilous. — Xi/xcVa  t^s  Kp^Te<;  ^XeTrovra  Kara  Aifia  koL  Kara 

1  Paul's  dissent  from  the  general  opinion  has  appeared  to  some  very  sinjrular ; 
for  the  bay  at  Fair  Havens,  open  to  nearly  one-half  of  the  compass,  was  ill  adapted, 
it  was  thought,  to  furnish  a  permanent  shelter.  But  recent  and  more  exact  obser- 
vations establish  the  interesting  fact  that  "  Fair  Havens  is  so  well  protected  by 
islands  and  reefs,  that  though  not  equal  to  Lutro,  it  must  be  a  vciy  fair  winter 
harbor ;  and  that  considering  the  suddenness,  the  frequency,  and  the  violence  with 
which  g.iles  of  northerly  wind  spring  up,  and  the  certainty  that  if  such  a  gale 
sprung  up  in  the  passage  from  Fair  Havens  to  Lutro  (PhaMiix),  the  ship  must  lie 
driven  off  to  sea,  the  prudence  of  the  advice  given  by  the  master  and  owner  was 
extremely  questionable,  and  that  the  advice  given  by  St.  Paul  may  possibly  be 
supported  even  on  nautical  grounds."     Smitli,  p.  S8  (1856). 


Chap.  XXVn,  12.  COMMENTARY.  421 

Xu)pov,  aharbor  looking  towards  Lijjs  and  toivards  Corns,  i.  e.  the  points 
from  which  the  winds  so  called  blew,  viz.  the  southwest  and  the 
northwest.  The  intermediate  point  between  these  winds  is  west ; 
so  that  the  harbor  would  have  faced  in  that  direction,  while  the 
opposite  shores  receded  from  ea:ch  other  towards  the  south  and 
north.  Tliis  mode  of  employing  the  names  of  the  winds  is  a 
constant  usage  in  the  ancient  writers  to  designate,  as  we  say,  the 
points  of  the  compass.  Such  is  the  general  view  of  the  meaning 
of  this  expression,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  its  correctness. 
—  Mr.  Smith  (p.  80)  maintains  that  the  Phoenix  of  Luke  is  the 
present  Lutro.  That  harbor,  however,  opens  to  the  east.  To 
reconcile  Luke's  statement  with  this  circumstance,  he  under- 
stands Kara  A/'^a  koL  Kara  Xwpov  to  mean  according  to  the  direction 
in  which  those  winds  blew,  and  not  as"  is  generally  supposed, 
whence  they  blew.  "  Now  this  is  exactly  the  description  of  Lutro, 
whicli  looks  or  is  open  to  the  east ;  but  having  an  island  in  front 
which  shelters  it,  it  has  two  entrances,  one  looking  to  the  north- 
east, which  is  Kara  Aif^a,  and  the  other  to  the  southeast,  Kara 
Xwpov."  But  it  is  unsafe  to  give  up  the  common  interpretation 
for  the  sake  of  such  a  coincidence  ;  it  rests  upon  a  usage  of  the 
Greek  too  well  estabhshed  to  justify  such  a  departure  from  it. 
This  mode  of  explaining  Kara  AifSa  involves,  I  think,  two  incon- 
gruities :  first,  it  assigns  opposite  senses  to  the  same  term,  viz. 
southicest  as  the  name  of  a  wind,  and  northeast  as  the  name  of  a 
quarter  of  the  heavens ;  and,  secondly,  it  destroys  the  force  of 
/SXeVovTa,  which  implies  certainly  that  the  wind  and  the  harbor 
confronted  each  other,  and  not  that  they  were  turned  from  each 
other.  Mr.  Smith  adduces  Kara  KVfxa  «at  ave/tov  from  Herod.  4. 
110 ;  but  the  expression  is  not  parallel  as  regards  either  the  prej)- 
osition  or  the  noun.  Kara  denotes  there  conformity  of  motion, 
and  not  of  situation  where  the  objects  are  at  rest,  and  av€/A09  does 
not  belong  to  the  class  of  proper  names,  like  Lips  and  Corns, 
which  the  Greeks  employed  in  such  geograpliical  designations. 
"  There  is  a  passage  in  Arrian,"  he  says,  "  still  more  apposite  to 
this  point.  In  his  Periplus  of  the  Euxine,  he  tells  us  that,  when 
navigating  the  south  coast  of  that  sea,  towards  the  east,  he  ob- 
served during  a  calm  a  cloud  suddenly  arise,  which  was  driven 
before  the  east  wind.  Here  there  can  be  no  mistake  ;  the  cloud 
must  have  been  driven  to  the  west."  But  to  translate  Kar  evpov 
in  that  manner  assumes  the  point  in  dispute.  The  context  pre- 
sents no  reason  why  we  should  not  adopt  the  ordinary  sense  of 
such  phrases ;  viz.  toivards  the  east,  i.  e.  the  cloud  appeared  in 


122  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXVII,  13. 

that  quarter.     In  this  expression,  therefore,  Eurus  would  denote 
the  point  from  which  the  east  unnd  blows,  and  not  whither.^ 

Verses  13-16.     A  Storm  rages,  and  drives  the  Vessel  to  Claude. 

V.  13.  vTroTTvcvVavTos  8e  Norov,  JVoiv  token  a  south  icind  blew 
moderately.  Alter  passing  Cape  Matala,  the  extreme  southern 
point  of  Crete,  and  only  four  or  five  miles  to  the  west  of  Fair 


1  The  writer  published  some  remarks  on  Mr.  Smith's  explanation  of  Kara  Ai'iSo 
KoX  Kara  XSipov  in  the  Bibliotheca  Sacra,  1850,  p.  751.  Mr.  Smith  has  had  the 
kindness  to  address  to  me  a  letter,  stating  some  additional  facts  ascertained  since 
the  publication  of  his  work  on  "  The  Voyage  and  Shipwreck  of  Paul."  In  this 
letter  he  reafHrms  his  view  of  the  expression  referred  to,  and  calls  my  attention 
again  to  the  passage  in  Arrian,  as  conclusive  in  support  of  his  position.  A  distin- 
guished Hellenist  (Professor  Felton  of  the  University  at  Cambridge)  has  favored 
me  with  the  following  remarks  on  that  passage :  —  "It  is  true  that  the  cloud  of 
which  Arrian  speaks  was  borne  towards  the  west ;  but  that  is  not  expressed  by 
Kar  flpov.  but  must  be  inferred  from  the  circumstances  of  the  case.  The  course 
of  the  voyage  they  were  making  was  eastward  ;  after  a  calm,  during  which  they 
used  their  oars  alone, '  suddenly  a  cloud  springing  up  broke  out  nearly  east  of  us ' 
(&<pvoi  ve<pfKr]  iiravaffTaaa  i^fppdyn  Kar'  tvpov  /.LaKiffTa),  and  brought  upon  them  a 
violent  wind.  The  wind,  of  course,  was  an  easterly  wind,  because  it  made  their 
further  progress  towards  the  east  slow  and  difficult.  But  the  navigator  in  the 
phrase  Kar  tlpov  is  speaking  of  the  direction  in  which  he  saw  the  cloud,  not  in 
which  the  cloud  was  moving.  If  he  had  been  simply  describing  tlie  direction  in 
which  the  cloud  was  moving,  as  Herodotus  is  describing  the  motion  of  the  ship 
(a!id  not  the  direction  in  which  the  ship  is  seen  from  another  point),  then  /car* 

iipov  would  mean  u-ilh  the  Emits  or  before  the  Eurus If  a  person  is  floating 

on  the  wind,  or  driven  by  the  wind,  if  he  is  in  motion  according  to  the  wind, 
then  of  course  his  direction  is  determined  by  that  of  the  wind.  But  if  he  is  at 
rest,  and  looking  according  to  the  wind,  he  is  looking  where  the  wind  is  the  most 
prominent  object ;  that  is,  he  is  facing  the  wind,  as  Arrian's  crew  were  facing  the 
cloud  and  the  wind,  and  not  turning  his  back  upon  it."  —  As  this  question  has 
excited  some  interest,  it  may  be  well  to  mention  how  it  is  viewed  in  works  pub- 
lished since  the  preceding  note  was  written.  Humphry  (1854)  says  (p.  202)  that 
Mr.  Smith's  passages  are  not  quite  conclusive  as  to  ^Keirovra  Kora  A/jSa.  He  sup- 
poses Plueni-K  to  be  the  modern  Phineka  which  opens  to  the  west,  and  thus  adopts 
the  common  explanation  of  the  phrase.  Alford  (1852)  agrees  with  Smith  that 
KaraM^a  and  similar  combinations  denote  ivhither  and  not  whence  the  winds  blow, 
but  intimates  a  purpose  to  fortify  his  ground  against  objections  in  a  future  edi- 
tion. IJowson  (II.  p.  400)  would  admit  an  instance  of  that  usage  in  Jos.  Antt. 
15.  9.  6  (sic),  but  says  that  the  other  alleged  ])roofs  are  untenable  or  ambiguous. 
He  mediates  between  the  two  opinions  by  suggesting  that  the  point  of  view 
(^K(irovTa)  is  from  the  sea  and  not  the  land  ;  so  that  Kara  Aifia  would  have  its 
usual  meaning  and  yet  the  harbor  open  towards  the  cast,  like  I.utro.  Words- 
worth (|i.  120)  has  a  copious  note  on  this  (luestion.  He  reviews  the  arguments  on 
both  sides,  and  sums  up  with  the  result  that  we  should  "not  abandon  the  ancient 
interpretation  ;"  or,  at  all  events,  should  "suspend  our  decision  till  we  have  more 
complete  topographical  details  for  forming  it." 


Chap.  XXVII,  13.  14.  COMMENTAKY.  423 

Havens,  the  coast  turns  suddenly  to  the  north ;  and  hence,  for 
the  rest  of  the  way  up  to  Phoenix,  a  south  wind  was  as  favorable 
a  one  as  they  could  desire.  —  Sd^avTes  r^s  Trpo^e'o-ews  KeKparrfKevat, 
thinking  to  have  gained  their  j^urpose,  regarding  it  as  already  se- 
cured. It  was  somewhat  less  than  forty  miles  from  Fair  Havens 
to  Phoenix.  With  a  southern  breeze,  therefore,  they  could  ex- 
pect to  reach  their  destination  in  a  few  hours.  —  apavres,  sc.  ras 
ayKvpa<i,  having  weighed.  —  aa-aov  irapeXeyovTo  ttjv  Kp-qrrjv,  they  coasted 
along  Crete  nearer,  sc.  than  usual,  i.  e.  quite  near.  This  clause, 
as  we  see  from  the  next  verse,  describes  their  progress  immedi- 
ately after  their  anchorage  at  Fair  Havens.  It  applies,  therefore, 
to  the  first  few  miles  of  their  course.  During  this  distance,  as 
has  been  suggested  already,  the  coast  continues  to  stretch  towards 
the  west ;  and  it  was  not  until  they  had  turned  Cape  Matala  that 
they  would  have  the  full  benefit  of  the  southern  breeze  which 
had  sprung  up.  With  such  a  wind  they  would  be  able  just  to 
weather  that  point,  provided  they  kept  near  to  the  shore.  We 
have,  therefore,  a  perfectly  natural  explanation  of  their  proceed- 
ing in  the  manner  that  Luke  has  stated. 

V.  14.  fxer  oi  ttoAu,  After  not  lo7ig,  shortly ;  comp.  28,  6.  The 
tempest,  therefore,  came  upon  them  before  they  had  advanced 
far  from  their  recent  anchorage.  They  were  still  much  nearer  to 
that  place  than  they  were  to  Phoenix.  It  is  important  to  observe 
this  fact,  because  it  shows  what  course  the  ship  took  in  going 
from  Crete  to  Claude.  —  e(3a\e  Kar'  awr^?  ave/Aos  tv^wvikos,  a  t?/]}honic 
wind  struck  against  it,  i.  e.  the  ship.  e'/SaXe  may  imply  lavrov,  or  be 
intransitive.  Luke  employs  airf/s,  because  the  mental  antece- 
dent is  vavs,  which  actually  occurs  in  v.  41,  though  his  ordinary 
word  is  TrXoiov.  It  would  be  quite  accidental,  which  of  the  terms 
would  shape  the  pronoun  at  this  moment,  as  they  were  both  so 
familiar.  See  W.  ^  47.  5.  k.  Kara,  takes  the  genitive,  because  the 
wind  was  unfriendly,  hostile,  as  in  the  Attic  plirase  Kara  K6pprj<; 
TviTTuv.  Bernh.  Synt.  p.  238.  Some  critics,  as  Kuinoel,  De  Wette, 
Meyer,  refer  au-r^s  to  Kpy^T-qv,  and  render  drove  us  or  the  ship 
against  it.  Similar  is  the  Geneva  version :  "  There  arose  agaynste 
Candie  a  stormye  wynd  out  of  the  northeast."  But  how  can  v/e 
understand  it  in  this  way,  when  we  are  told  in  the  next  verse 
that  tliey  yielded  to  the  force  of  the  wind,  and  were  driven  by  it 
towards  Claude,  which  is  southwest  from  Fair  Havens  ?  We 
must  discard  that  view,  unless  we  suppose  that  the  wind  in  the 
course  of  a  few  minutes  blew  from  precisely  opposite  quarters. 
Luther  refers  air^?  to  TrpoSiaewi:  struck  against  it,  defeated  their 
purpose.     Tyndale  lived  for  a  time  with  the  German  Reformer, 


424  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXVII,  14. 

at  Wittenberg,  and  took  his  translation  perhaps  from  that  source : 
"  Anone  after  ther  arose  agayuste  ther  purpose  a  flawc  of  wynd 
out  of  the  northeaste."  The  Greek  expression  is  awkward  for 
such  an  idea  and  is  unsupported  by  proper  examples.  Some  re- 
cent commentators  refer  avr^s  as  before  to  the  island,  but  vary 
the  preposition  :  struck  down  from  it,  viz.  Crete,  i.  e.  from  its 
mountains,  its  lofty  shores  (Alf  Hws.  Hmph.  Wdsth.).  Kara  ad- 
mits confessedly  of  tliis  sense  ;  but  does  the  verb  ?  Was  it  used 
of  Avinds  unless  the  object  struck  was  added  or  implied  after  it? 
And  if  the  striking  was  in  the  writer's  mind  here  and  led  to  the 
choice  of  this  particular  verb,  how  can  Kar  avr^s  (i.  e.  the  ship) 
fail  to  be  this  object  ?  It  is  questionable  whether  "  to  strike 
down  "  as  said  of  a  wind,  and  "  to  blow,  come,  rush  down,"  are 
convertible  terms  ;  and  unless  they  are  so,  KarefSr]  in  Matt.  8,  23, 
cyeVero  in  Matt.  7,  24,  and  ytWat  in  Mark  4,  37  do  nor  bear 
specially  on  the  case.  In  the  Greek  Tiiesaurus  (Paris  ed.,  II. 
p.  90)  it  is  said  of  ^aXAciv  :  "  Feriendi  significatione  dicitur  de  sole, 
luce,  vento,  voce  et  quovis  sonitu  ad  corpus  cdic/uod  accedente." 
e/3aXXov  occurs  of  winds  in  II.  23,  217,  but  with  the  accusative  of 
the  object  struck.'  — rvcfxaviKo^  describes  the  wind  with  reference 
to  the  whirling  of  the  clouds  occasioned  by  the  meeting  of  oppo- 
site cuiTcnts  of  the  air.  Pliny  (2.  48),  in  speaking  of  sudden 
blasts,  says  that  they  cause  a  vortex  which  is  called  "  typhoon  ; " 
and  Aulus  Gcllius  (19.  1)  mentions  certain  figures  or  appearances 
of  the  clouds  in  violent  tempests,  wliich  it  was  customary  to  call 
"  typhoons."  This  term  is  intended  to  give  us  an  idea  of  the  fury 
of  the  gale ;  and  its  name,  EvpaKvXwv  as  the  word  should  most 
probably  be  -written,  denotes  the  point  from  which  it  came,  i.  e. 
Euroaquilo,  as  in  the  Vidgate,  a  northeast,  icind.  This  reading 
occurs  in  A  and  B,  which  are  two  of  the  oldest  manuscripts,  and 
in  some  other  authorities.  It  is  approved  by  Grotius,  Mill,  Ben- 
gel,  Bcntley,  Dc  Wette,  and  others.  Lachmann  inserts  it  in  his 
edition  of  the  text.  cvpaicvXwv,  says  Green  (p.  117),  "which  simply 
Grecises  Euroarfiilo.,  demands  the  preference  among  the  various 
shapes  of  the  name."  The  internal  evidence  favors  that  form 
of  the  word.  A  northeast  storm  accoimts  most  perfectly  for  the 
course  of  the  ship,  and  for  the  means  employed  to  control  it, 
mentioned  or  intimated  in  the  sequel  of  the  narrative.  The  other 
principal  readings  are  V.vpoKXvhuiv  (T.  R.,  Tsch.),  compounded  of 
cii/>os  and  kXvSwv,  Eurus  Jluctus  excitans,  or,  as  De  Wette  thinks 

'  This  criticism  may  not  be  useless  if  it  should  serve  to  elicit  further  inquiry 
•before  discarding  the  common  view.  My  means  do  not  allow  me  to  treat  the 
subject  more  fully  at  present. 


Chap.  XXVII,  15.  16.  COMMENTARY.  425 

more  correct,  fiuctus  Euro  excitatus ;  and  EvpvKXvStjv,  from  evpv's 
and  kXv8u)v,  broad  wave.  It  appears,  therefore,  that  the  gentle 
southern  breeze  with  which  they  started  changed  suddenly  to  a 
violent  north  or  northeast  wind.  Such  a  sudden  change  is  a  very 
common  occurrence  in  those  seas.  An  Enghsh  naval  officer,  in 
his  Remarks  on  the  Archipelago,  says :  "  It  is  always  safe  to  an- 
chor under  the  lee  of  an  island  with  a  northern  wind,  as  it  dies 
away  gradually ;  but  it  would  be  extremely  dangerous  with  south- 
erly winds,  as  they  almost  invariably  shift  to  a  violent  northerly 
wind. 

V.  15.  (TvvapTraaSevTo?,  being  seized,  caught  by  the  wind. — avro- 
tfjSaXfxiLv,  to  look  in  the  face,  withstand.  It  is  said  that  the  ancients 
often  painted  an  eye  on  each  side  of  the  prow  of  their  ships.  It 
may  not  be  easy  to  determine  whether  the  personification  implied 
in  this  mode  of  speaking  arose  from  that  practice,  or  whether  the 
practice  arose  from  the  personification.  —  eTriSoi^re?,  sc.  to  -rrXotov, 
giving  up  the  vessel  to  the  wind.  Some  supply  iavrov';  as  the 
object  of  the  participle,  in  anticipation  of  the  next  verb.  The 
idea  is  the  same  in  both  cases.  —  icIicpoixeSa,  ive  ivere  borne,  not 
hither  and  thither,  but  at  the  mercy  of  the  wind,  the  direction  of 
which  we  know  from  the  next  verse. 

V.  16.  vrja-tov  .  .  .  .  KXavhiqv,  Running  under  a  certain  small  isl- 
and called  Claude.  This  island  Ptolemy  calls  Claudes.  It  bears 
now  the  name  of  Gozzo.  As  the  gale  commenced  blowing  soon 
after  the  departure  from  Fair  Havens,  the  ship,  in  order  to  reach 
Claude,  must  have  been  driven  to  the  southwest.  Their  course, 
had  they  been  near  Phoenix  at  the  commencement  of  the  storm, 
would  have  been  due  south.  The  effect  which  the  wind  pro- 
duced shows  what  the  direction  of  the  wind  was  ;  it  must  have 
been  from  the  north  or  northeast,  which  agrees,  as  we  have  seen, 
with  the  probable  import  of  tiie  name  which  Luke  has  employed 
to  designate  the  wind.  ■tiTroSpa/AoVres  implies,  first,  that  they  went 
before  the  wind  (see  on  16,  11)  ;  and  secondly,  according  to  the 
view  suggested  on  v.  4,  that  they  passed  Claude  so  as  to  have 
the  wind  between  them  and  that  island,  that  is,  since  the  direc- 
tion of  the  wmd  has  been  already  determined,  they  went  to  the 
southeast  of  it  instead  of  the  north.  That  they  approaclied  near 
to  the  island  at  the  same  time,  may  be  inferred  from  their  being 
able  to  accom])lish  the  object  mentioned  in  the  next  clause. 
Others  infer  their  vicinity  to  the  island  from  the  preposition, 
which  they  take  to  mean  mider  the  coast ;  but  as  in  the  other 
case,  they  suppose  that  this  was  the  southern  coast,  from  the  di- 
rection in  which  such  a  wind  must  have  driven  the  ship. — /idXts 
54 


426  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXVII,  16.  17. 

....  r^s  a-Ka^-qs,  we  were  able  with  difficult}/  to  secure  the  boat. 
Luke  includes  himself,  perhaps  not  from  sympathy  merely,  but 
because  he  took  part  in  this  labor.  The  i)reservation  of  the  boat 
was  important,  as  afTording  the  last  means  of  escape ;  see  v.  30. 
They  may  hav^e  begun  already  to  have  forebodings  of  the  result. 
Those  expert  in  maritime  affairs  say,  that,  while  a  vessel  is  scud- 
ding before  a  strong  gale,  her  boat  cannot  be  taken  on  board  or 
lashed  to  the  side  of  the  vessel  (see  on  v.  32)  without  extreme 
danger.  Hence  it  is  probable,  that,  when  on  the  southern  side 
of  Claude,  they  were  sheltered  somewhat  against  the  storm,  and 
were  able  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  ship  sufficiently  to  enable 
them  to  accomplish  this  object.  Yet  the  sea  even  here  was  still 
apparently  so  tempestuous  as  to  render  this  a  difficult  operation. 
It  may  have  added  to  the  difficulty,  that  the  boat,  having  been 
towed  more  than  twenty  miles  through  a  raging  sea,  could  hardly 
fail  to  have  been  filled  with  water.  They  had  omitted  tliis  pre- 
caution at  the  outset  because  the  weather  was  mild,  and  they 
had  expected  to  be  at  sea  but  a  i'ew  hours.  It  will  be  observed 
that  Luke  has  not  stated  why  they  found  it  so  difficult  to  secure 
the  boat.     We  are  left  to  conjecture  the  reasons. 


Verses   17-20.     They  undergird  and  lighten  the  shij),  but  despair 
of  safety. 

V.  17,  (3o7)&i.iai<;  ixpwvTo,  they  used  helps,  i.  e.  ropes,  chains,  and 
the  like,  for  the  pur})0se  specified  in  the  next  clause,  viz.  that  of 
undergirding  the  ship.  Most  scholars  take  this  view  of  the  mean- 
ing, and  it  is  doubtless  the  correct  one.  De  Wette  would  extend 
(3oT)SiiaL<;  so  as  to  include  other  similar  expedients  :  ihey  used  helps, 
of  which  vTTo^iovvvvTes  to  irXolov  was  an  example.  (3orjSetaLs  cannot 
denote  the  services  of  the  passengers,  as  some  have  said  ;  for  we 
have  no  such  limiting  term  annexed  as  that  sense  of  the  expres- 
sion would  require.  The  "  hel{)s  "  here  are  the  {iTro^w/xara,  which 
Hesychius  defines  as  "  cables  binding  ships  round  the  middle." 
It  is  probable  that  ships  were  occasionally  undcrgirded  with 
planks  ;  but  that  could  only  be  done  in  the  harbor,  and  was  a 
different  thing  from  performing  the  process  at  sea.  But  how,  the 
question  arises  next,  were  the  cables  applied  so  as  to  accom])lish 
the  projjosed  object?  Falconer,  in  his  Marine  Dictionary,  des- 
cribes the  mode  of  undergirding  ships,  as  practised  in  modern 
navigation,  in  the  following  terms  :  "  To  frap  a  shij)  {ceintrer  un 
vaisseau)  is  to  pass  four  or  five  turns  of  a  large  cable-laid  rope 
round  the  hull  or  frame  of  a  sliip,  to  sujjport  her  in  a  great  storm, 


Chap.  XXVII,  17.  COMMENTARY.  427 

or  otherwise,  when  it  is  apprehended  that  she  is  not  strong  enough 
to  resist  the  violent  efforts  of  the  sea.  This  expedient,  however, 
is  rarely  put  in  practice."  In  ancient  times  it  was  not  uncommon 
to  resort  to  this  process.  The  larger  ships  on  their  more  extended 
voyages  carried  with  them  vTro^oyfiara,  or  ropes  for  undergirding,  so 
as  to  be  prepared  for  any  emergency  which  might  require  them. 
The  Attic  arsenals  kept  a  svipply  of  them  always  on  hand  for 
public  use.  This  mode  of  strengthening  a  ship  at  sea,  although 
not  adopted  so  often  as  it  was  anciently,  is  not  unknown  in  the 
experience  of  modern  navigators.  In  1815,  Mr.  Henry  Hartley 
was  employed  to  pilot  the  Russian  fleet  from  England  to  the 
Baltic.  One  of  the  ships  under  his  escort,  the  Jupiter,  was  frap- 
ped  round  the  middle  by  three  or  four  turns  of  a  stream-cable. 
Sir  George  Back,  on  his  return  from  his  Arctic  voyage  in  ]  837, 
was  forced,  in  consequence  of  the  shattered  and  leaking  condition 
of  his  ship,  to  undergird  her.  The  Albion,  a  British  frigate,  in 
1846,  encountered  a  hurricane  on  her  voyage  from  India,  and  was 
under  the  necessity  of  frapping  her  hull  together  to  prevent  her 
from  sinking.  To  these  more  recent  instances  many  others  of 
an  earHer  date  might  be  added.'^  The  common  representation  in 
regard  to  the  ancient  mode  of  applying  the  hypozomata  to  a  ship 
makes  it  different  from  the  modern  usage.  Boeckh's  view  is  the 
one  followed  in  most  of  the  recent  works.  According  to  his  in- 
vestigations, the  ropes,  instead  of  being  passed  under  the  bottom 
and  fastened  on  deck,  "  ran  in  a  horizontal  direction  around  the 
ship  from  the  stern  to  the  prow.  They  ran  round  the  vessel  in 
several  circles,  and  at  certain  distances  from  one  another.  The 
length  of  these  tormenta^  as  they  are  called  in  Latin,  varied  ac- 
cordingly as  they  ran  around  the  higher  or  lower  part  of  the  ship, 
the.  latter  being  naturally  shorter  than  the  former.  Their  number 
varied  according  to  the  size  of  the  ship."  ^  Mr.  Smith,  in  his  Dis- 
sertation on  the  Ships  of  the  Ancients  (p.  173  sq.),  controverts  the 
foregoing  opinion,  as  being  founded  on  a  misapprehension  of  the 
passages  in  the  ancient  writers  which  have  been  supposed  to 


1  Some  suppose  that  Horace  alludes  to  this  practice  in  Od.  1.  14.  6  :  —  "  Sine 
funibus  Vix  durare  carinse  Possint  imperiosius  ^quor."  I  was  once  explaining 
this  passaj^e  to  a  college  class,  according  to  that  view,  when  one  of  the  members 
who  had  been  at  sea  stated  that  he  himself  had  assisted  in  such  an  operation  on 
board  a  vessel  approaching  our  own  coast. 

*  This  is  quoted  from  the  Dictionary  of  Greek  and  Roman  Antiquities,  Art. 
Ships.  The  account  rests  on  Boeckh's  authority.  The  writer  of  the  article  on 
Navis  in  Pauly's  Real-Encycklopadie  der  classischen  Alterthumswissenschaft,  fol- 
lows the  same  authority. 


428  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXVH,  17. 

prove  it.  He  maintains  that  the  cables,  instead  of  being  appHed 
lengthways,  were  drawn  around  the  middle  at  right  angles  to  the 
ship,  and  not  parallel  to  it.^  The  other  mode,  he  says,  "  must 
have  been  as  impracticable  as  it  would  have  been  unavailing  for 
the  purpose  of  strengthening  the  ship."  Luke  states  a  fact  sim- 
ply in  relation  to  this  matter ;  he  does  not  describe  the  mode. 
The  question,  therefore,  is  one  of  archaeological  interest  merely ; 
it  does  not  affect  the  writer's  accuracy.  —  /x^  €is  r^v  'S.vpTtv  cWe- 
o-wo-i,  /est  they  should  be  stranded  upon  the  Syrtis.  The  verb  literally 
means  to  fcdl  out,  i.  e.  from  the  sea  or  deep  water  upon  the  land 
or  rocks  ;  comp.  v.  26.  29.  Syrtis  Major  is  here  meant,  which  was 
on  the  coast  of  Africa,  southwest  from  Crete.  This  gulf  was  an 
object  of  great  dread  to  mariners  on  account  of  its  dangerous 
shoals.  The  other  Syrtis  was  too  far  to  the  west  to  have  been  the 
one  to  which  they  would  feel  exposed  in  their  present  situation. 
Some  have  taken  ^vpTcv  to  denote  a  sand-bank  near  Claude ;  but 
as  any  such  bank  there  must  have  been  comparatively  unknown, 
the  A\Titer  with  that  allusion  would  more  naturally  have  left  out 
the  article.  —  vaXdcravrts  TO  crKtvos,  having  lowered  tlie  sad.  ctkcvos 
is  indefinite,  and  may  be  applied  to  almost  any  of  the  ship's  ap- 
purtenances, as  sails,  masts,  anchors,  and  the  like.  Many  have 
supposed  it  to  refer  here  to  the  mast,  or,  if  there  was  more  than 
one  in  this  case,  to  the  princijjal  mast ;  but  it  would  seem  to  put 
that  supposition  out  of  the  question,  that  according  to  all  proba- 
bihty  the  masts  of  the  larger  sailing  ships  among  the  ancients 
were  not  movable,  like  those  of  the  smaller  vessels,  but  were 
fixed  in  their  position,  and  would  require  to  be  cut  away ;  a  mode 
of  removal  wlrich  the  accompanying  participle  shows  could  not 
have  been  adopted  in  the  present  instance.  The  surprising  opin- 
ion of  some,  that  o-Kevos  is  the  anchor,  is  contradicted  by  the  fol- 
lowing ovTws  i<f>fpovTo.  Of  the  other  applications  of  the  word,  the 
only  one  which  the  circumstances  of  the  ship  at  this  juncture 
naturally  suggest  is,  that  it  refers  to  the  sail.  It  is  not  certain 
how  we  are  to  take  the  article  here.  It  leads  us  to  think  most 
directly  perhai)S  of  the  large,  square  sail,  which  was  attached  to 
the  principal  mast.  Tlie  ancients  had  vessels  with  one,  two,  and 
three  masts.'^    to  would  then  point  out  that  sail  by  way  of  emi- 


1  The  mode  of  executing  this  manauvre,  as  I  am  informed,  or  at  least  one 
mode,  is  to  sink  the  ropes  over  the  prow,  and  then  draw  them  towards  the  mid- 
dle of  the  ship,  fastening  the  ends  on  deck. 

.     *  See  Pauly's  Real-Encjkloptidie  dcr  classischen  Altcrthumswisscnschaft,  Vol. 
V.  p.  463. 


Chap.  XXVII,  17.  COMMENTAEY.  429 

nence.  The  presumption  is,  that,  if  the  ship  carried  other  sails, 
as  cannot  well  be  doubted,  they  had  taken  them  down  before 
this ;  and  now,  having  lowered  the  only  one  which  they  had  con- 
tinued to  use,  they  let  the  vessel  "  scud  under  bare  poles."  This 
is  the  general  view  of  the  meaning.  It  would  follow  from  this, 
that  the  wind  must  have  changed  its  direction  before  they  were 
wrecked  on  Melita ;  for  some  thirteen  days  elapsed  before  that 
event,  during  which  the  storm  continued  to  rage ;  and  within  that 
time,  had  they  been  constantly  driven  before  a  northeast  wind, 
they  must  have  realized  their  fear  of  being  stranded  on  the  Afri- 
can coast. —  But  an  eastern  gale  in  the  Levant,  at  this  season  of 
the  year,  is  apt  to  be  lasting ;  the  wind  maintains  itself,  though 
with  unequal  violence,  for  a  considerable  time,  in  the  same 
quarter.  Professor  Newman,  of  the  London  University,  states 
the  following  fact  ^  in  his  own  experience  :  "  We  sailed  from 
Larnica  in  Cyprus  in  a  small  Neapolitan  ship  with  a  Turkish 
crew,  on  the  2d  of  December,  1830.  We  were  bound  for  Latika, 
in  Syria,  —  the  course  almost  due  east,  —  but  were  driven  back 
and  forced  to  take  refuge  in  the  port  of  Famagousta,  the  an- 
cient Salamis.  Here  we  remained  wind-bound  for  days.  Owing 
to  our  frequent  remonstrances,  the  captain  sailed  three  times,  but 
was  always  driven  back,  and  once  after  encountering  very  heavy 
seas  and  no  small  danger.  It  was  finally  the  first  of  January,  if 
my  memory  does  not  deceive  me,  when  we  reached  the  Syrian 
coast."  It  was  probably  such  a  gale  which  Paul's  ship  encoun- 
tered, that  is,  a  series  of  gales  from  the  east,  but  not  a  constant 
hurricane  ;  for  the  seamen  were  able  to  anchor  and  to  let  down 
their  boat,  and  a  part  of  the  crew  to  attempt  to  escape  m  it  to 
the  shore.  If,  then,  we  assume  that  the  wind  blew  from  the 
same  point  during  the  continuance  of  the  storm,  we  must  sup- 
pose that  they  adopted  some  precaution  against  being  driven 
upon  the  African  coast,  which  Luke  does  not  mention,  although 
his  narrative  may  imply  it.  The  only  such  precaution,  according 
to  the  opinion  of  nautical  men,  which  they  could  have  adopted 
in  their  circumstances,  was  to  lie-to,  i.  e.  turn  the  head  of  the 
vessel  as  near  to  the  wind  as  possible,  and  at  the  same  time 
keep  as  much  sail  spread  as  they  could  carry  in  so  severe  a  gale. 
For  this  purpose,  they  would  need  the  principal  sail ;  and  the  sail 
lowered  is  most  likely  to  have  been  the  sail  above  it,  i.  e.  the 
topsail,  or  svpparum,  as  the  Romans  termed  it.  By  the  adoption 
of  these  means  they  would  avoid  the  shore  on  which  they  were 

'  Mentioned  in  Mr.  Smith's  letter,  alluded  to  on  p.  422. 


430  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXVII,  18.  19. 

SO  fearful  of  being  cast,  and  drift  in  the  direction  of  the  island 
on  which  they  were  finally  wrecked,  to,  according  to  this  sup- 
position, would  refer  to  the  sail  as  definite  in  the  conceptions  of 
the  writer,  or  as  presumptively  well  known  to  the  reader.  —  outws 
i(}>ipovTo,  thus  (i.  e.  with  the  ship  undergirded,  and  with  the  main- 
sail lowered ;  or,  it  may  be,  with  the  topsail  lowered  and  the 
stormsail  set)  theij  were  borne  on,  at  the  mercy  of  the  elements. 
Here  closes  the  account  of  the  first  fearful  day. 

V.  18.  (r<f>o8pw^  8e  x'^iiJiat,oixiv(jiv  rifjLwv,  JSow  xoe  being  violently 
tempest-tost.  —  rfj  e^s,  on  the  following  day,  i.  e.  after  their  at- 
tempt to  reach  the  port  of  Phoenix.  The  night  brought  to  them 
no  relief.  The  return  of  day  disclosed  to  them  new  dangers. 
The  precaution  of  imdergirding  had  accomplished  less  than  they 
hoped.  It  was  evident  that  the  ship  must  be  lightened  or  foun- 
der at  sea.  Their  next  step,  therefore,  was  to  tiy  the  effect  of 
this  measure.  —  iKJSoXrjv  iiroiovvTo,  proceeded  to  throw  overboard,  is 
one  of  the  sea-phrases  which  Julius  Pollux  mentions  as  used  by 
the  ancients  to  denote  the  lightening  of  a  ship  at  sea.  The  noun 
omits  the  article,  because  they  cast  out  only  a  part  of  what  the 
vessel  contained.  We  are  not  tokl  what  it  was  that  they  sacrificed 
at  this  time  ;  it  may  have  been  their  supernumerary  spars  and 
rigging,  and  some  of  the  heavier  and  anore  accessible  articles  of 
merchandise  with  which  the  ship  was  laden.  It  appears  from  v. 
38  that  the  bulk  of  the  cargo  consisted  of  wheat,  and  they  re- 
served that  until  the  last.  The  seamen  in  the  vessel  in  which 
Jonah  embarked  had  recourse  to  the  same  expedient.  "  There 
was  a  mighty  tempest  in  the  sea,  so  that  the  ship  was  like  to  be 
broken.  Then  the  mariners  were  afraid,  and  cried  every  man 
unto  his  god,  and  cast  forth  the  wares  that  were  in  the  ship  into 
the  sea,  to  lighten  it  of  them  "     (Jon.  1,  4.  5). 

V.  19.  rfi  Tpirrj.  The  third  day  arrives  and  the  storm  has  not 
abated.  They  are  obliged  to  lighten  the  ship  still  more.  Tliis 
renewed  necessity  appears  to  indicate  that  the  ship  was  in  a 
leaking  condition,  and  that  the  danger  from  this  cause  was  becom- 
ing more  and  more  imminent.  It  was  one  of  the  great  perils  to 
which  ancient  vessels  were  exposed.  Their  style  of  architecture 
was  inferior  to  that  of  modern  vessels  ;  they  were  soon  shattered 
in  a  storm,  "  sprang  leaks  "  more  easily,  and  had  fewer  means  for 
repairing  the  injury.  "  In  the  accounts  of  shipwrecks  that  liave 
come  down  to  us  from  ancient  times,  the  loss  of  the  ship  must, 
in  a  great  number  of  instances,  be  ascribed  to  this  cause.  Jose- 
phus  tells  us  that,  on  his  voyage  to  Italy,  the  sliip  sunk  in  the 
midst   of  the    Adriatic    Sea   (/SaTrrta^eVros  yu-p  -rjfiCyv  tov  ttXolov  Kara 


Chap.  XXVII,  19.  20.  COMMENTARY.  431 

(jiicrov  Tov  'ASptav).  He  and  some  of  his  companions  saved  them- 
selves by  swimming ;  the  ship,  therefore,  did  not  go  down  dur- 
ing the  gale,  but  in  consequence  of  the  damage  she  sustained 
during  its  continuance.  One  of  St.  Paul's  shipAVTCcks  must  have 
.taken  place  under  the  same  circumstances ;  for  he  tells  us,  a  day 
and  a  night  I  have  been  in  the  deep  (2  Cor.  11,  25),  supported 
no  doubt  on  spars  or  fragments  of  the  wreck.  In  Virgil's  de- 
scription of  the  casualties  of  the  ships  of  ^neas,  some  are  driven 
on  rocks,  others  on  quicksands  ;  but 

'  laxis  laterum  compagibus  omnes 
Accipiunt  inimicum  imbrem,  rimisque  fatiscunt.' 

The  fact,  that  the  ships  of  the  ancients  were  provided  with  hi/po- 
zomata  or  cables  ready  fitted  for  undergirding,  as  a  necessary  part 
of  their  stores,  proves  how  liable  they  were  to  such  casualties." 
It  is  easy  to  see,  therefore,  what  must  have  been  the  fate  of 
Paul's  ship  had  they  not  discovered  land  so  providentially ;  she 
must  have  foundered  at  sea,  and  all  on  board  have  perished.  — 
avTo;(ctpes  ....  ippi'ipaiiev,  ive  cast  out  with  our  hands  tJie  furniture 
of  the  shi^J,  such  as  tables,  beds,  chests,  and  the  like  (Mey.  De 
Wet.  Lng.  Alf  Wdsth.).  The  self-inflicted  loss  in  this  case 
(a^To'xcipes) ,  which  affected  so  much  the  personal  convenience  of 
each  one,  showed  how  urgent  was  the  danger.  Yet  aKcv-^v  is  a 
very  doubtful  word.  Some  understand  it  of  the  masts,  yards, 
sails,  and  other  equipments  of  the  ship  similar  to  these.  With 
this  interpretation,  we  must  regard  the  term  as  applying  to  that 
class  of  objects  in  a  general  way ;  for  we  see  from  v.  29  that  they 
retained  at  least  some  of  their  anchors,  and  from  v.  44  that,  at 
the  last  moment,  they  had  boards  and  spars  at  command  to  assist 
them  in  reaching  the  shore.  According  to  some  again,  as  Wet- 
stein,  Kuinoel,  Winer,  a-Kevi/jv  denotes  the  baggage  of  the  passen- 
gers. avToxeipc?  is  more  significant  with  that  sense,  but  ttXolov  as 
genitive  of  the  container,  the  baggage  on  board  the  ship,  is  very 
harsh.  Tr[v  aKevrjv  means,  says  Smith,  "  the  mainyard,  an  immense 
spar,  probably  as  long  as  the  ship,  and  which  would  require  the 
united  efforts  of  passengers  and  crew  to  launch  overboard.  The 
relief  which  a  ship  would  thus  experience,  would  be  of  the  same 
kind  as  in  a  modern  ship,  when  the  guns  are  thrown  overboard." 
—  Some  read  ippl.i/m[xev,  some  eppuj/av.  Tischendorf  retains  the 
former,  as  in  T.  R.  Meyer  is  too  positive  that  the  fu-st  person 
betrays  its  origin  in  aiiTox«tp«s. 

V.  20.     fj.-^Te  ....  iTTLKeLixevov,  Noiv  neither  sun  nor  stars  shining 
upon  us  for  many  days,  and  a  storm  not  slight  pressing  upon  us. 


432  COMMEXTARY.  Chap.  XX^^1,  20.  21. 

Observe  the  force  of  the  compounds.  The  absence  of  the  sun 
and  stars  increased  their  danger,  since  it  deprived  them  of  their 
only  incans  of  observation.  The  Greeks  and  Romans,  in  the 
most  improved  state  of  navigation  among  them,  were  rehictant 
to' venture  out  to  sea  beyond  the  sight  of  land.  During  the  day 
they  kept  the  high  lands  on  shore,  or  some  island,  in  view,  to 
direct  them  ;  and  at  night  depended  for  the  same  purpose  on  the 
position,  the  rising  and  setting  of  different  stars.  Diet,  of  Antt., 
Art.  Skip.  The  many  or  scvend  days  include,  probably,  the  three 
days  which  have  been  mentioned,  but  how  many  of  the  eleven 
days  which  followed  (v.  27)  before  the  final  disaster  is  uncertain. 
We  do  not  know  how  long  the  interval  was  between  Paul's  ad- 
dress and  that  event.  The  expression  would  be  inappropriate, 
however,  nnless  it  comprehended  the  greater  part  of  them.  — 
Xonr6v,for  the  future,  thenceforth.  They  relinquish  now  their  last 
hope  of  escape  ;  destruction  seemed  to  be  inevitable.  In  their 
condition  they  must  have  felt  that  their  only  resource  was  to  run 
the  vessel  ashore.  But  the  state  of  the  weather  rendered  it  im- 
possible for  them  to  distinguish  in  what  direction  the  shore  lay ; 
and  thus  they  were  unable  to  make  the  only  further  effort  for 
their  preservation  which  was  left  to  them.  In  judging  of  the 
dangers  wliich  menaced  them,  we  must  take  into  account  the 
state  of  the  vessel,  as  well  as  the  violence  of  the  storm.  —  irepLrj- 
petTo  means  tvas  utterly  taken  aivay.  —  rov  crci^eo-^ai  depends  on 
cXtti's  as  a  genitive  construction ;  comp.  14,  9.  ' 

Verses  21-26.     The  Apostle  cheers  them  with  the  Hope   of  De- 
liverance. 

V.  21.  TToAA^s  do-mas  denotes  much  abstinence  as  to  time  and 
degree,  i.  e.  both  long  continued  and  severe,  but  not  entire  ;  see 
on  v.  33.  This  abstinence  was  not  owing  to  their  want  of  pro- 
visions (see  V.  36),  but  was  the  effect,  in  part  at  least,  of  their 
fears  and  dejection  of  mind  (see  v.  22.  36) ;  and  in  part,  also,  of 
the  difficulty  of  preparing  food  under  such  circumstances,  and  of 
the  constant  requisition  made  ujion  them  for  labor.  "  The  hard- 
ships which  the  crew  endured  during  a  gale  of  such  continuance, 
and  their  exhaustion  from  labor  at  the  pumps,  and  hunger,  may 
be  imagined,  but  are  not  described."  —  iSei  jxlv,  k.  t.  X.,  you  ought 
(past  as  a  violated  duty)  having  obeyed  me,  because  the  counsel 
was  wise,  not  authoritative  as  from  an  apostle.  —  dvdyeo-.^ai  is 
present  because  they  were  still  at  sea.  Note  the  aorist  which 
follows. —  Paul  recalls  to  mind  their  former  mistake  in  disregard- 
ing his  advice,  not  to  reproach  them,  but  in  order  to  show  his 


Chap.  XXVII,  22-25.  COMMENTARY.  433 

claim  to  their  confidence  with  reference  to  the  present  communi- 
cation, fjiev  is  unattended  here  by  any  responding  Se.  —  KepSrja-ai 
re  TTjv  vjipiv  ravrqv  koX  ttjv  ^17/x.iav,  a7id  to  have  escaped  (ht.  gained)  this 
violence  and  loss ;  see  on  v.  10.  Lucrari  was  used  in  the  same 
manner.  An  evil  shunned  is  a  gain  as  well  as  a  good  secured.  As 
vfipLv  refers  to  something  actually  suffered,  it  cannot  mean  Jiarm 
to  their  persons  (Hws.)  ;  for  the  exemption  from  such  injury  of 
which  Paul  assures  them  in  the  next  verse  and  still  more  em- 
phatically in  V.  34,  applies  undoubtedly  to  the  whole  voyage. 

V.  22.  ttX^v  tot)  TrXotov,  There  shall  be  no  loss  except  of  ike 
ship.  This  limitation  qualifies,  not  the  entire  clause  which  pre- 
cedes, but  only  airoftoXr]  ovSt/Aia  IcrTat,  wliich  we  are  to  repeat  be- 
fore the  words  here,  /j-ovov  would  have  marked  the  connection 
more  precisely.  See  W.  ^  66.  1.  e.  As  to  the  rest,  compare  the 
remarks  on  .^ewpS  in  v^  10. 

V.  23.  irapia-rq.  Whether  the  angel  appeared  to  the  apostle  in 
a  vision  or  a  dream,  the  mode  of  statement  does  not  enable  us  to 
decide.  See  on  16,  9.  —  Tavrrj  -rrj  wktl,  this  night  just  passed,  or 
that  which  was  passing.  Most  think  it  probable  tliat  Paul  did 
not  communicate  the  revelation  to  those  in  the  ship  until  the  re- 
turn of  day.  —  ov  dfjii,  ifhose  I  am,  to  whom  I  belong  as  Ins  pro- 
perty ;  in  other  words,  whose  servant  I  am.  —  w  koX  Xarpevui,  whoni, 
also  I  worship,  to  whom  I  ofier  religious  service  and  homage.  This 
verb  refers  to  external  acts  of  worship,  and  not  to  a  religious  life 
in  general,  except  as  the  latter  may  be  a  concomitant  of  the 
former. 

V.  24.  KataapL  ere  Set  Trapacrr^vat,  ihoic  must  stand  before  Casar. 
See  on  23,  11.  To  remind  the  apostle  of  this  still  unfulfilled 
purpose  of  God,  was  the  same  thing  as  to  assure  him  that  he 
would  escape  the  present  danger.  —  Ke;(apio-Tat  ....  a-ov,  God  has 
given  to  thee  all  those  icho  sail  with  thee.  They  should  be  pre- 
served for  his  sake.  jVo  one  supposes  the  declaration  here  to 
affirm  less  than  this.  Many  think  that  it  implies  also  that  Paul 
had  prayed  for  the  safety  of  those  in  the  ship  with  him  ;  and 
that  he  receives  now  the  assurance  that  his  prayer  in  their  be- 
half has  prevailed.  "  For  I  hope,"  says  Paul  in  Philem.  v.  22, 
"  that  through  your  prayers  I  shall  be  given  unto  you."  Such  is 
the  view  of  Calvin,  Bengel,  Olshausen,  De  Wette,  Lange,  and 
others.  Bengel  remarks  here  :  "  Facilius  multi  mali  cum  paucis 
piis  servantur,  quam  unus  pius  cum  niultis  reis  perit.  Navi  huic 
similis  mundus." 

V.  25.  mcrrn'w,  k.  t.  X.  It  is  evident  from  v.  32  that  the  apos- 
tle had  acquired  a  strong  ascendency  over  the  minds  of  the  pas- 
55 


434  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXVII,  26.  27. 

sengers  in  the  ship,  if  not  of  the  others.  He  could  very  properly, 
therefore,  urge  his  own  confidence  in  God  as  a  reason  (yap)  why 
they  should  dismiss  their  fears  (cv^v/Acire),  so  far  at  least  as  the 
preservation  of  tlieir  lives  was  concerned. 

V.  26.  €ts  vrja-ov  riva,  v])07t  some  island.  More  than  this  was 
not  revealed  to  him.  Paul  was  as  ignorant  of  the  name  of  the 
place  where  they  were  wrecked  as  the  rest  of  them ;  see  v.  39. 

—  Se  opposes  what  they  must  suffer  to  what  they  would  escape. 

—  Sei  in  such  a  communication  may  represent  the  event  as  not 
merely  certain,  but  certain  because  it  was  fixed  by  the  divine 
purpose.  —  e/cTTfo-eiv,  he  cast  away.     Se  the  remark  on  v.  17. 


Verses  27-32.      Tke  Discovery  of  Land;  and  the  frustrated  At- 

temx)t  of  the  Mariners  to  desert  the  Ship. 
t 
V.  27.  Teo-a-apea-KaiBeKaTr]  vv$,  the  fourtcetith  night  since  their 
departure  from  Fair  Havens.  —  Sta^cpoyxeVwv  rj/xwy  iv  tw  'ABpta,  as 
ive  were  home  throvgh  (sc.  the  waters,  comp.  v.  5)  in  the  Adriatic. 
They  may  have  been  driven  hither  and  thither,  or  onward  in  one 
direction ;  the  participle  is  indefinite.  Mr.  Smith's  calculation 
assumes  a  uniform  drift  towards  Melita.  It  has  been  said  that 
the  modern  Malta  lies  too  far  south  to  be  embraced  in  the  sea  so 
designated.  The  statement  is  erroneous.  In  its  restricted  sense, 
the  Adriatic  was  the  sea  between  Italy  and  Greece ;  but  in  a 
wider  sense  it  comprehended  also  the  Ionian  Sea  around  Sicily, 
near  which  was  Melita.  (Forbg.  Handb.  II.  p.  19;  Win.  Realw. 
I.  p.  23.)  The  later  Greek  and  Roman  writers,  as  Biscoe  has 
shown,  gave  the  name  to  the  entire  sea  as  far  south  as  Africa.  — 
vTrevoow  ....  ^copav,  tJie  mari)iers  susj^ected  that  some  hmd  teas  ap- 
proaching them.  As  Mr.  Smith  remarks,  Luke  uses  here  the 
graphic  language  of  seamen,  to  whom  the  ship  is  the  principal  ob- 
ject, whilst  the  land  rises  and  sinks,  nears  and  recedes.  The  nar- 
rator does  not  state  on  what  ground  they  suspected  their  vicinity 
to  the  land.  It  was,  no  doubt,  the  noise  of  the  breakers.  This  is 
usually  the  first  notice  of  their  danger  which  mariners  have  in 
coming  upon  a  coast  in  a  dark  night.  This  circumstance  fur- 
nishes reason  for  believing  that  the  traditionary  scene  of  the 
shipwreck  is  the  actual  one.  It  is  impossible  to  enter  St.  Paul's 
Bay  from  the  east  without  passing  near  the  point  of  Koura ;  and 
while  the  land  there,  as  navigators  inform  us,  is  too  low  to  be 
seen  in  a  stormy  night,  the  breakers  can  be  heard  at  a  consider- 
.able  distance,  and  in  a  northeasterly  gale  arc  so  violent  as  to  form 
on  charts  the  distinctive  feature  of  that  headland.    On  the  10th  of 


Chap.  XXVII,  28.  29.  COMMENTARY.  435 

August,  1810,  the  British  frigate  Lively  fell  upon  these  breakers, 
in  a  dark  night,  and  was  lost.  The  quartermaster,  who  first  ob- 
served them,  stated,  in  liis  evidence  at  the  court-martial,  that  at 
the  distance  of  a  quarter  of  a  mile  the  land  could  not  be  seen, 
but  that  he  saw  the  surf  on  the  shore.  —  The  distance  from 
Claude  to  the  point  of  Koura  is  476.6  miles.  Luke's  nan-ative 
allows  a  fraction  over  thirteen  days  for  the  performance  of  this 
voyage.  It  must  have  occupied  a  day,  or  the  greater  part  of  a 
day,  to  have  reached  Claude  after  they  left  Fair  Havens  (see  v. 
13-16).  According  to  the  judgment  of  experienced  seamen,  "  the 
mean  rate  of  drift  of  a  ship  circumstanced  like  that  of  Paul" 
(i.  e.  working  its  way  in  such  a  direction  in  a  gale  of  moderate 
severity,  against  a  northeast  wind)  would  be  thirty-six  and  a  half 
miles  in  twenty-four  hours.  "  Hence,  according  to  these  calcula- 
tions," says  Mr.  Smith  (p.  122  sq.),  "a  ship  starting  late  in  the 
evening  from  Claude,  would,  by  midnight  on  the  fourteenth,  be 
less  than  three  miles  from  the  entrance  of  St.  Paul's  Bay.  I  ad- 
mit that  a  coincidence  so  very  close  as  this  is,  is  to  a  certain  ex- 
tent accidental ;  but  it  is  an  accident  which  could  not  have  hap- 
pened had  there  been  any  great  inaccuracy  on  the  part  of  the 
author  of  the  narrative  with  regard  to  the  numerous  incidents 
upon  which  the  calculations  are  founded,  or  had  the  sliip  been 
wrecked  anywhere  but  at  Malta." 

V.  28.  (3paxv  8e  Stao-TijcravTe?.  k.  t.  X.  There  was  but  a  short 
distance,  it  will  be  observed,  between  the  two  soundings  ;  and 
the  rate  of  decrease  in  the  depth  of  the  water,  viz.  first,  tiventy 
fathoms,  and  i\\e\\  ffteen,  is  such  as  would  not  be  found  to  exist  on 
every  coast.  It  is  said  that  a  vessel  approaching  Malta  from  the 
same  direction  finds  the  same  soundings  at  the  present  day.  — 
opyvid,  fathom,  (from  opeyw,  to  stretch,)  o-Tj/Aatvct  rrjv  eKracriv  twv  X'^'-' 
pwv  (Tvv  Tw  TrXaret  tov  aTrjSov;.      Etym.  Magn. 

V.  29.  £ts  Tpa;^ers  tottovs,  upo7i  rough,  i.  e.  rocky,  i')laces.  Their 
apprehension  arose,  not  from  what  they  saw,  but  from  what  they 
had  reason  to  fear  in  a  dark  night  on  an  unknown  coast.  The 
alarm  was  well  founded ;  for  "  the  fifteen  fathom  depth  here  is  as 
nearly  as  possible  a  quarter  of  a  mile  only  from  the  shore,  which 
is  girt  with  mural  precipices,  and  upon  which  the  sea  must  have 
been  breaking  with  great  violence."  —  Ik  ■Kpvp.vy]<i  ....  Teaaapa<;, 
having  cast  out  four  anchors  from  the  stern.  "  To  anchor  success- 
fully in  a  gale  of  wind,  on  a  lee  shore,  requires  holding-ground 
of  extraordinary  tenacity.  In  St.  Paul's  Bay,  the  traditionary 
locality  of  the  shipwreck,  the  anchorage  is  thus  described  in  the 
Sailing  Directions  :  — '  The  harbor  of  St,  Paul  is  open  to  easterly 


436  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXVII,  29.  30. 

and  northeast  winds.  It  is,  notwithstanding,  safe  for  small  ships, 
the  ground,  generally,  being  veiy  good;  and  while  the  cables 
hold  there  is  no  danger,  as  the  anchors  icill  never  start.' "  The 
ancient  vessels  did  not  carry,  in  general,  so  large  anchors  as 
those  which  we  employ ;  and  hence  they  had  often  a  greater 
number.  Athenaeus  mentions  a  ship  which  had  eight  iron  an- 
chors. Paul's  ship,  as  we  see  from  the  next  verse,  had  other  an- 
chors besides  those  which  were  dropped  from  the  stern.  One 
object  of  anchoring  in  that  way  was  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the 
ship  more  speedily.  No  time  was  to  be  lost,  as  they  knew  not 
that  they  might  not  founder  the  next  moment  upon  the  shoals 
where  the  breakers  were  dashing.  Had  they  anchored  by  the 
bow,  we  are  told,  there  was  reason  for  apprehending  that  the 
vessel  would  swing  round  and  strike  upon  the  rocks.  The  an- 
cient ships  were  so  constructed  that  they  could  anchor  readily  by 
the  prow  or  the  stern,  as  circumstances  might  require.  Another 
advantage  of  the  course  here  taken  was  that  the  head  of  the 
vessel  was  turned  towards  the  land,  which  was  their  best  position 
for  running  her  ashore.  That  piirpose  they  had  no  doubt  formed 
already.  "By  cutting  away  the  anchors  (ras  ayKvpm  TrcpteXovTes) , 
loosing  the  bands  of  the  rudders  (dvcVres  ras  ^€VKTr]pta<;),  and  hoist- 
ing the  artemon  (e7rapavT€9  tw  dpTeixova),  all  of  wliich  could  be 
done  simultaneously,  the  ship  was  immediately  under  command, 
and  could  be  directed  with  precision  to  any  part  of  the  shore  which 
offered  a  prospect  of  safety."  —  The  English  ships  of  war  were 
anchored  by  the  stern  in  the  battle  of  Copenhagen  and  rendered 
very  effective  service  in  that  position.  Mr.  Howson  mentions 
the  singular  fact  that  Lord  Nelson  stated  after  the  battle  that  he 
was  led  to  adopt  that  plan,  because  he  had  just  been  reading  this 
twenty-seventh  chapter  of  the  Acts. — -qvxovro  ^/xe'pav  yevia-^ai,  they 
desired  that  day  might  come.  The  remark  is  full  of  significance. 
In  the  darkness  of  the  night  they  could  not  tell  the  full  extent 
of  the  dangers  which  surrounded  them.  They  must  have  longed 
for  returning  day  on  that  account.  In  the  mean  time  it  must 
have  been  difficult  to  preserve  a  vessel  which  had  been  so  long 
tempest-tost  from  sinking.  Their  only  chance  of  escape  was  to 
strand  the  ship  as  soon  as  the  light  enabled  them  to  select  a 
place  which  admitted  of  it.  It  is  evident  that  every  moment's 
delay  must  have  been  one  of  fearful  suspense,  as  well  as  of  peril 
to  them. 

V.  30.  Twv  Sc  vavrwv,  k.  t.  X.  This  ungenerous  attempt  of  the 
.seamen  to  escape  confirms  the  remark  before  made,  that  the  ship 
was  probably  in  so  shattered  a  state,  as  to  render  it  uncertain 


Chap.  XXVII,  31-33.         COMMENTAKY.  437 

whether  it  could  outride  the  storm  until  morning.  They  may 
have  had  another  motive  for  the  act.  The  shore  might  prove  to 
be  one  on  which  they  could  not  drive  the  vessel  with  any  hope 
of  safety ;  and  they  may  have  deemed  it  more  prudent  to  trust 
themselves  to  the  boat,  than  to  remain  and  await  the  issue  of 
that  uncertainty.  —  x*^<*o-avra)v  rrjv  crKd<f)r]v,  having  lowered  down  the 
heat,  wliich  they  had  previously  hoisted  on  board  ;  see  v.  16.  17. 
— Ik  irpwpa'i,  from  the  jjrow,  since  it  was  nearer  thence  to  the  shore, 
and  was  there  only  that  they  could  pretend  to  need  anchors,  the 
stern  being  already  secure.  —  dyKupas  cKretWtv,  not  to  cast  out 
(E.  v.),  but  stretch  out  anchors.  The  idea  of  extending  the  cables 
runs  into  that  of  carrying  out  and  dropping  the  anchors.  Favored 
by  the  darkness,  and  under  color  of  the  pretext  assumed,  they 
would  have  accomplished  their  object,  had  not  Paul's  watchful 
eye  penetrated  their  design. 

V.  31.  etTrev  ....  crTpaTiwrais.  Paul  addressed  himself  to  the 
centurion  and  the  soldiers,  because  the  officers  of  the  ship  were 
implicated  in  the  plot,  or,  in  consequence  of  the  general  deser- 
tion, had  no  longer  any  power  to  enforce  their  orders.  The  sol- 
diers are  those  who  had  charge  of  the  different  prisoners  (v.  1), 
subject  probably  to  the  command  of  the  centurion  who  had  the 
particular  care  of  the  apostle.  —  ovtol,  these,  viz.  the  mariners.  — 
{lyaeis  (Tw^ijvat  ov  Suvacr^^e,  you  cannot  be  saved.  The  pronoun  is  em- 
phatic. The  soldiers  were  destitute  of  the  skill  which  the  man- 
agement of  the  ship  required.  It  could  not  be  brought  success- 
fully to  land  without  the  help  of  the  mariners.  This  remark  of 
Paul  proves  that  the  plan  to  abandon  the  vessel  was  not  confined 
to  a  portion  of  the  crew,  but  was  a  general  one. 

V.  32.      aireKoif/av  to.   crxoiVLa  Trj<;   a-Ka.(^r]<;,  cut   off  the   TOpes  of  the 

boat,  which  fastened  it  to  the  vessel ;  not  those  by  which  they 
were  lowering  it  as  that  was  already  done  (v.  30).  The  slrort 
sword  of  the  soldiers  furnished  a  ready  instrument  for  the  sum- 
mary blow.  —  eiao-av  aiirr/v  eKTrccrctv,  let  it  fcdl  off  (\.  e.  from  the  side 
of  the  vessel),  go  adrift.  The  next  billow  may  have  swamped 
the  frail  craft. 


Verses  33-35.     Paul  assures  them  again  that  their  Lives  would  be 
saved. 

V.  33.  aL)^i  ....  yivea-SaL,  Now  until  it  should  be  day,  i.  e.  in  the 
interval  between  the  midnight  mentioned  in  v.  27  and  the  sub- 
sequent morning.  —  o-T^/^iepov  is  appositional  in  sense  with  ij^cpai/. 
—  Trpoo-SoKoivre?,  ivaiting  for  the  cessation  of  the  storm  (De  Wet.). 


438  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXVII,  34-37. 

—  tto-iToi  StarcXeiTe,  ye  continue  fasting,  where  the  adjective  sup- 
phes  the  place  of  a  participle.  W.  k  45.  4.  —  /at^Scv  -rrpoaXafSofjievot, 
having  taken  nothing,  adequate  to  their  proper  nourishment,  no 
regular  food  during  all  this  time  ;  see  v.  21.  "  Appian,"  says  Dod- 
ridge,  "  speaks  of  an  army,  which,  for  twenty  days  together,  had 
neither  food  nor  sleep ;  by  which  he  must  mean,  that  they  neither 
made  full  meals  nor  slept  whole  nights  together.  The  same  in- 
terpretation must  be  given  to  tliis  phrase."  The  apostle's  lan- 
guage could  not  be  mistaken  by  those  to  whom  it  was  addressed. 
Compare  v.  21. 

V.  34.     toSto vTrapx^hfor  this  (viz.  that  they  should  partake 

of  food)  is  important  for  your  pr~eservation.  For  Trpo's  with  this 
sense,  see  W.  §  47..  5.  f.  They  would  have  to  submit  to  much 
fatigue  and  labor  before  they  reached  the  shore,  and  needed, 
therefore,  to  recruit  their  strength.  —  ovSevo?  ....  TreorciTai,  For  there 
shall  not  a  hair  fall,  etc.  This  was  a  proverbial  expression,  em- 
ployed to  convey  an  assurance  of  entire  safety.  See  1  Kings  1, 
52  ;  Luke  21,  is' 

V.  35.  a/3Tov,  bread.  This  word,  by  a  Hebraistic  usage,  often 
signifies  food  in  the  New  Testament ;  but  KXdo-a?,  which  follows, 
appears  to  exclude  that  sense  here.  Yet  the  present  meal  had 
no  doubt  its  other  accompaniments ;  the  bread  only  being  men- 
tioned because  that,  according  to  the  Hebrew  custom,  was  broken 
and  distributed  among  the  guests  after  the  giving  of  thanks.  The 
apostle  performed,  on  this  occasion,  the  usual  office  of  the  head 
of  a  Hebrew  family.  Olshauscn  expresses  the  fanciful  opinion, 
as  it  seems  to  me,  that  the  Christians  among  them  regarded  this 
act  as  commemorative  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  though  the  others 
did  not  understand  Paul's  design.  The  language  employed  here, 
it  is  true,  more  frequently  describes  that  ordinance,  but  it  is  used 
also  of  an  ordinary  meal ;  see  Luke  24,  30. 

Verses  36-38.     They  partake  of  Food  and  again  lighten  the  Ship. 

V.  36.  ev^vfioL  8e  yei'ofxcvoL  Trdin-es,  Having  all  noiv  hccome  cheer- 
ful. It  is  not  accidental  that  the  writer  makes  this  remark  in 
connection  with  TrpoaeXd(3ovTo  rpofftrj^.  In  their  despair  they  had 
lost  their  inclination  to  cat;  but  the  return  of  hope  brought  with 
it  a  keener  sense  of  their  wants,  and  they  could  now  think  of  sat- 
isfying their  hunger.  See  on  v.  21.  33.  —  koL  avroi,  also  themselves 
as  well  as  he.  The  apostle  had  set  them  the  example  {rip^aro 
iaSietv),  and  they  all  followed  it. 

V.  37.     The  emphatic  TraKrcs  in  v,  36  leads  the  writer  to  specify 


Chap.  XXVII,  37.  38.  COMMENTARY.  439 

the  number.  —  at  Trao-at  i/o-xai',  cdl  the  souls  together.  For  tliis  ad- 
verbial use  of  iras,  see  the  note  on  19,  7.  For  this  use  of  i/'i^x"'' 
see  on  2,  41.  —  StaKoo-tat  e/JSo/Ar^Kovra  cf,  two  hundred  and  seventy- 
six.  The  number  of  persons  on  board  shows  that  the  vessel  must 
have  been  one  of  the  larger  size.  Li  the  reign  of  Comniodus,  one 
of  the  Alexandrian  wheat  ships  was  driven,  by  stress  of  weather, 
into  the  Piraeus,  and  excited  great  curiosity  on  the  part  of  the 
Athenians.  Lucian  visited  this  vessel,  and  has  laid  the  scene  of 
one  of  his  Dialogues  (ttXoZov  tj  evxai.)  on  board  of  her.  From  the 
information  furnished  by  him  it  has  been  estimated  that  the  keel 
of  this  ship  was  about  one  hundred  feet  in  length,  and  that  she 
would  measure  between  eleven  and  twelve  hundred  tons.  Her 
dimensions,  therefore,  although  inferior  to  those  of  many  modern 
vessels,  "  were  quite  equal  to  those  of  the  largest  class  of  modern 
merchantmen."  Luke's  ship  was  engaged  in  the  same  commerce 
(being,  to  vise  Lucian's  language,  /xi'av  twi/  d7r'  'AtyvVroi;  ets  'IraXtav 
aiTaywywv)  ;  and  we  have  no  reason  to  be  surprised  at  her  con- 
taining such  a  number  of  men.     See  further,  on  v.  6. 

V.  38.  iKov(f)L(ov  TO  ttXolov.  Among  the  nautical  terms  of  Julius 
Pollux,  we  find  Kov<f>Laai  t^v  vavv;  see  on  v.  18.  Luke  states 
merely  the  fact,  that  they  lightened  the  ship  again  (it  is  the  third 
time),  but  gives  no  explanation  of  it.  The  object  may  have  been 
to  diminish  the  depth  of  water  which  the  ship  drew,  so  as  to  en- 
able them  to  approach  nearer  to  the  shore  before  striking.  It  has 
been  conjectured,  also,  that  the  vessel  may  have  been  leaking  so 
fast  that  the  measure  was  necessary  in  order  to  keep  her  from 
sinking.  —  iK^aXXoixevot  tov  ctZtov,  casting  out  the  xvJieat  or  grain,  corn, 
since  the  term  has  frequently  that  wider  sense.  As  suggested 
on  V.  18,  we  are  to  understand  here  that  they  threw  into  the  sea 
the  grain  which  constituted  the  cargo,  or  the  bulk  of  the  cargo, 
which  the  ship  carried.  The  fact  that  the  ship  belonged  to  Alex- 
andria is  presumptive  proof  that  she  was  loaded  with  grain,  since 
that  was  the  principal  commodity  exported  from  Egypt  to  Italy. 
The  explicit  notice  here,  that  they  lightened  the  ship  by  throw- 
ing the  grain  into  the  sea,  harmonizes  with  that  presumption,  and 
tends  to  confirm  it.  Some  have  thought  that  o-Itov  may  denote 
the  ship's  provisions  ;  but  these  would  have  consisted  of  various 
diiFcrent  articles,  and  would  not  naturally  be  described  by  so  spe- 
cific a  term  as  this.  The  connection,  which  has  been  said  to  favor 
the  opinion  last  stated,  agrees  equally  well  with  the  other.  Hav- 
ing their  hopes  revived  by  the  spectacle  of  Paul's  undisturbed 
serenity,  and  by  his  animating  address,  and  being  reinvigorated 
after  so  long  a  fast  by  the  food  of  which  they  had  partaken,  they 


440  COMMENTAKY.  Chap.  XXVII,  38.  39. 

were  now  in  a  condition  both  of  mind  and  body  to  address  them- 
selves to  the  labors  which  their  safety  required.  This  view, 
therefore,  places  their  lightening  of  the  ship  in  a  perfectly  natural 
connection  with  the  circumstances  related  just  before.  In  addi- 
tion to  this,  as  Hemsen  urges,  their  remaining  stock  of  provisions, 
after  so  protracted  a  voyage,  must  have  been  already  so  reduced 
that  it  could  have  had  httle  or  no  effect  on  the  ship,  whether  they 
w^ere  thrown  away  or  retained.  —  Mr.  Blunt  (p.  326)  has  very  prop- 
erly called  attention  to  the  manner  in  which  the  narrative  dis- 
closes to  us  the  nature  of  the  ship's  cargo.  In  the  fifth  verse  we 
are  informed  that  the  vessel  "  into  which  the  centurion  removed 
Paul  and  the  other  prisoners  at  Myra  belonged  to  Alexandria,  and 
was  sailing  into  Italy.  From  the  tenth  verse  we  learn  that  it  was 
a  merchant-vessel,  for  mention  is  made  of  its  lading,  but  the  na- 
ture of  the  lading  is  not  directly  stated.  In  this  verse,  at  a  dis- 
tance of  some  thirty  verses  from  the  last,  we  find,  by  the  merest 
chance,  of  what  its  cargo  consisted.  The  freight  was  naturally 
enough  kept  till  it  could  be  kept  no  longer,  and  then  we  discover 
for  the  first  time  that  it  was  ivheat ;  the  very  article  which  such 
vessels  were  accustomed  to  carry  from  Egypt  to  Italy.  These 
notices,  so  detached  from  each  other,  tell  a  continuous  story,  but 
it  is  not  perceived  till  they  are  brought  together.  The  circum- 
stances drop  out  one  by  one  in  the  course  of  the  narrative,  unar- 
ranged,  unpremeditated,  thoroughly  incidental ;  so  that  the  chap- 
ter might  be  read  twenty  times,  and  their  agreement  with  one 
another  and  with  contempory  history  be  still  overlooked." 

Verses  39-44.     The  Shipwreck.      Those  on  board  escape  to  the 
Shore  by  swimming,  or  on  Fragments  of  the  Vessel. 

V.  39.  TTjv  yrjv  ovK  e7rfyivwo-/cov,  they  recognized  not  the  land, 
within  view.  The  day  has  dawned,  and  they  could  now  distin- 
guish it.  It  has  appeared  to  some  surprising  that  iione  of  those 
on  board  should  have  known  a  [)lace  with  which  those  at  least 
who  were  accustomed  to  the  sea  might  be  expected  to  have  been 
so  well  acquainted.  The  answer  is,  that  the  scene  of  the  sliip- 
wreck  was  remote  from  the  princii)al  harbor,  and,  as  those  who 
have  been  on  the  spot  testify,  distinguished  by  no  marked  fea- 
ture which  would  render  it  kno^vn  even  to  a  native,  if  he  came 
unexpectedly  upon  it.  The  Bay,  so  justly  known  as  St.  Paul's 
Bay,  is  at  the  northwest  extremity  of  the  island,  and  is  formed 
.  by  the  main  shore  on  the  south,  and  the  island  of  Salmonetta  on 
the  north.     It  extends  from  east  to  west,  two  miles  long  and  one 


Chap.  XXVII,  39.  40.  COMMENTARY.  441 

broad  at  the  entrance,  and  at  the  inner  end  is  nearly  land-locked 
on  three  sides.  It  is  several  miles  north  of  Valetta,  the  famous 
rock-bound  harbor  of  Malta.i  —  koXttov  ....  atyiaAoV,  theij  perceived 
a  certain  inlet,  creek,  having  a  shore,  one  open  or  smooth  (see  on 
21,  5),  on  which  they  could  run  the  ship  with  a  hope  of  saving 
their  lives.  "  Luke  uses  here  the  correct  hydrographical  terra." 
The  remark  implies  that  the  coast  generally  was  unsafe  for  such 
an  attempt.  The  present  conformation  of  the  coast  on  that  side 
of  Malta  confirms  Luke's  accuracy  in  this  particular.  The  shore 
there  presents  an  unbroken  chain  of  rocks,  interrupted  at  only 
two  points.  —  €6?  ov  .  .  .  .  -rrXoLov,  into  ichich  they  determined,  if  they 
could,  to  thrust  forth  (i.  e.  from  the  sea),  to  drive  ashore,  the  ship. 
For  €^wo-ai  from  i^wSiw,  see  W.  ^  15 ;  K.  H65.  7.  The  wind  must 
have  forced  them  to  the  west  side  of  the  bay,  which  is  rocky,  but 
has  two  creeks.  One  of  these,  Mestara  Valley,  has  a  shore.  The 
other  has  no  longer  a  sandy  beach,  but  must  have  had  one  for- 
merly, which  has  evidently  been  worn  away  by  the  action  of  the 
sea.  The  vessel  grounded  (v.  41)  before  they  reached  the  point 
on  shore  at  which  they  aimed,  though  they  may  have  entered  the 
creek. 

V.  40.  /cat  ras  ayKvpa<;  ....  ^aXacrcrav,  and  having  entirely  cut 
aivay  the  anchors  they  abandoned  them  unto  the  sea.  On  this  force 
of  the  preposition  in  TrcpteAdvTes,  comp.  TrepuripeiTo  in  v.  20.  It  has 
been  referred  to  the  position  of  the  anchors  as  being  around  the 
ship;  but  they  had  all  been  dropped  from  the  stern  (v.  29),  and 
as  the  strain  would  be  mainly  in  one  direction,  they  would  not  be 
likely  to  be  found  on  different  sides  of  the  vessel.  Our  English 
translators  followed  the  Vulgate  in  their  inaccurate  version  of 
this  clause.  —  a/>ta  ....  Trr^SaAiwv,  at  the  same  time  having  unfas- 
tened the  bands  of  the  rudders.  Most  of  the  ancient  vessels  were 
furnished  with  two  rudders.  No  sea-going  vessel  had  less  than 
two,  although  small  boats  and  river  craft,  such  as  those  on  the 
Nile,  were  sometimes  steered  by  one.  The  TnjSdXLa  were  more 
like  oars  or  paddles  than  our  modern  helm.  They  were  attached 
to  the  stern,  one  on  each  quarter,  distinguished  as  the  right  and 
the  left  rudder.  In  the  larger  ships  the  extremities  of  the  rud- 
ders were  joined  by  a  pole,  which  was  moved  by  one  man  and 
kept  the  rudders  always  parallel.     See  Diet,  of  Antt.,  Ait.  Guber- 


'  Smith's  chart  of  St.  Paul's  Bay  is  copied  in  Howson,  with  the  necessary  ex- 
planations. 1  had  the  gratitication  of  a  hurried  visit  to  this  locality  on  my  way 
to  Alexandria.  It  appeared  to  me  to  fulfil  every  condition  of  the  narrative,  as 
the  scene  of  the  apostle's  shipwreck. 

56 


442  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XX  VII,  40. 41. 

naculum.  When  a  vessel  was  anchored  by  the  stern,  as  was  the 
case  here,  it  would  be  necessary  to  lift  the  rudders  out  of  the 
water  and  to  secure  them  by  bands.  These  bands  it  would  be 
necessary  to  unfasten  when  the  ship  was  again  got  under  weigh, 
dven-cs  is  the  second  aorist  participle  in  the  active  from  dvLrjfiL. 

K.   J    180.      See    on    IG,    26.  —  CTrapai/res  .  .  ,  .  TTJ   irveovo-rj,   SC.    avpa, 

having  hoisted  the  foresail  to  the  ivind.  apri^iov  has  been  taken  by 
different  writers  as  the  name  of  almost  every  sail  which  a  vessel 
carries,  e.  g.  mainsail,  topsail,  jib,  etc.  We  have  no  ancient  de- 
finition of  the  term  wliich  tlirows  any  certain  light  upon  its  mean- 
ing. It  passed  into  some  of  the  modern  languages,  where  it  is 
variously  applied,  but  occurs  in  no  ancient  Greek  author  out  of 
Luke's  account  of  this  voyage.  Most  commentators,  without 
any  attempt  to  substantiate  their  opinion,  put  it  down  as  the 
"  mainsail."  The  nautical  argument  is  said  to  be  in  favor  of  the 
foresail,  i.  e.  the  sail  attached  to  the  mast  nearest  the  jirow ;  or 
if  there  was  but  one  mast,  fixed  to  a  sjiar  or  yard  near  the  prow. 
"As  the  ancients  depended  for  speed  chiefly  upon  one  principal 
sail,  an  appendage  or  additional  sail  at  the  bow  of  the  ship 
was  required  for  the  purpose  of  directing  the  vessel  when  in 
the  act  of  putting  about ;  for,  although  there  could  be  no  difii- 
culty  in  bringing  the  ship's  head  to  the  wind  with  the  great 
sail  alone,  a  small  sail  at  the  bow  would  be  indispensable  for 
making  her  '  pay  off','  that  is,  bringing  her  head  round  ;  otherwise 
she  would  acquire  stern-way,  and  thereby  endanger  the  rudders, 
if  not  tlie  ship  itself."  The  vessels  on  coins  and  in  other  ancient 
representations  exhibit  a  sail  of  this  description.  With  this  sail 
raised,  it  is  said  that  a  ship  situated  like  that  of  Paul  would  move 
towards  the  shore  with  more  precision  and  velocity  than  with  any 
other.  "  A  sailor  will  at  once  see  that  the  foresail  was  the  best 
possible  sail  that  could  be  set  under  the  circumstances." 

V.  41.  TrcptTTco-oKTcs  St  £1?  TOTTov  St^uXao-orov,  luivlng  fallen  into  a 
place  having  tico  seas.  This  has  been  supposed  by  many  com- 
mentators to  have  been  a  concealed  shoal  or  sand-bank,  formed 
by  the  action  of  two  opposite  currents.  In  the  course  of  time 
such  a  bank,  as  is  frequently  the  case  at  the  mouth  of  rivers  or 
near  the  shore,  may  have  been  worn  away,^  so  that  the  absence 
of  any  such  obstruction  there  at  the  present  time  decides  nothing 
against  that  supposition.  It  has  also  been  understood  to  have 
been  a  tongue  of  land  or  promontory,  against  the  shores  of  wliich 

1  For  examples  of  this,  see  Lycll's  Principles  of  Geology,  p.  285  sq.  (8th  ed., 
1850). 


Chap.  XX VII,  41. 42.  COMMENTARY.  443 

the  sea  beat  strongly  from  opposite  quarters.  It  is  not  stated  that 
any  projection  exists  there  now,  to  which  Luke's  description,  if 
explained  in  that  manner,  would  apply.  IVIr.  Smith  is  of  the 
opinion  that  tottos  8t^aA,ao-o-os  may  refer  to  the  channel,  not  more 
than  a  hundred  yards  in  breadth,  which  separates  the  small  isl- 
and Salmonetta  from  Malta  ;  and  which  might  very  properly  be 
called  a  place  where  "  two  seas  meet,"  on  account  of  the  commu- 
nication which  it  forms  between  the  sea  in  the  interior  of  the 
bay  and  the  sea  outside.  He  would  place  the  scene  of  the  ship- 
wreck near  that  channel,  and,  according  to  the  representation  on 
his  map,  a  little  to  the  north  of  the  place  to  which  tradition  has 
generally  assigned  it.  The  creek  near  here,  at  present  without 
a  beach  (see  v.  39),  may  be  the  one  which  they  attempted  to 
enter.  The  final  shock  now  ensues.  —  koL  rj  fxev  irpcLpa,  k.  t.  A.., 
And  the  prow,  sticking  fast,  remained  immovable,  but  the  stern  teas 
broken  by  the  violence  of  the  tcaves.  "  This  is  a  remarkable  cir- 
cumstance, which,  but  for  the  peculiar  nature  of  the  bottom  of 
St.  Paul's  Bay,  it  would  be  difficult  to  account  for.^  The  rocks 
of  Malta  disintegrate  into  extremely  minute  particles  of  sand 
and  clay,  which,  when  acted  upon  by  the  currents,  or  surface 
agitation,  form  a  deposit  of  tenacious  clay ;  but  in  still  water, 
where  these  causes  do  not  act,  mud  is  formed ;  but  it  is  only  in 
the  creeks  where  are  no  currents,  and  at  such  a  depth  as  to  be 
undisturbed  by  the  waves,  that  the  mud  occurs.  In  Captain 
Smyth's  chart  of  the  bay,  the  nearest  soundings  to  the  mud  in- 
dicate a  depth  of  about  three  fathoms,  which  is  about  what  a 
large  ship  would  draw.  A  ship,  therefore,  impelled  by  the  force 
of  a  gale  into  a  creek  with  a  bottom  such  as  has  been  described, 
would  strike  a  bottom  of  mud  into  which  the  fore  part  would  fix 
itself  and  be  held  fast,  whilst  the  stern  was  exposed  to  the  force 
of  the  waves."  —  Meyer  defends  twv  Ku/Aartoj/  with  good  reason 
against  Tisehendorf  and  others. 

V.  42.  It  is  the  soldiers  who  initiate  this  scheme  ;  since  they 
only  and  not  the  mariners  were  interested  in  the  fate  of  the  pris- 
. oners.  —  fiovXrj, j^lan,  resolution,  not  counsel  merely;  comp.  /SovXy- 
/AttTOs  below. —  Iva  Tous  Se(T[x<i)Ta^  aTTOKTeLvoicn,  that  tliey  should  kill  the 
prisoners,  defines  ^ovXrj,  and  circumscribes  the  declarative  or  sup- 
plementary intuiitive.  W.  \  44.  8;  S.  ^  162.  3.  2.  Meyer  after 
Fritzsche  never  admits  this  use,  but  insists  on  ha  as  telic  even 
here. —  Of  the  rigor  with  which  those  were  liable  to  be  punished 
who  were  charged  with  the  custody  of  prisoners,  if  the  latter 
escaped  from  them  in  any  way,  we  have  had  proof  in  12,  19  and 
16,  27. 


444  COMMENTAKY.  Chap.  XXVni.  1. 

V.  43.  It  will  be  recollected  that,  according  to  the  Roman 
custom,  each  of  the  prisoners  was  chahied  to  a  particular  soldier, 
who  AV'as  his  keeper.  As  to  the  relation  of  these  soldiers  to  the 
centurion,  see  on  v.  31.  —  tKwXvo-ev  airous  tov  /JovXr/yaaros,  restrained 
them  from  their  2ncrpose.  Thus  it  happened  again  (see  v.  24)  that 
Paul's  companions  were  indebted  to  their  connection  with  liim 
for  the  preservation  of  their  lives,  re  connects  tliis  clause  with 
the  next,  because  of  their  co-ordinate  relation  to  ^onXd/xevos. — 
oLTToppLij/avTas  has  a  reciprocal  sense.  —  i$uvaL,  to  go  forth,  not  from 
the  ship,  which  is  the  force  of  oltto  in  the  participle  just  before, 
but  from  the  sea  iirl  t^v  yrjv. 

V.  44,  Tovs  XotTTous  is  the  subject  of  i^Uvat,  repeated  from  the 
preceding  clause.  —  iirl  aavtatv,  iqyon  boards,  such  probably  as 
were  in  use  about  the  ship,  but  not  parts  of  it,  which  would  con- 
found this  clause  with  the  next. — eVt  nvwv  tojv  airo  tov  ttXolov,  ttpo?t 
some  of  the  pieces  from  the  ship,  whicli  they  themselves  lore  away 
or  which  the  surge  had  broken  off.  Most  critics  distinguish  the 
two  expressions  in  this  manner.  Kuiuoel  renders  (lavia-iv,  tables. 
A  few  understand  that  term  of  the  permanent  parts  of  the  vessel, 
and  Tivwv  aiTo  TOV  TrXotou  of  such  things  as  seats,  barrels,  and  the 
like  which  were  floating  away  from  the  wreck.  But  articles  of 
tliis  description  they  would  be  hkely  to  have  lost,  or  to  have 
thrown  into  the  sea  before  this  time.  —  oiJtojs,  thus,  i.  e.  in  the  two 
ways  that  have  been  mentioned.  —  haaw^rivaL,  zvere  saved.  This 
was  not  the  first  peril  of  the  kind  from  which  the  apostle  had 
been  dehvered.  In  2  Cor.  11,  25,  he  says,  "tlirice  I  suffered 
shipwreck,  a  night  and  a  day  have  I  spent  in  the  deep  ; "  and  he 
recorded  that  statement  several  years  before  the  present  disaster. 


CHAPTER    XXVIII. 

Verses  1-10.     Their  Abode  during  the  Wmter  at  Melita. 

V.  1.  €7r£yvwo-av,  k.  t.  X.,  theij  ascertained  (by  intercourse  prob- 
ably with  the  inhabitants)  that  the  island  is  called  Melita.  That 
this  was  the  modern  Malta  cannot  well  be  doubted.  An  island 
with  tlie  same  name,  now  Meleda,  lies  up  the  Adriatic  on  the 
coast  of  Dalmatia,  which  some  have  maintained  to  be  the  one 
.where  Paul  was  wrecked.  Bryant  defended  that  ojiinion.  It  is 
advocated  still  in  Valpy's  Notes  on  the  New  Testament.     The 


Chap.  XXVIII,  1.2.  COMMENTARY.  445 

argument  for  that  opinion  founded  on  the  name  Adriatic  has  been 
already  refuted  in  the  remarks  on  27,  27.  It  has  also  been  al- 
leged for  it,  that  no  poisonous  serpents  are  found  at  present  on 
Malta.  Mr.  Smith  mentions  Coleridge  (Table  Talk,  p.  185)  as 
urging  that  difficulty.  The  more  populous  and  cultivated  state 
of  the  island  accounts  for  the  disappearance  of  such  reptiles. 
Naturalists  inform  us  that  these  animals  become  extinct  or  dis- 
appear as  the  aboriginal  forests  of  a  country  are  cleared  up,  or 
as  the  soil  is  otherwise  brought  under  cultivation.  See  note  on 
V.  3.  It  would  be  difficult  to  find  a  surface  of  equal  extent  in  so 
artificial  a  state  as  that  of  Malta  at  the  present  day.  The  posi- 
tive reasons  for  the  common  belief  as  to  the  place  of  the  ship- 
wreck are,  that  the  traditional  evidence  sustains  it ;  that  Malta 
lies  in  the  track  of  a  vessel  driven  by  a  northeast  wind ;  that  the 
reputed  locality  of  the  wreck  agrees  with  Luke's  account ;  that 
the  Alexandrian  ship  in  which  they  reembarked  would  very  natu- 
rally-winter  there,  but  not  at  Meleda;  and  that  the  subsequent 
course  of  the  voyage  to  Puteoli  is  that  which  a  vessel  would  pur- 
sue in  going  from  Malta,  but  not  from  the  other  place.  Malta  is 
sixty  miles  from  Cape  Passero,  the  southern  point  of  Sicily,  and 
two  hundred  miles  from  the  African  coast.  It  is  farther  from  the 
main  land  than  any  other  island  in  the  Mediterranean.  It  is  sev- 
enteen miles  in  length,  nine  miles  in  its  greatest  breadth,  and 
sixty  miles  in  circumference.  It  is  nearly  equi-distant  between 
the  two  ends  of  the  Mediterranean.  Its  highest  point  is  said  to 
be  six  hundred  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea. 

V.  2.  ol  Se  (3dp/3apoL.  The  inhabitants  are  called  barbarians 
with  reference  to  their  language,  which  was  not  that  either  of 
the  Greeks  or  Romans ;  not  because  they  were  rude  and  degrad- 
ed. It  is  strange  that  Coleridge  should  say  that  the  Mehtaeans 
cannot  be  meant  here  because  they  were  highly  civilized.  These 
islanders  belonged  to  the  Phoenician  race,  and  spoke  a  Semitic 
dialect,  most  probably  the  Punic,  i.  e.  the  Phoenician  as  spoken 
by  the  people  of  Carthage.  "  The  Hebrew  language,"  in  its 
widest  extent,  says  Hupfeld,  "  was  the  language  not  merely  of 
the  Hebrews,  but  of  the  other  nations  that  inhabited  Canaan,  or 
PalcBstina,  especially  of  the  Phoenicians,  so  renowned  as  a  com- 
mercial people  in  the  ancient  world,  and  of  the  Carthaginians 
descended  from  them.  This  is  proved  especially  by  the  proper 
names  of  the  Canaanites  in  the  Bible,  and  of  the  Phoenicians 
and  Carthaginians  in  the  classic  writers,  which  are  all  formed  in 
the  Hebrew  manner,  and  also  by  the  remains  of  the  Phoenician 
and  the  Punic  language  on  Phoenician  monuments  and  in  the 


446  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXYIII,  2. 3. 

classics,  so  far  as  these  have  heen  as  yet  deciphered."  >  The 
Greeks  and  Romans  who  settled  on  the  island  at  different  times 
never  introduced -to  any  great  extent  their  language  or  customs. 
— ov  Tijv  rvxpixrav.  See  on  19,  11. — irpoa-eXd^ovTo,  received  to  them- 
selves, or  to  their  regard;  comp.  Rom.  14,  1  (De  Wet.)  ;  not  to 
their  fire  (Mey.).  —  8ia  tov  verbv  tov  e^co-TWTa,  on  account  of  the 
rain  xchich  came  upon  us  (Do  Wet.  Rob.) ;  the  present  rain 
(Wetst.  E.  v.).  They  would  suffer  the  more  from  this  inclem- 
ent weather  after  so  much  exposure  and  fatigue.  This  remark 
in  regard  to  the  rain  and  cold  disproves  the  assumption  of  some 
critics  that  it  was  a  Sirocco  wind,  i.  e.  from  the  southeast,  which 
Paul's  ship  encountered.  That  wind  does  not  continue  to  blow 
more  than  two  or  three  days,  and  is  hot  and  sultry  even  as  late 
as  the  month  of  November. 

V.  3.  ava-Tfjeij/avTO';  ....  ttXtj^os,  Now  Paid  having  collected  a 
great  number  (a  heap)  of  dry  sticks,  such  as  would  naturally  be 
found  among  the  rocks  around  the  shore.  —  £x'^''«»  ^  vi]jcr.  The 
Greeks  a})plied  this  term  to  that  reptile  in  distinction  from  other 
serpents,  as  is  evident  from  Aristot.  Lib.  I.  c.  6 :  dAA'  ol  fjikv  oAAoi 
(iiOTOKova-iv  0^619,  r)  8'  'i^iZva  jxovov  t,u>oTOKeL.  Vipers  are  the  only  vi- 
viparous serpents  in  Europe.  It  was  remarked  above  that  the 
viper  is  unknown  in  Malta  at  the  present  day.  "  No  person," 
says  Mr.  Smith,  "  who  has  studied  the  changes  which  the  opera- 
tions of  man  have  produced  on  the  Fauna  (animals)  of  any  coun- 
try, will  be  surprised  that  a  particular  species  of  reptiles  should 
have  disappeared  from  that  of  Malta.  My  friend,  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Landsborough,  in  his  interesting  excursions  in  Arran,  has  repeat- 
edly noticed  the  gradual  disa{)pearance  of  the  viper  from  that 
island  since  it  has  become  more  frequented.    Mr.  Lyell,-  in  quot- 

'  It  has  been  frequently  asserted  that  the  ancient  Punic  is  the  basis  of  the  lan- 
guage spoken  by  the  native  Maltese  of  the  present  day.  That  opinion  is  incor- 
rect. Malta,  at  the  time  of  the  Saracen  irruption,  was  overrun  by  Arabs,  from 
whom  the  common  people  of  the  island  derive  their  origin.  The  dialect  spoken 
by  them  is  a  corrupt  Arabic,  agreeing  essentially  with  that  of  the  Moors,  but  in- 
termixed to  a  greater  extent  with  words  from  the  Italian,  Spanish,  and  other 
European  languages.  The  Maltese  language  approaches  so  nearly  to  the  Arabic 
that  the  islanders  are  readily  understood  in  all  the  ports  of  Africa  and  Syria.  Gese- 
nius  first  investigated  thoroughly  this  dialect  in  his  Vcrsuch  uber  die  maltesische 
Sprache,  etc.  (Leipzig  1810).  lie  has  given  the  results  of  this  investigation  in 
his  Article  on  Arabien  in  Ersch  and  Gruber's  Encyklopildic.  In  his  History  of 
the  Hebrew  Language,  he  remarks  that,  although  the  ancestral  pride  of  the  Mal- 
tese themselves  may  dispose  them  to  trace  back  their  language  to  the  old  Punic, 
yet  it  contains  nothing  which  is  not  explained  far  more  naturally  out  of  the 
modern  Arabic,  than  as  the  product  of  so  ancient  a  tongue. 

2  Principles  of  Geology  (7th  ed.),  p.  655. 


Chap.  XXVm,  3. 4.  COMMENT  AEY.  447 

ing  the  travels  of  Spix  and  Martius  in  Brazil,  observes :  '  They 
speak  of  the  clangers  to  which  they  were  exposed  from  the  jaguar, 
the  jmisonous  serpents,  crocodiles,  scorpions,  centipedes,  and  spi- 
ders. But  with  the  increasing  population  and  cultivation  of  the 
country,  say  these  naturalists,  these  evils  will  gradually  diminish ; 
when  the  inhabitants  have  cut  down  the  woods,  drained  the 
marshes,  made  roads  in  all  directions,  and  founded  villages  and 
towns,  man  will,  by  degrees,  triumph  over  the  rank  vegetation 
and  the  noxious  animals.'"  —  Ik  Trjs  ^ipfxr]?,  from  the  heat,  the 
effect  of  it  (De  Wet.) ;  or  (less  appropriate  to  the  noun)  from  the 
place  of  it,  as  explained  by  Winer  (^  47.  5.  b.)  and  others.  But 
the  best  manuscripts  read  a.iv6  (Lchra.  Tsch.  Mey.),  and  the  sense 
then  is  (comp.  20,  9;  Luke  19,  3),  on  account  of  the  heat.  The 
viper  had  evidently  been  taken  up  among  the  sticks  which  Paul 
had  gathered ;  and,  as  may  be  inferred  from  eTrt^eVros  eVt  r^i/ 
TTvpav,  had  been  thrown  with  them  into  the  fire.  This  latter  sup- 
position is  required  by  the  local  sense  of  c'k  t^s  Sipfxr]';,  and  is  en- 
tirely consistent  with  the  causal  sense.  The  viper  was  probably 
in  a  torpid  state,  and  was  suddenly  restored  to  activity  by  the 
heat.  It  was  now  cold,  in  consequence  both  of  the  storm  and 
the  lateness  of  the  season  (v.  2)  ;  and  such  reptiles  become  tor- 
pid as  soon  as  the  temperature  falls  sensibly  below  the  mean 
temperature  of  the  place  which  they  inhabit.  Vipers,  too,  lurk 
in  rocky  places,  and  that  is  the  character  of  the  region  where  the 
incident  occurred.  They  are  accustomed,  also,  to  dart  at  their 
enemies,  sometimes  several  feet  at  a  bound  ;  and  hence  the  one 
mentioned  here  could  have  reached  the  hand  of  Paul  as  he  stood 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  fire.i  —  Instead  of  i^€X%vaa  (T.  R.),  having 
come  forth,  the  more  descriptive  SLe^eXd^ovcra  (Tsch.  Mey.),  repre- 
sents the  viper  as  having  come  forth  (from  the  fire)  through  the 
sticks  among  which  it  was  taken  up.  —  Ka^rjx^^,  fasteneditself  in 
the  sense  of  the  middle.  This  reflexive  use  of  the  active  oc- 
curs only  here,  wlaich  accounts  for  Ka^-^ij/aro,  as  read  in  some 
copies. 

V.  4.  ws  8e,  K.  T.  X.,  ]Vo20  as  the  barbarians  saio  the  ajiimal  hang- 
ing from  his  hand,  to  which  it  clung  by  the  mouth.  Aristotle  also 
uses  ^rfpiov  of  the  viper.  That  it  was  "venomous"  (E.  V.)  re- 
sults, not  from  this  mode  of  designation,  but  from  Ix'^m.  Luke 
does  not  say  expressly  that  Paul  was  bitten ;  but  the  nature  of 
the  reptile,  the  leap,  the  clinging  to  liis  hand,  leave  us  to  infer  that 

-  For  the  information  in  this  note  concerning  the  habits  of  the  viper,  I  am 
indebted  chiefly  to  Professor  Agassiz  of  Cambridge. 


448  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXVni,  5-7. 

with  almost  entire  certainty.  Those -who  stood  near  and  wit- 
nessed the  occurrence  sup{)osed  evidently  that  snch  was  the  fact. 
That  he  should  have  escai)ed  being  bitten  under  such  circum- 
stances would  have  been  hardly  less  miraculous  than  that  the 
ordinary  effect  of  the  poison  should  have  been  counteracted.  We 
seem  to  be  justified,  according  to  either  view,  in  regarding  his 
preservation  as  a  fulfilment  of  the  promise  of  Christ  in  Murk  16, 
17.  18.  On  the  form  of  KpefxdfjL€vov,  see  K.  ^  179.  5.  —  ^ovcv's  .... 
ovTos,  this  man  is  a  murderer.  They  perceived  from  his  chain,  per- 
haps, or  some  other  indication,  that  Paul  was  a  prisoner.  The 
attack  of  the  viper  proved  to  them  that  he  must  have  committed 
some  atrocious  crime.  <^ovevs  points,  not  to  a  specific  offence,  but 
to  the  class  of  offenders  to  which  they  supposed  he  might  be- 
long.—  7}  Ukt)  tpiv  ovk  daa-ev,  justice  suffered  not  to  live.  Observe 
the  past  tense.  They  consider  his  doom  as  sealed.  Vengeance, 
in  their  view,  had  already  smitten  its  victim. 

V.  5.  eiraSev  ovSh  kukov,  suffered  no  evil.  This  statement  agrees 
with  the  supposition  either  that  he  had  not  been  bitten,  or  that 
the  poison  had  produced  no  effect  upon  him. 

V.  6.  avrov  fj.iXX.eiv  Trtfi-Trpaa-Sai,  that  he  would  be  inflamed  (fit. 
hum),  since  inflammation  is  attended  with  heat.  —  KaraTriVreij' 
a^vw  v^Kpov,  that  he  icould  suddenly  fall  down  dead.  Sudden  col- 
lapse and  death  ensue  often  from  the  bite  of  serpents.  Shak- 
speare  speaks  as  a  naturahst  when  he  says  of  the  asp-bitten 
Cleopatra, 

"  Trembling  she  stood,  and  on  the  sudden  dropped." 

—  /ir/Sev  aroTTov,  nothing  had,  injurious;  in  a  moral  sense,  in  Luke 
23,  41. — ix€TaftaX\6fxevoL  may  take  after  it  ttjv  yi'o'yfxrjv  or  omit  it. — 
&€6v  avTov  tTvai,  that  he  teas  a  god.  Bengel :  "  Aut  latro,  inquiunt, 
aut  deus;  sic  modo  tauri,  modo  lapides  (14,  13.  19).  Datur  ter- 
tium ;  homo  Dei." 

V.  7.  TTcpt  Tov  TOTTov  cKcii/Qv,  ttTound  tliut  placc,  tlic  one  where 
they  were  wrecked.  Tradition  places  the  residence  of  Publius 
at  Citta  Vecchia,  the  Medina  of  the  Saracens  ;  which,  though  in 
the  centre  of  Malta,  is  but  a  few  miles  from  the  coast  (see 
on  V.  1).  —  Tw  TrpwTw  T^s  vrj<Tov.  Tlrere  can  be  no  doubt  that 
Puhlivs  is  called  the  Jirst  (or  chief)  of  the  island  because  he 
was  the  Roman  governor.  Melita  was  fijst  conquered  by  the 
Romans  during  the  Punic  wars,  and  in  the  time  of  Cicero  (4  Ver. 
c.  18)  was  annexed  to  the  prsetorship  of  Sicily.  The  praetor  of 
that  island  would  naturally  have  a  legate  or  deputy  at  tliis  placa 


Chap.  XXVIII,  7.  COMMENTARY.  449 

The  title  TrpSros,  under  which  he  is  mentioned  here,  has  been 
justly  cited  by  apologetic  writers,  as  Tholuck,  Ebrard,  Krabbe, 
Bauragarten,  Lardner,  Paley,  Howson,  as  a  striking  proof  of 
Luke's  accuracy.  No  other  ancient  writer  happens  to  have  given 
his  official  designation ;  but  two  inscriptions,  one  in  Greek  and 
the  other  in  Latin,  have  been  discovered  in  Malta,  in  which  we 
meet  with  the  same  title  employed  by  Luke  in  this  passage.^  It 
is  impossible  to  believe  that  Publius,  or  any  other  single  individ- 
ual, would  be  called  the  first  man  in  the  island,  except  by  way 
of  official  eminence.  It  will  be  observed  that  the  father  of  Pub- 
lius was  still  living,  and  during  his  hfetime  he  would  naturally 
have  taken  precedence  of  the  son,  had  the  distinction  in  this 
case  been  one  which  belonged  to  the  family.^  —  ij/aSs  efeVio-cv, 

'  "  The  one  in  Greek  is  supposed  to  form  a  votive  inscription  by  a  Roman 
knight,  named  Aulus  Castricius,  '  first  of  the  Melitans '  (irpSiTos  U^Knaiuv),  to 
the  emperor.  The  Latin  inscription,  on  the  pedestal  of  a  column,  was  discov- 
ered at  Citta  Vecchia,  in  excavating  the  foundation  of  the  Casa  del  Magistrate, 
in  1717." 

*  I  have  allowed  this  note  to  remain  as  it  stood  in  the  other  edition,  as  it  rep- 
resents the  general  opinion  of  scholars  respecting  the  official  rank  of  Publius. 
Yet  it  is  possible  that  they  have  erred  in  assigning  this  precise  import  to  the 
title.  I  insert  with  thanks  for  the  suggestion  the  following  criticism  of  President 
"Woolsey  on  this  point :  "The  best  information  which  we  can  obtain  respecting 
the  situation  of  Malta  at  the  time  of  Paul's  visit,  renders  it  doubtful,  to  say  the 
least,  whether  the  interpreters  are  in  the  right  as  it  regards  the  station  of  Publius. 
In  a  Greek  inscription  of  an  earlier  date  we  find  mention  made  of  two  persons 
holding  the  office  of  archon  or  magistrate  in  the  island.  A  later  inscription  of 
the  times  of  the  Emperors  may  be  translated  as  follows  :  'Lucius  Pudens,  son  of 
Claudius,  of  the  tribe  Quirina,  a  Roman  eques,  first  [irpuTos,  as  in  Acts]  and 
patron  of  the  Melitaeans,  after  being  magistrate  and  having  held  the  post  of 
flamen  to  Augustus,  erected  this.'  Here  it  appears  that  the  person  named  was 
still  chief  man  of  the  island,  although  his  magistracy  had  expired.  From  this 
inscription  and  others  in  Latin  found  at  Gozzo,  it  is  probable  that  the  inhabitants 
of  both  islands  had  received  the  privilege  of  Roman  citizenship,  and  were  enrolled 
in  the  tribe  Quirina.  The  magistracy  was,  no  doubt,  that  of  the  Duumvirs,  the 
usual  municipal  chief  officers.  The  other  titles  correspond  with  titles  to  be  met 
with  on  marbles  relating  to  towns  in  Italy.  Thus  the  title  of  chief  corresponds 
to  that  of  princeps  in  the  colony  of  Pisa,  and  is  probably  no  more  a  name  of 
office  than  the  title  of  patron.  For  no  such  officer  is  known  to  have  existed  in 
the  colonies  or  in  the  municipia,  and  the  princeps  colonics  of  Pisa  is  mentioned  at  a 
time  when  it  is  said  that  owing  to  a  contention  between  candidates  there  were  no 
magistrates."  — The  difference  does  not  affect  the  value  of  the  alleged  proof  of 
the  narrator's  accuracy  ;  for  in  either  case  the  term  is  a  Roman  title,  and  is  ap- 
plied by  Luke  to  a  person  who  bears  it  at  the  right  time  and  in  the  right  place. 
Indeed,  the  appellation  of  pri7Ke  or  patron  would  be  more  striking  than  that  of 
magistrate,  inasmuch  as  the  range  of  its  application  is  narrower,  and  a  writer  who 
was  not  stating  the  truth  would  be  more  liable  to  introduce  it  under  circum- 
stances that  would  render  it  inadmissible. 

57 


450  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXVIII,  8-11. 

entertained  ^is,  viz.  Luke,  Paul,  Aristarchus  (27,  2),  and  no  doubt 
the  noble-hearted  Julius ;  not  the  entire  two  hundred  and  sev- 
enty-six (Bmg.),  as  so  indiscriminate  a  hospitality  would  be  un- 
called for  and  without  any  sulhcient  motive. 

V.  8.  TTupcTois.  The  plural  has  been  supposed  to  describe  the 
fever  with  reference  to  its  recurrent  attacks  or  paroxysms.  This 
is  one  of  those  expressions  in  Luke's  writings  that  have  been 
supposed  to  indicate  his  professional  training  as  a  physician. 
See  also  12,23;  13,  11;  and  especially  the  comparison  (6  fSpws 

avTOi)    wcrci    ^pojx^oi    ai[JiaTOS  KaTajiaLVOVTi<i)  in  his    Gospel    (22,   44). 

It  is  correct  to  attach  to  them  that  significancy.  Ko  other  writer 
of  the  New  Testament  exhibits  this  sort  of  technical  precision 
in  speaking  of  diseases.  The  disorder  with  which  the  father  of 
Publius  was  affected  was  dysentery  combined  with  fever.  It 
was  formerly  asserted  that  a  dry  climate,  like  that  of  Malta,  would 
not  produce  such  a  disorder ;  but  we  have  now  the  testimony  of 
physicians  resident  in  that  island,  that  it  is  by  no  means  uncom- 
mon there  at  the  present  day. 

V.  10.  01  Kai,  who  also,  on  their  part,  i.  e.  while  they  came  and 
were  healed  of  their  maladies.  —  TroAAats  n/Aais  Irtfji-qaav  r]/j.a.<;,  hon- 
ored us  (viz.  Paul  and  his  companions)  tvith  viany  honors,  courte- 
sies. They  were  entertained  with  a  generous  hospitality,  and 
distinguished  by  marks  of  special  regard  and  kindness.  Some 
render  rt/xats  rewards  or  presents ;  but  the  next  clause  appears  to 
limit  their  reception  of  the  favors  in  question  to  the  time  of  their 
departure  and  to  the  relief  of  their  necessaiy  wants.  It  is  cer- 
tain that  they  did  not,  even  then,  accept  the  gifts  which  were 
proffered  to  them  as  a  reward  for  their  services ;  for  that  would 
have  been  at  variance  ^vith  the  command  of  Christ  in  Matt.  10,  8. 


Verses   11-16.     Prosecution  of  the  Journey  to  Rome. 

V.  11.  ftera  rpcis  /x^vas.  The  three  months  are  the  time  that 
they  remained  on  the  island.  They  were  probably  the  months 
of  November,  December,  and  January.  The  season  may  have 
admitted  of  their  putting  to  sea  earlier  than  usual.  The  amval 
at  Mclita  could  not  have  been  later  than  October,  for  a  brief  in- 
terval only  lay  between  the  fast  (27,  9)  and  the  beginning  of  the 
storm  (27,27).  —  Iv  v-XoliD  TrapaKex^ifxaKOTL.  Luke  does  not  state 
why  this  vessel  had  wintered  here.  It  is  a  circumstance  which 
shows  the  consistency  of  the  narrative.  The  storm  which  occa- 
.  sioned  the  wreck  of  Paul's  vessel  had  delayed  this  one  so  long, 
that  it  was  necessary  on  reaching  Melita  to  suspend  the  voyage 


Chap.  XX Vm,  12.  13.  COMMENTARY.  451 

until  spring.  This  vessel  had  been  during  the  winter  at  Valetta, 
which  must  always  have  been  the  principal  harbor  of  Malta.  — 
Trapacrrjixia  ^LO(rKovpoL<;,  ivitJi  tJie  sign  Dioscuri,  or  distinguished  by 
Dioscuri,  i.  e.  having  images  of  Castor  and  Pollux  painted  or 
carved  on  the  prow,  from  which  images  the  vessel  may  have  been 
named.  This  use  of  figure-heads  on  ancient  ships  was  very  com- 
mon. See  Diet,  of  Antt.,  Art.  I/isigne.  Castor  and  Pollux  were 
the  favorite  gods  of  seamen,  the  winds  and  waves  being  supposed 
to  be  specially  subject  to  their  control.  It  is  of  them  that  Horace 
says  (Od.  1.  12.  27-32)  : 

"  Quorum  simul  alba  nautis 

Stella  refulsit, 
Defluit  saxis  agitatus  humor ; 
Concidunt  venti,  fugiuntque  nubes, 
Et  minax  (quod  sic  voluere)  ponto 

Unda  recumbit." 

See,  also,  Od.  1.  3.  2.  Trapao-^jjuo  may  be  a  noun  or  an  adjective. 
The  former  appears  to  have  been  most  common  in  this  apphca- 
tion.  The  other  construction  is  easier  as  regards  the  dative,  and 
is  preferred  by  De  Wette. 

V.  12.  2vpaKovo-as,  Syracuse^.  This  city,  the  capital  of  Sicily, 
on  the  southeastern  coast  of  that  island,  was  about  eighty  miles 
north  from  Melita.  It  was  built  partly  on  the  adjacent  island  of 
Ortygia,  and  from  that  circumstance,  or  as  others  say  because  it 
included  at  length  several  villages,  may  have  received  its  plural 
name.  The  modern  Siracusa  or  Siragossa  occupies  only  a  part 
of  the  ancient  city,  viz.  Ortygia  (Forbg.).  —  kir(.fxdvafx.€v.  They 
may  have  stopped  here  for  trade,  or  in  the  hope  of  a  better 
wind. 

V.  13.  TTcpieX^dvre?,  having  come  around  or  about.  The  sense 
of  the  preposition  it  is  impossible  to  determine  with  certainty. 
One  supposition  is,  that  it  refers  to  their  frequent  alteration  of 
the  ship's  course  ;  in  other  words,  to  their  tacking,  because  the 
wind  was  unfavorable.  So  Smith,  Howson,  and  others,  explain 
the  word.  Mr.  Lewin  thinks  that  "  as  the  wind  was  westerly, 
and  they  were  under  the  shelter  of  the  high  mountainous  range 
of  Etna,  they  were  obliged  to  stand  out  to  sea  in  order  to  fill 
their  sails,  and  so  come  to  Rhegium  by  a  circuitous  sweep."  i 
Another  view  is,  that  they  were  compelled  by  the  wind  to  follow 

'  "  I  was  informed  by  a  friend  many  years  ago,  that  when  he  made  the  voyage 
himself  from  Syracuse  to  Rhegium,  the  vessel  in  which  he  sailed  took  a  similar 
circuit  for  a  similar  reason."     Lewin,  II.  p.  736. 


452  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXVIII,  13. 

closely  the  sinuosities  of  the  coast,  to  proceed  circuitously.  De 
Wette  says,  which  is  much  less  probable,  that  they  may  have 
goue  around  Sicily,  or  the  southern  extremity  of  Italy.  —  eis  '?>/- 
yiov,  unto  R}icgium,  now  Reggio,  which  was  an  Itahan  seaport, 
opposite  to  the  northeastern  point  of  Sicily.  Here  they  remained 
a  day,  when  the  wind,  wliich  had  been  adverse  since  their  leav- 
ing Syracuse,  became  fair,  and  they  resumed  the  voyage.  The 
steamers  between  Naples  and  Malta  touch  at  Messina,  and  Reg- 
gio appears  in  full  view  on  the  Italian  side.  If  Paul  passed  here 
in  February  (v.  11  above),  the  mountains  on  the  island  and  on 
the  main  land  were  still  covered  with  snow,  and  presented  to 
the  eye  a  dreary  aspect.  —  i-Tnyevofjievov  votov,  a  south  wind  having 
arisen  on  them ;  comp.  the  compound  participle  in  v.  2,  and  in  27, 
20.  The  dative  of  the  person  is  often  expressed  after  eVi  with 
this  force  ;  see  Herod.  8.  13.  —  Seurcpaioi,  on  the  second  day ;  comp. 
John  11,  39.  This  adverbial  use  of  the  ordinals  is  classical.  K.  k 
264.  3.  b.  —  €ts  lioTtoXovi.  Futcoli,  now  Pozznoli,  was  eight  miles 
southwest  from  Neapolis,  the  modern  Naples.  It  derived  its 
name  from  the  springs  (])utei)  which  abound  there,  or  from  the 
odor  of  the  waters  (a  piitendo)}  Its  earlier  Greek  name  \vas 
AiKatap^cia.  It  was  the  principal  port  south  of  Rome.  Nearly 
all  the  Alexandrian  and  a  gi'cat  part  of  the  Spanish  trade  with 
Italy  was  brought  hitlier.  The  seventy-seventh  Letter  of  Seneca 
gives  a  lively  description  of  the  interest  which  the  arrival  of  the 
corn-shii)s  from  Egypt  was  accustomed  to  excite  among  the  inhab- 
itants of  that  town.  A  mole  with  twenty-five  arches  stretched 
itself  into  the  sea,  at  the  entrance  of  this  bay,  alongside  of  wliich 
the  vessels  as  they  arrived  cast  anchor  for  the  delivery  of  their 
freight  and  passengers.  Thirteen  of  the  piers  which  upheld  this 
immense  stmcture,  show  their  forms  still  above  the  water,  and 
point  out  to  us  as  it  were  the  very  footsteps  of  the  apostle  as  he 
passed  from  the  ship  to  the  land.  —  The  voyage  from  Rhegium 
to  Putcoli,  which  the  Castor  and  Pollux  accomplished  in  less  than 
two  days,  was  about  one  hundred  and  eighty  miles.  The  pas- 
sage, therefore,  was  a  rapid  one ;  but  as  examj)les  of  the  ancient 
rate  of  sailing  show,  not  unprecedented.  Herodotus  states  that 
a  ship  could  sail  seven  hundred  stadia  in  a  day,  and  six  hundred 
in  a  night,  i.  e.  thirteen  hundred  in  twenty-four  hours,  which 
would  be  at  the  rate  of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  EngHsh  miles 
a  day.     Strabo  says,  that  a  voyage  could  be  made  from  Sammo- 

.  1  As  examples,  travellers  will  recollect  the  Grotto  del  Cane  near  Cumae,  and 
the  Baths  of  Nero  at  Baia. 


Chap.  XXVIII,  13.  14.         COMMENTARY.  453 

nium  to  Egypt  in  four  days,  reckoning  the  distance  at  five  thou- 
sand stadia,  or  about  five  hundred  and  seventy-three  miles.  This 
would  be  sailing  one  hundred  and  forty-three  miles  in  twenty- 
four  hours,  or  six  miles  an  hour.  Pliny  mentions  several  voyages 
which  would  be  considered  very  good  in  modern  times.  He  says 
that  the  jirefects  Galerius  and  Babilius  arrived  at  Alexandria,  the 
former  on  the  seventh,  the  latter  on  the  sixth  day,  after  leaving 
the  Straits  of  Messina.  He  states,  also,  that  passages  were  made, 
under  favorable  circumstances,  from  the  Straits  of  Hercules  to 
Ostia,  in  seven  days;  from  the  nearest  port  of  Spain,  in  four; 
from  the  province  of  Narbonne,  in  three  ;  and  from  Africa,  in  two. 
Probably  the  most  rapid  run  mentioned  by  any  ancient  writer  is 
that  of  Arrian,  in  his  Periplus  of  the  Euxine,  who  says  that 
"  they  got  under  way  about  daybreak,"  and  that  by  midday  they 
had  come  more  than  five  hundred  stadia ;  that  is,  more  than  fifty 
geographical  miles,  which  is  at  least  eight  miles  an  hour.^  The 
mean  of  the  foregoing  examples  is  seven  miles  an  hour ;  and  if 
we  suppose  that  the  Castor  and  Polux  sailed  at  that  rate,  the 
passage  would  have  required  only  about  twenty-six  hours.  This 
result  agrees  perfectly  with  Luke's  account ;  for  he  states  that 
they  left  Pvhegium  on  one  day  and  arrived  at  Puteoli  on  the  next. 
Their  course,  it  will  be  obsei-ved,  was  nearly  due  north,  and  they 
were  favored  with  a  south  wind. 

V.  14.  £7r'  avToi<;,  ivilh  (lit.  upon)  them;  comp.  21,4.  The  local 
idea  blends  itself  with  the  personal.  See  W.  ^  48.  c.  —  T7/i.€/uas 
eTTTOL,  a  week;  see  on  20,  6.  They  had  an  opportunity  to  spend  a 
Sabbath  with  tlie  Christians  there.  The  centurion  granted  this 
delay,  not  improbably,  in  order  to  gratify  the  wishes  of  Paul. 
After  such  events,  the  prisoner  would  have  a  power  over  his 
keeper  well  nigh  unbounded.  In  the  mean  time,  the  news  of 
the  apostle's  arrival  would  travel  to  Rome,  and  thus  prepare  the 
way  for  what  we  read  in  the  next  verse.  —  kcu  ovrws,  k.  t.  A.,  and 
so,  after  the  interval  thus  spent,  we  went  unto  Rome ;  not  came 
unless  the  remark  be  proleptic.  The  incidents  in  v.  15  occur  on 
the  way  thither.  On  leaving  Puteoli,  Julius  and  his  party  would 
proceed  naturally  to  Capua,  about  twelve  miles,  the  nearest  point 
for  intersecting  the  Appian  Way.  The  distance  from  Capua 
to  Rome  by  this  road  was  about  one  hundred  and  twenty-five 
milcs.2 

'  I  have  relied  for  these  statements,  partly  on  Forbiger,  and  partly  on  Biscoe 
and  Smith. 

2  Mr.  Howson's  map  of  this  journey  to  the  city  will  enable  the  reader  to  follow 
the  apostle's  course  very  distinctly. 


454  COMMENTARY.         Chap.  XX Vm,  15.  16. 

V.  15.  Two  companies  of  the  Christians  at  Rome  went  forth 
to  meet  the  apostle ;  but  separately  and  at  different  times.  Hence 
the  advanced  party  reached  App'd  Forum,  about  forty  miles  from 
Rome,  before  Paul  appeared  ;  the  later  party  met  Mm  at  Ties 
Tahcrnce,  which  was  thirty  miles  from  Rome.  (Itiner.  Antonin.) 
Other  estimates  (Itiner.  Hieros.)  place  Appii  Forum  a  few  miles 
nearer  to  Rome.  Tlris  town  was  named  from  Appius  Claudius 
Caecus,  who  built  the  Appian  Way.  It  lay  on  the  northern  bor- 
der of  the  Pontine  Marshes,  at  the  end  of  the  canal  which  ex- 
tended thither  from  a  point  a  few  miles  above  Anxur  or  Terra- 
cina.  Horace  (Sat.  1.  5.  4)  speaks  of  Appii  Forum  as  "full  of 
boatmen,"  who  were  engaged  in  fonvarding  passengers  over  tliis 
canal,  a  distance  of  twenty  miles.  The  Appiau  Way  ran  near 
the  canal,  and  it  would  depend  on  circumstances  unknown  to  us, 
whether  the  centurion  travelled  in  one  mode  or  the  other.  Strabo 
mentions  that  night-travellers  (us  in  the  case  of  Horace)  usually 
preferred  the  boat.  The  present  Locanda  di  Foro  Appio,  a 
wretched  inn,  marks  probably  the  site  of  Appii  Forum.  It  is 
almost  the  only  human  shelter  in  the  midst  of  a  solitude  enliv- 
ened once  by  incessant  commerce  and  travel.  —  Trcs  Tabcrna, 
as  appears  from  one  of  Cicero's  letters  to  Atticus  (2.  12),  must 
have  been  near  where  the  cross-road  from  An  tin  m  fell  into  the 
Appian  Way.  It  is  thought  to  have  been  not  far  from  the  mod- 
ern Cisterna,  the  bulk  of  which  hes  on  the  traveller's  left  in 
going  from  Rome  to  Naples,  under  the  shadow  of  the  Volscian 
Hills.  —  ofis  .  -  .  .  ^dpo-os,  xvliom  Paul  seeing  gave  thanks  to  God  and 
took  courage.  He  may  have  met  a  few  of  the  Roman  Christians 
in  foreign  lands,  but  was  a  stranger  to  nearly  all  of  them  except 
in  name,  and  would  approach  the  city  with  the  natural  anxiety 
of  one  who  had  yet  to  learn  what  feelings  they  entertained  tow- 
ards him.  Such  a  cordial  reception,  such  impatience  to  see  him 
and  welcome  him  to  their  hearts,  would  scatter  all  his  doubts, 
and  tlirill  his  bosom  with  gratitude  and  joy.  The  church  at  Rome 
contained  heathen  converts  as  well  as  Jewish.  The  apostle  of 
the  Gentiles  would  see  a  special  cause  for  encouragement  and 
thanksgiving,  in  the  presence  of  such  witnesses  of  the  success 
of  the  gospel  in  the  great  metropolis. 

V.  1 6.  As  Paul  travelled  on  the  Appian  Way,  he  must  have 
entered  Rome  througli  the  Capcnian  Gate,  not  far  from  the  mod- 
ern Porta  San  Sebastiano.  —  6  kKaT6vTap-^o<;  ....  a-TpaToirehdpxr],  the 
centurion  delivered  the  ]7risoners  to  the  commander  of  the  camp,  i.  e. 
the  praetorian  camp,  where  the  emperor's  body-guard  was  (juar- 
tcred.     See  Phil.  1,  13.     Tliis  camp  or  garrison  had  been  built 


Chap.  XXVm,  16.  COMMENTARY.  455 

by  Sejanus,  the  favorite  of  Tiberius,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Porta 
Nomcntana  (Win.).  The  exact  spot  is  known  to  be  that  witliin 
the  projection,  at  the  northeast  corner  of  the  present  city-wall. 
Nearly  all  critics  at  present,  as  Olshausen,  Anger,  De  Wette, 
Meyer,  Wieseler,  suppose  this  officer,  i.  e.  the  prcefectiis  2Jrcetorio, 
to  be  meant  here.  The  prisoners  who  were  sent  to  Rome  from 
the  provinces  were  committed  to  his  custody.  There  is  a  differ- 
ence of  opinion  in  regard  to  the  article.  The  command  of  the 
pra3torian  guard  was  originally  divided  between  two  prefects,  but 
during  the  reign  of  Claudius,  Burrus  Afranius,  a  distinguished 
Roman  general,  was  appointed  sole  prccfectus  2Jra;to7-io,  and  re- 
tained this  office  as  late  certainly  as  the  beginning  of  A.  D.  62. 
On  his  death  the  command  was  committed  again  to  two  prefects, 
as  it  had  been  at  first,  and  this  continued  to  be  the  arrangement 
until  a  late  period  of  the  empire.  The  time  of  Paul's  arrival  at 
Rome  could  not  have  been  far  from  A.  D.  62,  as  admits  of  being 
shown  by  an  independent  calculation  (see  In  trod,  k  6.  5).  Wie- 
seler (p.  86)  supposes  tw  aTpaTOTreSdpxi]  to  refer  to  Burrus,  as  sole 
prefect  at  that  time,  and  he  urges  the  expression  as  a  reason  for 
assigning  the  apostle's  arrival  to  A.  D.  62,  or  the  year  preceding. 
It  is  very  possible  that  this  view  is  the  correct  one.  It  would 
furnish  a  striking  coincidence  between  Luke's  narrative  and  the 
history  of  the  times.  Yet,  in  speaking  of  the  prefect,  the  writer 
may  have  meant  the  one  who  acted  in  tliis  particular  case,  the 
one  who  took  into  liis  charge  the  prisoners  whom  the  centurion 
transferred  to  him,  whether  he  was  sole  prefect  or  had  a  colleague 
with  him ;  comp.  24,  23.  De  Wette  assents  to  Meyer  in  this  ex- 
planation,of  the  article.  The  expression,  as  so  understood,  does 
not  affirm  that  there  was  but  one  prefect,  or  deny  it.  —  rw  Se  Ilai;- 
\(o,  K.  T.  A.,  But  it  was  permitted  to  Paul  (i.  e.  by  the  prefect  to  whom 
he  had  been  consigned)  to  dwell  hy  himself,  instead  of  being  con- 
fined with  the  other  prisoners.  This  was  a  favor  which  the  Ro- 
man laws  often  granted  to  those  who  were  not  suspected  of  any 
very  serious  offence.  The  centurion,  who  had  already  shown 
himself  so  friendly  to  the  apostle,  may  have  interceded  for  him  ; 
or  the  terms  in  which  Festus  had  reported  the  case  (see  on  26, 
32)  may  have  conciliated  the  prefect.  In  the  use  of  this  liberty, 
Paul  repaired  first  to  the  house  of  some  friend  (v.  23),  and  after- 
wards rented  an  appartment  for  his  own  use  (v.  30).  —  crvv  t<5 
<f>v\dao-ovTi  avTov  crTpaTtwrrj,  ivith  the  soldier  who  guarded  him,  and 
to  whom  he  was  fastened  by  a  chain.  Different  soldiers  relieved 
each  other  in  the  performance  of  this  office.  Hence,  as  Paul 
states  in  Phil.  ] ,  13,  he  became,  in  the  course  of  time,  personally 


456  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXVin,  17-20, 

kno-wn  to  a  great  number  of  the  pra?torian  soldiers,  and  through 
them  to  their  comrades.  The  notoriety  which  he  thus  acquired 
sei-ved  to  make  his  character  as  a  prisoner  for  the  sake  of  the 
gospel  more  widely  known,  and  thus  to  aid  him  in  his  efforts  to 
extend  the  knowledge  of  Christ.  To  this  result  the  apostle  re- 
fers in  Phil.  1,  12  sq. 

Verses   17-22.     Paid  has  an  Interview  with  the  chief  Men  of  the 
Jews  at  Rome. 

v.  17.  /Aera  ^/xe'pas  rpets,  after  three  days,  on  the  third  from  his 
arrival ;  comp.  25,  1.  The  apostle's  untiring  activity  is  manifest 
to  the  last. — twv  'lovSaiW  are  the  unbelieving  Jeics,  not  the  Jewish 
Christians.  Theix  first  men  would  be  tlie  rulers  of  the  synagogue, 
or  would  include  them.  —  Ivavriov  governs  the  dative  here,  as  in 
1  Thess.  2,  15;  comp.  26,  9.  —  TrotT^o-a?,  though  I  had  done.  —  l^ 
'lepoaoXvixwv,  from  Jerusalem,  whence  he  had  been  sent  to  Caesa- 
rea.  —  eis  ras  x^i/ja?  Twv  'Pw/i-atW,  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans, 
viz.  Felix  and  Festus,  who  represented  their  countr>anen.  The 
remark  refers  to  them,  as  is  evident  from  dra/cptVavTcs  in  the  next 
verse. 

V.  10.  ai/TiA€yoi/T€s,  objecting,  describes  very  mildly  the  opposi- 
tion of  the  Jews  to  the  apostle's  acquital.  a8€\<f>0L,  Xaw,  Trarpwots, 
lo-parjX,  which  follow  so  rapidly  breathe  the  same  conciliatory 
spirit.  Such  expressions  show  how  self-forgetting  Paul  was,  how 
ready  to  acknowledge  what  was  common  to  his  opponents  and 

himself  —  rjvayKdo-^^yjv    i-mKaXerraoSaL    Katarapa,    I  was    compelled  tO 

ajypeal  unto  Ccesar ;  as  his  only  resort  in  order  to  save  himself 
from  assassination  or  judicial  murder ;  comp.  25,  9  sq.  —  ovx  ws, 
K.  T.  X.,  not  as  having  (i.  e.  because  I  had)  anything  (as  the  mo- 
tive for  this  appeal)  to  charge  against  my  nation,  viz.  before  the 
emperor.  The  apostle  would  repel  a  suspicion  which  he  sup- 
posed it  not  unnatural  for  the  Roman  Jews  to  entertain ;  or,  pos- 
sibly, would  deny  an  imputation  with  which  the  Jews  in  Pales- 
tine had  actually  aspersed  him  (Wiesl.).  Paul  snys  my  nation 
(tSvov<;  fxov)  and  not  people  (sec  Xa<5  above),  because  Kuiaapa 
just  before  distinguishes  the  Romans  and  the  Jews  from  each 
other. 

V.  20.  8ta  Tavrrfv  ovv  Trjv  alrtav.  On  this  account,  therefore,  viz. 
that  his  feelings  towards  the  Jews  were  so  friendly.  —  TraptKoXco-a 
i/xa9  iSciv,  I  called,  invited,  you  that  I  might  see  you.  Some  sup- 
.ply  ip.f.  as  the  object  of  ihCtv,  which  destroys  the  unity  of  the  sen- 
tence. —  h(.Kiv  ....  'lo-paijX,  for  on  account  of  the  hope  of  Israel 


Chap.  XXVIII,  21.  22.  COMMENTARY.  457 

i.  e.  the  hope  of  a  Messiah  which  the  nation  entertained  ;  comp. 
26,  6.  This  clause  is  coordinate  with  the  one  which  precedes. 
It  states  an  additional  reason  why  he  had  sought  the  present  in- 
tei-view.  —  ttjv  aXva-iv  ravT-qv  TreptKct/xat,  /  am  compassed  tvith  this 
chain,  have  my  arm  bound  with  it.  So,  also,  when  the  apostle 
wrote  in  Phil.  4,  4,  "  Rejoice  in  the  Lord  always ;  and,  again,  I 
say,  rejoice,"  he  was  manacled  as  a  felon,  and  was  liable  at  any 
moment  to  be  condemned  to  the  wild  beasts  or  the  block.  The 
construction  is  similar  to  that  of  the  accusative  after  passive  verbs ; 
comp.  TTcptKeirat  dcr^cvetav  in  Heb.  5,  2. 

V.  21.  ■^ju.ets  ovVe  ypdfjifjiaTa,  k.  t.  X.,  We  received  neither  letters, 
etc.  This  statement  refers  to  their  having  received  no  official 
information,  either  written  or  oral,  in  regard  to  the  circumstances 
under  which  Paul  had  been  sent  to  Rome.  Some  have  supposed 
the  Jews  to  be  insincere  in  this  declaration,  as  if  it  was  improb- 
able that  they  should  have  been  uninformed  in  regard  to  so  im- 
portant an  event.  But  we  have  no  sufficient  reason  for  calling 
in  question  their  veracity.  The  Palestine  Jews  could  hardly  have 
foreseen  the  issue  to  which  the  case  was  so  suddenly  brought ; 
and  hence,  before  the  apostle's  appeal,  would  have  deemed  it 
unnecessary  to  apprise  the  Jews  at  Rome  of  the  progress  of  the 
trial.  It  is  barely  possible  that  they  could  have  forwarded  intelli- 
gence since  the  appeal  had  taken  place.  Paul  departed  for  Italy 
evidently  soon  after  he  had  appealed,  and  must  have  availed 
himself  of  one  of  the  last  opportunities  for  such  a  voyage  wlaich 
the  season  of  the  year  allowed.  Having  spent  the  winter  at 
Melita,  he  had  proceeded  to  Rome  at  the  earliest  moment  in  the 
spring ;  so  that  in  the  ordinary  course  of  things  he  must  have 
arrived  there  in  advance  of  any  ship  that  might  have  left  Pales- 
tine after  the  reopening  of  navigation.  —  Repeat  airo  rrj'i  'loDSatas 
after  Tiapaycvo/xevos.  —  ti?  twv  dSeA^wv,  any  one  of  the  brethren,  of  our 
countrymen,  i,  e.  as  a  special  messenger,  as  a  complainant. 

V.  22.  dfiovficv  Se  Trapo.  (tov  aKovcrat,  But  (though  in  the  absence 
of  such  information  we  offer  no  complaint)  ive  deem  it  proper 
(Mey.  Rob.)  to  hear  from  thee;  comp.  15,  38.  The  verb  may  also 
mean  ive  desire  (De  Wet.  E.  V.),  but  is  less  common  in  that 
sense.  —  Trept  /u.ev  yap  tiJ?  aipe'crews  TavT-q^,  for  concerning  this  sect  of 
which  Paul  was  known  to  be  an  adherent ;  and  as  that  circum- 
stance iya.p)  was  not  in  his  favor,  they  intimate  that  he  was 
bound  to  vindicate  himself  from  the  reproach  of  such  a  connec- 
tion. The  Jews,  it  will  be  observed,  in  their  reply  to  the  apostle, 
abstain  from  any  allusion  to  the  Christians  at  Rome ;  indeed, 
they  might  have  expressed  themselves  in  the  same  manner  had 
58 


458  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXVIII,  22. 

no  church  existed  there  at  this  time,  or  had  they  been  entirely 
ignorant  of  its  existence.  To  understand  them,  however,  as  af- 
firming that  they  had  heard  of  the  sect  only  by  report,  that  they 
possessed  no  personal  knowledge  of  any  who  were  connected 
with  it,  is  certainly  unauthorized.  Baur  ^  proceeds  on  this  false 
assumption,  and  then  represents  the  passage  as  inconsistent  with 
the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  wliich  was  written  several  years  be- 
fore this,  and  exhibits  to  us  a  flourishing  church  in  the  Roman 
metrojiolis.  ZcUer  says  the  same  thing.  The  peculiarity  in  the 
case  is  not  by  any  means  that  the  Jews  denied  that  they  were 
acquainted  with  those  who  held  the  Christian  faith,  but  that  they 
avoided  so  carefully  any  reference  to  the  fact ;  what  they  knew 
was  matter  of  general  notoriety  (iravraxov  dvTtXcyerat)  ;  they  de- 
cline the  responsibility  of  asserting  anything  on  the  ground  of 
their  own  personal  knowledge.  Various  explanations  have  been 
given  of  this  reserve  on  the  part  of  the  Jews.  Olshausen's 
hypothesis  is,  that  the  opposition  between  the  Jewish  Christians 
and  the  Jews  had  become  such,  before  Claudius  banished  the 
latter  from  Rome,  as  to  separate  them  entirely  from  each  other; 
and  consequently  that  the  Christians  there  remained  in  fact  un- 
known to  the  Jews  who  returned  to  Rome  after  the  decree  of 
banishment  ceased  to  be  in  force.  This  view  is  improbable,  and 
has  found  no  supporters.  The  opinion  of  many  of  the  older 
critics,  to  which  Tholuck  ^  also  has  returned,  is  that  the  TrpStrot 
TU)v  'lovSaiuiv  affected  to  be  thus  ignorant  in  regard  to  the  Roman 
Christians  ;  that  they  wished  to  deceive  the  apostle,  and  uttered 
a  direct  falsehood  when  they  told  him  that  they  had  received  no 
information  concerning  him  from  the  Palestine  Jews.  The  best 
account  of  this  pecuharity,  it  appears  to  me,  is  that  which  Phi- 
lippi  has  suggested  in  his  recent  Commentary  on  the  Epistle  to 
the  Romans.'*  The  situation  of  the  Jews  at  Rome,  after  their 
recent  banishment  by  Claudius,  was  still  critical  and  insecure.  It 
was  very  important  for  them  to  avoid  the  displeasure  of  the  gov- 
ernment ;  to  abstain  from  any  act  or  attitude  that  would  revive 
the  old  charge  against  them  of  being  quarrelsome  or  factious. 
They  saw  that  Paul  was  regarded  with  evident  favor  by  the 
Roman  officers  ;  they  had  heard  from  him  that  the  procurator 
would  have  acquitted  him,  but  the  obstinate  Jews  had  compelled 

1  Paulus,  der  Apostel,  sein  Lebcn  und  Wirkcn,  seine  Briefe  und  seine  Lehre, 
p.  3G8  sq. 

*  Commentar  zum  Briefe  Paul!  an  die  Riimer  (1842),  p.  14. 

'  Commentar  iibcr  den  Brief  Pauli  an  die  Homer,  yon  Friedrich  A.  Philippi 
(1848),  p.  XV. 


Chap.  XXVIII,  23-25.         COMMENTARY.  459 

liim  to  appeal  to  Caesar.  Having  had  no  intelligence  from  Judea, 
they  might  fear  that  their  countrymen  there  had  gone  too  far,  and 
had  placed  it  in  the  power  of  Paul  to  use  the  circumstance  to 
the  disadvantage  of  the  Jewish  cause  at  Rome.  Hence  they 
considered  it  advisable  for  the  present  to  concihate  the  apostle, 
to  treat  him  mildly,  to  keep  out  of  sight  their  own  relations  to 
the  Christia,n  sect.  They  say  what  was  true.  No  special  and 
express  information  had  been  forwarded  to  them  respecting  his 
person  and  the  occurrence  mentioned  by  him,  and  they  knew 
that  the  sect  had  everywhere  an  evil  name.  But  they  sup])ress 
their  own  view  in  regard  to  the  Christian  faith,  as  something 
they  do  not  consider  it  necessary  and  expedient  to  avow,  and, 
out  of  fear  of  the  Roman  magistrates,  would  draw  as  little  at- 
tention as  possible  to  their  hostile  position  towards  the  Chris- 
tians. 


Verses  23-29.     His  Second  Intervieiv  xvith  the  Jeics. 

v.  23.  Ta^dfxevoi  8k  avrd  rjfjiepav,  Now  havmg  a'ppointed  for  hhn  a 
day,  at  his  own  suggestion  perhaps,  since  by  leaving  it  to  them 
to  designate  the  time  he  would  be  more  sure  of  their  presence. 
—  €ts  ■r^]v  ^fviav,  unto  liis  lodging.  The  term  implies  (Hesych.) 
that  it  was  a  place  where  he  was  entertained  as  a  guest  (comp. 
Philem.  22) ;  and  those  critics  are  right  who  distinguish  it  from 
the  "liired  house"  mentioned  in  v.  30.  The  apostle,  at  first, 
as  would  be  natural,  was  received  into  some  one  of  the  Chris- 
tian families  at  Rome ;  but  after  a  time,  for  the  sake  of  greater 
convenience  or  independence,  he  removed  to  apartments  which 
would  be  more  entirely  subject  to  his  own  control.  That  Aquila 
(Rom.  IG,  3)  became  his  host  again  as  he  had  been  at  Corinth 
(18,  3)  is  not  impossible.  —  TrXetWes,  more  than  on  the  former  oc- 
casion. —  ttelScov  ....  'Irjo-ov,  i.  e.  and  persuading  them  of  the  tJdngs 
concerning  Jesus.  For  the  double  accusative,  see  on  19,  8.  Here, 
too,  the  act  of  tlie  participle  refers  to  the  speaker's  aim  or  object, 
without  including  the  result.  It  may  be  inferred  from  what  fol- 
lows, that  the  greater  part  of  those  whom  Paul  addressed  with- 
stood his  efforts  to  win  them  to  the  truth ;  comp.  v.  25. 

V.  24.  ot  jxiv  and  01  Se  distribute  the  Jcavs  into  opposite  par- 
ties. The  proportion  which  the  convinced  bore  to  the  unbeliev- 
ing we  must  gather  from  the  drift  of  the  narrative. 

V.  25.  acrvfxcfxtivoi  Se  o^res  Trpo?  o-Wt^Xov?,  And  being  discordant 
among  one  another.  This  variance  they  may  be  supposed  to  have 
evinced  by  an  open  declaration  of  their  different  views,  by  the 


460  COMMENTARY.  Cuap.  XXVIII,  26-30, 

expression  of  dissent  and  objection  on  the  part  of  those  who  dis- 
beUeved.  —  cittovtos  tov  Ilat'Aov  py/j-a-  eV,  Paul  Jiaving  said  one  word, 
at  the  time  of  their  de})arture  (De  Wet.)  ;  not  as  the  occasion  of 
it  (Mey.).  It  was  owe  final,  significant  word,  as  opposed  to  many 
words ;  comp.  Luke  20,  3.  —  Stu.  'Ho-atov,  through  Isaiah.  See  on 
2,  16. 

V.  26.  Xe'yov,  viz.  Isa.  6,  9  sq.,  cited  according  to  the  Seventy. 
The  passage  is  quoted  also  in  Matt.  13,  14  sq.  and  John  12,  40. — 
For  the  Hebraistic  aKofi  dKoiVere,  see  the  note  on  4,  17.  —  ov  fx-rj 
oTJv^rc  may  express  the  future  result  with  more  certainty  than  the 
future  indicative.  See  on  13,  41.  —  For  /SXeTrovTcs  /JAe'i/'crc,  see  on 
7,  34. 

V.  28.  ovv,  therefore,  i.  e.  since  they  are  so  hardened  and  in- 
corrigible. —  on  ...  .  awT-qpLov,  that  to  the  Gentiles  the  salvation  was 
sent,  i.  e.  by  God  in  the  coming  of  the  apostle  to  Rome.  —  avroC, 
they  (emphatic),  although  they  are  heathen.  —  koI  aKova-ovTat,  also 
will  hear  it,  viz.  the  message  of  this  salvation.  The  object  of  the 
verb  is  implied  in  aTreo-TaXT;.  Kat  connects  the  reception  with  the 
offer  of  the  gospel.  —  Our  eyes  trace  here  the  last  words  in 
Luke's  record,  wliich  fell  from  the  lips  of  Paul.  It  is  remarkable 
that  they  are  precisely  such  words.  The  apostle  of  the  Gentiles 
points  again  to  his  commission  to  preach  to  all  nations,  and  de- 
clares that  the  heathen,  to  whom  he  was  sent  shaU  accept  the 
Saviour  whom  the  Jews  disowned. 

V.  29.  This  verse  in  the  common  text  repeats  what  has  been 
said  in  the  eighteenth  verse.  It  appears  to  be  not  genuine.  Its 
principal  witnesses  are  G  H,  the  Ethiopic,  and  some  of  the 
later  fathers.  It  is  wanting  in  ABE,  the  Syriac,  and  the  best 
Latin  authorities.  Leading  critics,  as  Mill,  Laehmann,  Tischen- 
dorf,  Green,  reject  the  verse. 

Verses  30.  31.     The  Conditimi  of  the  Apostle  during  his  Captivity. 

V.  30.  t/x€ivc  8i€Ttar  oXrjv,  remained  tico  tvhole  years,  i.  e.  in  the 
state  mentioned,  with  the  evident  implication  that  at  the  end  of 
that  time  his  condition  changed.  Some  critics  deny  the  correct- 
ness of  this  inference ;  but  the  better  opinion  affirms  it.  Had 
the  apostle  been  still  in  confinement,  the  Avriter  would  have  era- 
ployed  more  naturally  the  present  tense  or  the  perfect  {remains 
or  has  remained)  instead  of  the  aorist.  The  reader's  conclusion 
is,  that  the  two  years  completed  the  term  of  the  apostle's  cap- 
tivity, and  that  when  Luke  penned  the  sentence,  the  prisoner 
was  either  at  Hberty  or  else  was  no  longer  living.     Lckcbusch 


Chap.  XXVIII,  30.  31.         COMMENTARY.  461 

(p.  415)  pronounces  this  view  an  inevitable  one.  See  on  next 
verse.  —  The  Stcrtav  oXr/v  would  bring  the  narrative  down  to  A.  D. 
64.  Some  months  lay  between  the  commencement  of  this  year 
and  the  outbreak  of  Nero's  persecution.  See  Introd.,  p.  27.  — 
€v  iSto)  ix.LcrBoifx.aTi,  in  his  oivn  hired  house,  i.  e.  hired  at  his  own  ex- 
pense. In  the  bosom  of  a  Christian  church,  the  apostle  could 
not  have  been  destitute  of  the  means  of  providing  for  such  an 
expense.  We  learn,  also,  from  Phil.  4,  14.  18,  that  during  this 
captivity  Paul  received  supplies  from  the  church  at  Philippi.  — 
aTTthix^To,  in  its  special  sense,  received  gladly,  because  it  afforded 
him  such  joy  to  preach  the  Gospel;  comp.  15,  4;  18,  27. 

V.  31.  StSacr/cwv,  sc.  avroi's.  The  construction  is  similar  to  that 
in  v.  23.  —  d/<(oXi;Tw?,  without  molestation  on  the  part  of  the  Roman 
government.^  According  to  the  Roman  laws,  a  citizen  under 
arrest,  in  ordinary  cases,  could  give  security  or  bail,  and  thus 
enjoy  his  personal  liberty  until  he  was  brought  to  trial.  The 
freedom  granted  to  Paul  was  so  ample,  that  one  might  almost 
suppose  that  he  was  permitted  to  exercise  that  right ;  but  it  is 
rendered  certain  by  Phil.  1,  13.  16,  that  he  continued  to  be 
guarded  by  a  Roman  soldier.  —  Among  the  friends  with  Paul 
during  this  confinement  who  have  been  mentioned  in  our  narra- 
tive, were  Luke,  Timothy,  Epaphras,  Mark,  Aristarchus,  and 
Tychicus.     The  interruption  of  his  personal  intercourse  with  the 

1  Agrippa  the  First  was  imprisoned  in  early  life,  at  Rome.  The  account  of 
his  captivity  confirms  so  entirely  Luke's  account  of  the  manner  in  which  Paul 
was  treated  as  a  Roman  prisoner,  (so  unlike  our  modern  usages,)  that  it  may  not 
be  amiss  to  mention  some  of  the  circumstances.  We  obtain  the  information 
from  Josephus  (Antt.  18.  6.  5  sq.).  Agrippa,  on  being  arrested,  was  committed 
to  Macro,  the  prretorian  prefect,  and  confined  in  the  pra;torian  camp.  He  was 
there  kept  under  a  guard  of  soldiers,  to  one  of  whom  he  was  chained  (called  his 
o-wSerds).  A  particular  centurion  had  the  oversight  of  the  prisoner  and  the  sol- 
diers who  guarded  him.  But  the  condition  of  those  confined  in  this  manner  de- 
pended very  much  on  the  character  of  those  who  had  the  immediate  charge  of 
them.  The  soldiers  who  watched  Agrippa  treated  him,  at  first,  with  great  sever- 
ity. Hence  Antonia,  a  sister-in-law  of  Til)erius  and  a  friend  of  Agrippa,  inter- 
ceded with  Macro  and  induced  him  to  appoint  a  guard  known  to  be  of  a  milder 
disposition.  The  situation  of  Agrippa  was  now  improved.  His  friends  wlio  had 
been  excluded  from  him,  were  permitted  to  visit  him  and  to  supply  his  necessary 
wants  (comp.  24,  23).  But  during  this  time,  about  six  months,  he  was  still  con- 
fined in  the  praetorian  camp.  On  the  death  of  Tiberius  the  mode  of  his  cap- 
tivity was  changed  again.  Caligula  ordered  him  to  be  removed  from  the  pristo- 
rium  to  the  house  which  he  had  occupied  before  he  was  bound.  Here  be  was 
still  guarded  as  a  prisoner,  but  was  subject  to  so  much  less  restraint  that  his  con- 
dition was  one  of  comparative  liberty.  His  captivity,  in  this  last  form  of  it,  was 
doubtless  like  that  of  Paul  during  the  two  years  that  he  "  dwelt  in  his  own  hired 
house  "  at  Rome. 


462  COMMENTARY.  Chap.  XXVIII,  31. 

churches  caused  the  apostle  to  address  them  by  letter,  and  thus 
the  restraint  on  his  liberty  proved  the  means  of  opening  to  him  a 
sphere  of  activity,  which  has  given  him  access  to  all  nations, 
which  makes  him  the  contemporary  of  every  age.  As  nearly  all 
critics  allow,  he  wrote  during  this  captivity  his  E[)istles  to  the 
Ephesians,  the  Colossians,  the  Philippians,  and  Philemon.  —  It 
must  suffice  to  allude  merely  to  the  subsequent  history  of  the 
great  apostle.  I  cannot  hesitate  to  agree  wilh  those  who  believe 
that  Paul  on  being  brought  to  trial  under  his  appeal  to  the  empe- 
ror was  acquitted,  and,  casting  aside  his  chains,  went  forth  to  la- 
bor again  for  the  spread  of  the  gospel.  We  see  from  his  letters 
written  while  he  was  a  captive  that  he  was  expectmg  to  regain 
his  liberty.  See,  for  example,  Phil.  1,  25 ;  2,  23.  24 ;  Philera.  v. 
22.  Even  if  Paul  entertained  this  belief  as  a  matter  of  judg- 
ment merely,  and  not  in  the  exercise  of  a  faith  warranted  by  a 
special  revelation,  we  must  allow  at  all  events  that  he  had  good 
means  for  forming  a  correct  opinion  of  his  prospects,  and  should 
be  supposed,  therefore,  to  have  realized  his  hope,  and  not  to  have 
been  condemned,  contrary  to  such  manifest  intimations  of  a  dif- 
ferent result.  The  journeys  and  labors  indicated  in  the  Pastoral 
Epistles  make  the  supposition  of  an  interval  between  a  first  and 
second  imprisonment  important  if  not  indispensable  as  a  means 
of  reconciling  Luke's  account  with  this  part  of  the  apostle's  cor- 
respondence. The  facts  mentioned  in  the  letters  to  Titus  and 
Timothy  have  no  natural  place  in  the  portion  of  Paul's  history 
recorded  in  the  Acts.  The  style,  too,  and  the  circle  of  ideas  iu 
these  Epistles  indicate  a  later  period  in  the  life  of  the  writer  and 
in  the  progress  of  the  churches,  than  that  of  the  conclusion  of 
Luke's  narrative.  Finahy,  the  historical  testimony,  as  derived 
from  the  earliest  sources,  asserts  a  second  Roman  captivity  in  the 
most  explicit  manner.  Clemens,  the  disciple  and  companion  of 
Paul,  affirms  that  the  apostle  before  his  martyrdom  travelled  "  to 
the  boundary  of  the  West,"  an  expression  which  the  Roman  wri- 
ters in  that  age  applied  to  the  Trans- Alpine  countries  ;  and  the 
Canon  of  Muratori  (A.  D.  170)  represents  "  a  journey  into  Spain," 
as  a  well-known  event  in  Paul's  history.  Eusebius  states  the 
common  belief  of  the  early  churches,  in  these  words :  "  Afler 
defending  himself  successfully  it  is  currently  reported  that  the 
apostle  again  went  forth  to  proclaim  the  gospel,  and  afterwards 
came  to  Rome  a  second  time,  and  was  martyred  under  Nero."  — 
Hints  in  the  Epistles  and  traditions  supjily  all  that  is  known  or 
conjectured  respecting  this  last  stage  of  the  apostle's  ministry. 
It  is  supposed,  that  on  being  liberated  (writers  do  not  agree  as  to 


Chap.  XXVin,  31.  COMMENTARY.  463 

the  precise  order),  he  visited  again  parts  of  Asia  Minor  and 
Greece ;  went  to  Crete  and  founded  or  more  probably  strength- 
ened the  churches  there  ;  made  his  long-contemplated  journey  to 
Spain ;  wrote  his  First  Epistle  to  Timothy,  and  his  Epistle  to 
Titus ;  after  several  years  of  effective  labor,  was  apprehended  again 
as  a  leader  of  the  Christian  sect;  was  brought  a  second  time  as  a 
prisoner  of  Clu-ist'to  Rome;  was  tried  there  and  condemned  to 
suffer  death.  His  Roman  citizenship  exempted  him  from  the 
ignominy  of  crucifixion,  and  hence,  according  to  the  universal  tra- 
dition, he  was  beheaded  by  the  axe  of  the  lictor.  The  same  tes- 
timony places  his  martyrdom  in  the  year  A.  D.  68,  the  last  year 
of  Nero's  reign.  It  was  in  the  daily  expectation  of  this  event 
that  he  wrote  the  last  of  liis  Epistles,  the  second  to  Timothy.  It 
is  in  that  Epistle,  written  as  the  aged  servant  of  Christ  looked 
back  to  his  trials  all  surmounted,  forward  to  the  hour  when  he 
should  soon  "be  forever  with  the  Lord,"  yet  amid  his  own  joy 
still  mindful  of  the  welfare  of  others,  that  we  hear  his  exultant 
voice  :  "  I  am  now  ready  to  be  offered,  and  the  tune  of  my  de- 
parture is  at  hand.  I  have  fought  a  good  fight,  I  have  finished 
my  course,  I  have  kept  the  faith.  Henceforth  there  is  laid  up 
for  me  a  crown  of  righteousness,  which  the  Lord,  the  righteous 
judge,  shall  give  me  at  that  day ;  and  not  to  me  only,  but  unto 
all  them  also  that  love  his  appearing." 


ABBREVIATIONS. 


NAMES   OF  WRITERS   ABBREVIATED   IN   THE  NOTES. 

The  works  of  those  referred  to  In  the  following  list  are  mostly  Commen- 
taries, and  may  be  presumed  to  be  well  known.  The  titles  of  some  of  those 
which  are  less  common  have  been  given  at  the  foot  of  the  page  where  they 
occur  for  the  first  time. 


Alf. 

Alford. 

Hnr. 

Heinrichs. 

Ang. 

Anger. 

Hws. 

Howson. 

Bez. 

Beza. 

Krug. 

Kriiger. 

BImf. 

Bloomfield. 

Kuin. 

Kuinoel. 

Bmg. 

Baumgarten. 

Kyp. 

Kypke. 

Bng. 

Bengel. 

Lchm. 

Lachmann. 

Bottg. 

Bottger. 

Light. 

Lightfoot. 

Bretsch. 

Bretschneider. 

Lng. 

Lange. 

Brud. 

Bruder. 

Mey. 

Meyer. 

Calv. 

Calvin. 

Neand. 

Neander. 

Chryst. 

Chrysostom. 

Olsh. 

Olshausen. 

De  Wet. 

De  Wette. 

Eaph. 

Raphael. 

Doddr. 

Doddridge. 

Kob. 

Robinson 

Ebr. 

Ebrard. 

Schottg. 

Schottgen. 

Forbg. 

Forbiger. 

Str. 

Stier. 

Frtz. 

Fritzsche. 

Suid. 

Suidas. 

Gesen. 

Gesenius. 

Thol. 

Tholuck. 

Grot. 

Grotius. 

Tsch. 

Tischendorf. 

Grsb. 

Griesbach. 

Vitr. 

Vitringa. 

Hems. 

Hemsen. 

Wetst. 

Wetstein. 

Heng. 

Hengstenberg. 

Wdsth. 

Wordsworth. 

Hertz. 

Hertzog. 

Whl. 

Wahl. 

Hesych. 

Hesychius. 

Wiesl. 

Wieseler. 

Hmph. 

Humphry. 

Win. 

TN  iner. 

OTHER   ABBREVIATIONS. 

Cranm.    Cranmer's  Version  of  N.  T.  T.  R.       Received  Greek  Text. 

E.  V.       Common  English  Version.  "^ulg.       Vulgate  N.  Testament. 

Genv.       Geneva  Version.  WIcl.        Wiclif's  Version. 

Tynd.       Tyndale's  Version. 

59 


INDEX   I 


The  following  Index  is  intended  to  exhibit  the  contents  of  the  Notes  as  distin- 
guished for  the  most  part  from  the  contents  of  the  History. 


Abraham,  not  tlie  oldest  son  of  Terah, 
125. 

Aceldama,  45. 

Achaia,  how  applied  by  Luke,  296  ;  inter- 
changed with  Hellas,  327. 

Acropolis  of  Athens  and  Corinth,  296. 

Acts  of  the  Apostles,  by  whom  written,  1 1 
sq.;  authenticity  of  the  book,  16  sq. ;  its 
object  and  plan,  19  sq. ;  when  and  wiiere 
written,  20  sq. ;  why  closed  so  abruptly, 
21  sq. ;  its  relation  to  Luke's  Gospel,  33. 

Adramyttium,  its  situation  and  its  present 
state,  410. 

Adriatic,  liow  extensively  applied,  434. 

Agalms,  193,  349. 

Agrippa  the  First,  year  of  his  death,  23  ; 
his  family,  195;  his  character,  196; 
cii'cumstances  of  his  death,  202  sq. ; 
account  of  his  imprisonment  at  Rome, 
461. 

Agrippa  the  Second,  his  history,  392  sq.; 
object  of  his  visit  to  Caesarea,  393; 
turns  off  Paul's  appeal  with  a  jest,  407. 

Ain  Haniyeh,  Philip's  fountain,  157. 

Akerman,  Numismatic  Illustrations,  174, 
275. 

Alcka,  348. 

Alexander,  of  whom  the  apologist,  321. 

Alexandrian  corn-ships,  452. 

Alms-distributors,  cause  of  their  appoint- 
ment, 114;  not  called  deacons,  116. 

Amphipolis,  on  tlie  military  road  through 
the  north  of  Greece,  271. 

Ananias,  nature  of  his  crime,  99 ;  why 
punished  with  such  severity,  102. 

Ananias,  (higli-])ricst,)  to  be  distinguished 
firora  Annas,  370 ;  was  tlic  actual  high- 
priest,  370. 

Andriaca,  port  of  MjTa,  414. 

Angels,  import  of  their  address  in  1,  11 


obscure,  39  sq. ;  gave  the  law,  142 ; 
were  supposed  to  be  the  guardians  of 
men,  200. 

Anointing,  its  import  as  a  symbol,  95. 

Antioch  in  Syria,  by  whom  built,  the 
seat  of  missionary  operations,  190;  its 
liarbor,  206  sq. ;  visited  by  Paul  four 
times,  306. 

Antioch  in  Pisidia,  on  the  central  table- 
land of  Asia  Minor,  213  ;  discourse  of 
Paul  in  the  synagogue,  213  sq. ;  may 
have  been  visited  on  the  apostle's  sec- 
ond missionary  tour,  254. 

Antipatris,  supposed  to  be  the  modern 
Kefr  Saba,  378 ;  night  journey  thither, 
379. 

Antonia,  castle  of,  357 ;  Paul's  speech 
from  the  stairs,  361  sq. 

Aorist,  peculiar  form,  63 ;  mistranslated 
often,  93,136,395;  epistolary  use,  378. 

Apollonia,  on  the  way  from  Philippi  to 
Thessalonica,  271. 

Apollos,  at  Ephesus,  306 ;  his  talents,  307 ; 
at  Corinth,  308. 

Aposiopesis,  instances  of,  373. 

Apostates,  how  treated  by  the  Jews,  370, 
375. 

Apostles,  what  was  necessary  to  tlieir  of- 
fice, 36,  38  ;  main  point  of  their  testi- 
mony, 47  ;  not  limited  to  twelve,  50 ; 
were  not  ignorant  tliat  the  gospel  was 
to  be  preached  to  the  heathen,  69 ;  re- 
linquished the  Jewish  rites  by  degrees, 
74 ;  acknowledged  a  higher  law  tiian 
that  of  men,  92,  107,  sq.,  264 ;  did  not 
insist  on  a  community  of  goods,  99 ; 
were  empowered  to  confer  the  Sjiirit, 
149 ;  aimed  in  their  missionary  policy 
to  secure  the  chief  towns,  254,  296 ; 
how  far  tliey  were  infallible,  419. 

Appeal  }udk-\a\,  how  limited,  392. 

Appian  Way,  454. 


468 


INDEX. 


Appii  Forum,  454. 

Appointed  unto  life,  224. 

Aquila,  where  he  was  converted,  296  ; 
his  frequent  cliange  of  residence,  296  ; 
why  mentioned  after  Priscilhi,  303  ;  his 
connection  with  Apollos,  307. 

Airtmaean,  45,  360. 

Aratus,  a  poet,  293. 

Areiopagus,  in  what  part  of  Athens,  2C9 
sq. ;  Paul  not  tried  before  the  court  of 
this  name,  280;  outline  of  his  speech 
there,  282  sq. 

Aretas,  took  possession  of  Damascus,  22 
sq. ;  assisted  the  Jews  to  capture  Paul, 
168. 

Aristarchns  accompanied  Paul  to  Jerusa- 
lem, 328;  in  what  sense  his  "fellow- 
prisoner,"  411. 

Artemon,  what  sail  intended,  442  ;  its  ef- 
fect on  a  vessel,  442. 

Article,  with  projjcr  names,  35  ;  before 
partitives,  104  ;  Middleton's  rale,  150; 
force  of,  85,  1 87,  387,  455  ;  disregarded 
in  E.  v.,  173,  187  ;  for  the  pronoun, 
293  ;  wrong  in  E.  V.,  397,  399. 

Aslidod,  its  ])resent  site,  159. 

Asia,  how  much  it  included,  in  the  Acts, 
55 ;  rapid  extension  of  the  gospel  there, 
312;  may  denote  Asia  Minor,  410. 

Asiarchs,  their  office,  and  occasion  of 
their  friendslii|)  for  Paul,  320. 

Assos,  its  situation,  332 ;  why  Paul  went 
thither  on  foot,  333. 

Asti-olocji/,  among  the  Orientals,  208. 

Athens,  how  far  from  Bera;a,  276  ;  extent 
of  its  idolatry,  277  ;  had  but  one  agora, 
277;  character  of  its  inhabitants,  278 
sq. ;  origin  of  its  altar  "  to  an  un- 
known god,"  286  sq. ;  visited  by  the 
apostle  but  once,  295. 

Attaleia,  distance  from  Perga,  212;  its 
site  described  by  Beaufoit,  237. 

Awjustun  cohort,  409. 


Bdhrs  Symbolik,  95. 

Baptism,'  administered  in  the  name  of 
Cluist,  68  ;  that  of  Cornelius  and  otiicr 
hcatlicn,  187;  that  of  Lydia  and  lier 
household,  259  stj. ;  how  it  was  \wy- 
formed  in  the  jail  at  Philippi,  268; 
words  relating  to,  268 ;  liow  that  of 
John  differed  from  that  of  the  apos- 
tles, 307  ;  was  repeated  in  the  case  of 
certain  disciples  at  Ephesus,  310  sq. ; 
mode  of,  364  ;  was  the  sign  of  repent- 
ance and  faith,  364. 

Bnrhitrian,  how  aj)plied,  445. 

Barniihas,  signitit'ation  of  his  name,  98  ; 

.  his  influence  at  Jcrasalem,  169;  his  in- 
terview with  Paul  at  Tarsus,  1 92 :  ac- 


companies the  apostle  in  his  first  mis- 
sionary tour,  204  ;  why  he  was  called 
Jupiter  at  J.ystra,  230  ;"  went  as  a  dele- 
gate to  Jerusalem,  238  sq. ;  his  disa- 
greement with  Paul,  and  their  subse- 
quent relations  to  each  other,  251 ;  the 
letter  ascribed  to  him  not  genuine,  251. 

Baths  of  Nero,  452. 

Baumgarten,  his  theory  of  the  design  of 
the  Acts,  34. 

Bernice,  facts  in  her  history,  393. 

Bera!a,  its  distance  from  Thessalonica, 
on  what  I'iver,  present  name,  275. 

Bethany,  the  scene  of  the  Ascension,  40 

Beth-horon,  378. 

Btthzur,  fountain  there,  157. 

Birks,  his  Ilorae  Apostolicae,  363. 

Bisroe,  on  the  Acts,  131. 

Bishops,  the  same  as  presbyters,  236. 

Bithynia,  not  entered  by  Paul,  254 ;  the 
persecution  there  under  Trajan,  401. 

Blasphemy,  118. 

Blunt,  his  Undesigned  Coincidences,  etc., 
387. 

Boeckh  on  the  mode  of  undergirding  an- 
cient ships,  427. 

Body,  with  which  Christ  rose,  36,  163. 

Bolingbroke,  remark  of,  156. 

Brethren,  in  what  sense,  166  ;  how  con- 
structed, 217  ;  conciliatory  use,  78, 135, 
362,  456. 

Burial,  liastencd  in  the  East,  101, 

Burrus,  prefect  at  Rome,  455. 


c. 


Ccesarca,  its  importance  in  Jewish  history, 

159  ;  the  seajjort  of  Judea,  305;  how 

often  Paul  was  there,  348. 
Calf,  why  worshipped   by  the  Hebrews, 

138. 
Canal,  through  the  Pontine  Marshes,  454. 
Candace,  mentioned  in  the  classics,  154; 

the  name  of  a  dynasty,  154. 
Candor  of  the  sacred  writers,   185   sq., 

301,  394. 
Canon  of  Muratori,  462. 
Capenian  (late,  454. 
Cajitain  of  the  temple,  85. 
Cajitirity,  Paul's  second  at  Rome,  462. 
Cnpua,  how  far  fiom  Rome,  4.53. 
(Airriage,  sense  of  in  N.  T.,  350. 
Castor  and  Pollux,  name  of  a  ship,  451, 

453. 
Cnyster,  a  river,  304. 
CVmfim/,.  signirti-ation  of  tlic  word,  145; 

Hrst  used  by  Christians,  145. 
Centurions,  always  mentioned  favorably, 

175. 
Chains,  how  fastened  to  prisoners,  197. 
Charran,  in  Mesopotamia,  124. 


INDEX. 


469 


Cliios,  an  island  in  the  jEgean,  333. 
Chrestus,  an   instigator   of  the  Jews   at 

Rome,  297. 
Christ  made  his  resurrection  certain  to  his 
disciples,  35  ;  was  omniscient,  48 ;  in 
what  capacity  he  reigns  as  Mediator, 
67  ;  miracles  were  wronght  in  his  name, 
75,  89,  174;  is  the  author  of  natural 
and  spiritual  life,  77  ;  his  final  coming 
described  as  near,  because  near  to  i 
true  Christian  consciousness,  80  sq. 
was  worshipped  by  the  first  disciples 
145,  165,  180;  is  the  final  Judge  of 
men,  186,  294;  fulfilled  the  prophe 
cies,  216,  272  ;  was  destined  to  sutler, 
405. 

Chios,  now  Scio,  333. 

Cicero,   his  letters,  304,  454, 

Cilta  Vecchia,  in  Malta,  448. 

Christians,  origin  and  import  of  the  name, 
192  sq. 

Chronology,  why  that  of  the  Acts  still  dif- 
ficult," 22 ;  dates  that  may  be  estab- 
lished, 22  sq.  ;  computed  by  the  Jews 
in  different  ways,  127  ;  on  what  prin- 
ciple we  are  to  judge  of  the  accuracy 
of  chronological  designations,  214  sq. 

Cilicia,  why  named  always  after  Syria, 
170. 

Citizenship  Roman,  immunities  which  it 
secured,  269  ;  seldom  claimed  falsely, 
367  ;  how  acquired  by  foreigners,  368. 

Claude,  now  Gozzo,  425  ;  distance  from 
the  point  of  Koura,  435. 

Claudius,  the  famine  in  his  reign,  194; 
his  banishment  of  the  Jews,  296  ;  re- 
stored Achaia  to  the  Senate,  301. 

Clemens,  his  letter,  462. 

Cleri/i/,  origin  of  the  term,  43. 

Climate  in  Palestine,  106. 

Cnidos,  name  of  a  town  and  promontory, 
416  ;  ruins  which  exist  there,  416. 

Coincidences  between  the  Acts  and  the 
Epistles,  227,  232,  2.34  sq.,  247,315, 
316,  326,  337,  338,  339,  340,  341.  365, 
385  ;  between  the  Acts  and  Josephus, 
111,  124,  181,  196,  202,  373,  381,  387, 
388,  389,  409 ;  between  the  Acts  and 
Philo,  124,  143,  375  ;  between  the  Acts 
and  the  classical  writers,  154,  209,  259, 
269,  277,  282,  285  sq.,  296  sq.,  300  sq., 
312,  388,  395  sq.,  407. 

Coins  still  extant,  of  Cyprus,  209  ;  of 
rhilippi,  258  ;  of  Bcrcea",  275  ;  of  Ephe- 
sus,  322, 323  ;  of  Tarsus,  360 ;  of  Ad- 
ramyttium,  410. 

Coleridge,  his  singular  opinion,  445. 

Colonnade  at  Damascus,  164, 

Colosse,  whether  visited  by  Paul,  255. 

Cominq,  final  of  Christ,  40,  81 ;  when  ex- 
jiected,  82. 

Coniuinuiou,  when  first  used  of  the  Lord's 
Supper,  71.  | 


Community  of  goods,  in  the  first  church, 
96,  sq. 

Conspiracy  against  Paul,  374. 

Copenhagen,  battle  of,  436. 

Corinth,  how  far  distant  from  Athens, 
276  ;  liow  long  Paul  remained  there, 
300;  made  a  second  journey  thither 
which  is  not  recorded,  325 ;  his  third 
journey,  326. 

Corinthians,  Epistle  to,  315,  326. 

Cornelius,  not  a  Jewish  proselyte,  175  ; 
nature  of  the  homage  which  he  offered 
to  Peter,  179  ;  time  of  his  conversion, 
189;  in  what  sense  he  was  the  first 
convert  from  heathenism,  241. 

Cos  or  Co,  its  situation,  344 ;  why  now 
called  Stanchio,  345. 

Council  at  Jerusalem,  241 . 

Council  of  Trent,  decree  of,  311. 

Crete,  417  ;  has  good  harbors  on  the  north 
side,  417. 

Crispus,  bishop  of  ^gina,  299. 

Custodia  libera,  389. 

Cydnus,  a  river,  170. 

Cyprus,  visited  by  Paul  on  his  first  tour, 
207  ;  traversed  by  a  good  road,  209  ; 
governed  by  a  proconsul,  209  ;  left  to 
the  windward  on  Paul's  voyage  to 
Rome,  412  sq. 


Damascus,  its  situation,  160;  labors  of 
Paul  there,  167. 

David,  his  tomb,  65 ;  was  inspired,  67  ; 
would  build  the  temple,  141. 

Daridson,  his  Introduction  to  the  New 
Testament  cited,  13, 17,131 ;  his  Lect- 
ures on  Biblical  Criticism,  339. 

Day,  commenced  early  in  the  East,  106. 

Death,  as  viewed  by  Christians,  145. 

Demhra,  modern  name  of  Myra,  414. 

Demetrius,  his  occupation,  317  ;  his  artful 
speech,  319. 

Demons,  their  testimony  to  Christ,  147. 

Derbe,  near  tiie  base  of  tlie  Black  Moun- 
tain, 228  ;  remarkable  ruins  still  found 
there,  228  ;  why  not  mentioned  in  the 
Second  Epistle  to  Timothy,  234  ;  why 
named  before  Lystra,  252. 

Diana,  use  made  of  her  shrines,  317; 
how  extensively  worshipped,  319;  re- 
peating her  name  a  religious  act,  321  ; 
tradition  as  to  the  origin  of  her  image, 
323. 

Dioscuri,  an  image  and  a  name,  451. 

Disjiolitans,  an  Egyptian  dynasty,  132. 

Dominus,  its  Roman  use,  396. 

Drachm,  Attic,  its  value,  315. 

Drusilla,  her  family,  and  facts  in  her  his- 
tory, 387. 

Dust  tin-own  into  the  air,  366. 

Duumviri,  449. 


470 


INDEX. 


Egyptian  impostor,  referred  to  by  Lysias, 
359  ;  liow  Luke's  account  of  him  may 
be  reconciled  with  that  of  Josephus, 
359  sq. 

EgypfiuH  historij  obscure,  132. 

Elam  or  Eknnais,  M'here  situated,  55. 

Ekh-rs.     See  Pnshyters. 

Elyinas,  the  Ma<,dan,  introduced  so  as 
to  present  a  true  picture  of  the  times, 
20fc>;  ori<;in  of  his  name,  210. 

Ephesus,  Paul's  first  visit  tiiere,  804  ;  his 
return,  309 ;  residence  of  the  proconsul, 
323. 

Epicureans,  the  "  minute  ]ihiIoso])liers  of 
their  day,"  278  ;  their  i>riiiiiiiles,  278. 

Epistles  of  Paul,  when  and  where  written  : 
tliose  wliicli  lie  sent  from  Rome,  30, 462 ; 
the  First  and  Second  to  the  Thcssalon- 
ians,303;  that  to  the  Galatians,312  ;  the 
First  to  the  Corinthians,  315  ;  the  Sec- 
ond to  the  Corinthians,  325;  that  to 
the  Romans,  327. 

Ei-astiis,  317. 

Esd„<l,  159. 

Ethiopia,  of  what  country  the  name,  154  ; 
the  fiospel  preached  there  at  an  early 
])erio(l,  158. 

Etliiupian  eunuch,  his  country  and  rank, 
154;  why  he  Avas  reading  the  prophe- 
cies, 155  ;  traditional  scene  of  his  bap- 
tism, 157  ;  his  reputed  name,  158. 

Eucliarist,  how  observed,  71. 

Eunuch,  where  baptzied,  157. 

Eiirocli/don,  424. 

Eutijclius,  whether  restored  to  life,  332. 

Eranf/i'lisf,  ajiplication  of  this  terra,  348. 

Exorcism  at  Ephesus,  313  sq. 


F. 


Faith,  an  act  of  divine  power,  78,  308  ;  its 
j)urifyin;i  efficacy,  242  ;  the  condition 
of  i)ardon,  403 ;  proved  by  the  life, 
404. 

Fair  Havens,  on  the  south  of  Crete,  417  ; 
the  council  held  there,  420. 

Famine,  foretold  by  Agal)us,  193;  how 
extensive,  and  when  it  occuiTcd,  194. 

Felix,  when  recalled  from  office,  24  ;  his 
character,  376,  377,  381  ;  how  lonjr  he 
was  procurator,  382 ;  attempted  to 
bribe  Paul,  388. 

Fclton,  Prof.,  his  opinion  on  a  passage  in 
Airian,  422. 

Ferasches,  their  office,  371. 

Festus,  when  appointed  procurator,  25 ; 
his  character,  389  ;  why  he  wished  to 
send  Paul  to  Jerusalem,  391  ;  why  he 
conferred  with  his  council,  392  ;  Luk 

.  describes  him  in  accordance  with  his- 
tory, 395  sq. 


Forel-nowledpe  of  God,  as  related  to  his 
purpose,  63,  402. 


Gaius,  different  persons  of  tliis  name, 
320,  328. 

Gdlatia,  not  visited  on  Paul's  first  mis- 
sion, 228 ;  when  the  gospel  was  first 
preached  there,  255 ;  why  named  be- 
fore Phrygia,  306. 

Gahtians.  Epistle  to,  312. 

Gall,  of  what  the  figure,  152. 

Gallio,  his  character  correctly  drawn, 
300;  carried  his  impartiality  too  ft\r,  302. 

Gamaliel,  how  described  in  "the  Talmud, 

109  ;  alleged  anachronism  in  his  speech, 

110  sip ;  singular  character  of  lus  ad- 
vice, 112. 

Ganc/as,  a  stream  near  Phili])pi,  257. 

Garlands,  used  in  sacrifice,  231. 

Garrison,  Roman  at  Jerusalem,  357  ; 
Turkish,  358  ;  at  Rome,  455. 

Gate,  the  Beautiful,  its  situation,  74  sq. ; 
Cajjcnian,  through  which  Paul  entered 
Rome,  454  ;  Nomentana,  near  the  pre- 
fect's camp,  455. 

Gates,  Cilician,  234. 

Gaza,  when  destroyed  by  the  Romans, 
1 53 ;  the  roads  which  lead  thither,  1 53  sq. 

Gazith,  hall  of  council,  369. 

Gehenna,  how  understood  by  the  Jews, 
49, 

Geib,  on  Roman  law,  380. 

Genitire  of  relationship,  41. 

Gentiles,  their  accejttance  of  the  gospel 
loretold  by  the  proj)hets,  69,  244. 

Gcsenius,  his  view  of  the  Maltese  lan- 
guage, 446, 

Gift  of  ioni/ues,  how  conferred  on  tiie  day 
of  Pentecost,  51  ;  object  of  the  endow- 
ment, 52  ;  the  miracle  un(|uestionablc, 
53;   why  described  so  concisely,  187. 

Gphna,  378. 

Gospel,  universality  of  its  design,  184; 
first  preached  to  the  hcaihen,  191  ; 
characterized  as  a  system  of  grace,  223  ; 
why  subverted  by  the  Jewish  attach- 
ment to  circumcision,  239. 

Gozzo,  an  island,  425. 

Green,  his  Developed  Criticism,  95. 

Greek  Lamjuaije,  used  with  great  purity 
by  Luke,  14;  spoken  extensively  in 
Palestine,  123  ;  furnished  a  medium  of 
intercoui-se  between  different  nations, 
230,  359. 

Grotto  del  Cane,  452. 


Hades,  personified,  65. 
llaliaemon,  a  river  at  whose  mouth  Paul 
embarked  for  Athens,  276. 


INDEX. 


471 


Harvest,  when  ripe  in  Egypt,  415. 

Hauran,  east  of  the  Jordan,  160. 

Heathen,  described  as  those  "afiir  off," 
69 ;  have  sufficient  light  to  create  obli- 
gation, 232,  292  ;  acknowledged  blind- 
ly the  existence  of  God,  288  ;  have  no 
excuse  for  their  idolatry,  292 ;  must 
repent  to  be  prepared  for  the  judgment, 
293. 

Heathenism,  its  immorality,  245. 

Hebraisms,  39,  40,  83,  99,  108,  134,  136, 
137,  165,  244,  etc. 

Hebrews,  Epistle  to,  30. 

Hebron,  whether  confounded  by  Stephen 
with  Sychem,  131. 

Hellenists,  how  distinguished  from  Greeks, 
114,  191  ;  why  Paul  labored  specially 
for  them,  169. 

Herod  Antipas,  his  war  with  Aretas,  22  ; 
his  exile  on  the  banks  of  the  Ehone, 
205. 

Hess,  his  History  of  the  Apostles,  54. 

Holy  Spirit,  why  expressed  often  without 
tlie  article,  35 ;  inspired  those  who 
wrote  the  Scriptures,  43 ;  his  agency 
characteristic  of  the  new  economy,  60 ; 
bestowed  on  the  apostles,  96,  99  ;  re- 
sisted by  the  Jews,  142  ;  in  what  sense 
unknown  to  John's  disciples,  309  ;  qual- 
ified religious  teachers  for  their  office, 
253,  339 ;  peculiar  sphere  of  in  Acts, 
255. 

fibrace,  quoted,  349,  427,  451. 

Horeb,  why  interchanged  with  Sinai  as  an 
equivalent  designation,  135. 

Humiliation  of  Christ,  156. 

Hnmphrey,  his  Commentary  on  the  Acts, 
34. 

Hupfeld,  on  the  prevalence  of  the  He- 
brew language,  445. 


Iconium,  how  far  from  Antioch,  226 ;  de- 
scribed by  Leake,  226. 

Illiterate  in  the  Jewish  sense,  91. 

llli/riciim,  when  visited  by  Paul,  326. 

Iii'ipi  ratine,  dehortatory  use,  145,  178. 

Impliirium  in  ancient  houses,  268. 

Indich,  name  of  the  Eunuch,  158. 

Infant  Baptism,  founded  on  no  sure  proof- 
text  in  N.  T.,  260 ;  opinion  of  schol- 
ars concerning,  259  sq. ;  confessed  to 
be  not  scriptural,  260. 

Infinitive,  as  used  with  the  article,  74 
not  pleonastic,  75 ;  how  constructed, 
327. 

Inscriptions  that  corroborate  Luke's  his- 
tory:  one  given  by  Gruter,  174;  one 
found  at  Thyatira,  259 ;  two  in  Malta 
449. 

Italian  cohort,  why  so  named,  1 74 ;  why 


stationed  at   Cresarea,  175;   may 
identical  with  the  Augustan,  409  sq. 


Jacob,  where  buried,  130;  the  number  of 
his  family  on  his  descent  into  Egypt, 
1 29  sq. ;  his  bridge  over  the  Jordan, 
160. 

Jailor  at  Philippi,  how  we  may  view  the 
circumstances  of  his  conversion,  266  sq. 

James  the  Elder,  196. 

James  the  Younger,  pastor  at  Jerusalem, 
351  ;  his  advice  to  Paul,  353. 

Jerusalem,  destruction  of,  a  type,  61 ;  how 
often  visited  by  Paul  after  his  conver- 
sion, 305,  350  sq. ;  why  supposed  to  be 
his  proper  field  of  labor,  365. 

Jest,  that  of  Agrippa,  407. 

Jews,  desired  to  die  at  Jerusalem,  53 ; 
could  not  inflict  capital  punishment, 
144;  numerous  in  Cyprus,  207;  way 
in  which  they  instigated  the  heathen 
against  the  Christians,  225,  227  ;  en- 
joyed religious  toleration,  263,  301 ; 
expelled  from  Rome,  296  ;  were  hated 
by  the  Greeks,  302 ;  held  that  the  end 
justifies  the  means,  375  ;  their  singular 
reserve  in  the  interview  with  Paul  at 
Rome,  457. 

Joel,  his  prophecy  (3,  1 — 5)  explained, 
58  sq. 

John  the  Baptist,  his  disciples,  309  sq. ; 
his  confessed  inferiority  to  Christ,  216 ; 
nature  of  his  baptism,  307  ;  by  whom 
slain,  388. 

Joppa,  how  far  from  Lydda,  172;  its 
present  name,  173. 

Josephus,  his  shipwreck  in  the  Adriatic, 
430. 

Judas  the  Galilean,  the  place  of  his  birth, 
111;  ground  of  his  opposition  to  the 
Roman  government,  112. 

Judas  the  traitor,  his  end  well  known 
at  Jerusalem,  43;  no  inconsistency 
in  the  different  accounts  of  his  death, 
44. 

Judgment,  day  of,  80  sq. ;  to  be  universal, 
186,  294 ;  for  the  righteous  and  the 
wicked,  384 ;  moral  effect  of  looking 
for,  385. 

Julius,  his  kindness  to  Paul,  412. 

Justin  Martyr,  his  testimony  concerning 
the  Sabbath,  330. 


K. 


Kefr  Saba,  the  supposed  site  of  Antipa- 
tris,  378. 

Kingdom  of  God,  sense  of  the  phrase,  235. 

Kinqdom  of  Christ  as  Mediator,  tempo- 
rary, 68. 


472 


INDEX, 


KIrchhofer,  his  work  on  the  New  Testa- 
ment Canon,  11. 

Kislion,  river  near  Carmel,  348. 

Knobel,  his  Volkertafel,  124. 

Konieh,  226. 

Koitra,  a  point  at  the  entrance  of  St. 
Paiir  s  Bay,  434 ;  the  scene  of  a  mod- 
ern shipwreck,  434  sq. 

Kurtz,  his  article  on  "  The  Angel  of  the 
Lord,"  136. 


Laiti/,  denied  the  cup  by  Catholics,  71. 

Lange,  his  Leben  Jesu,  329. 

Laoaicea,  whether  visited  by  Paul,  355. 

Lasfea,  its  site  identified,  417  sq. 

Latin,  not  used  in  the  courts,  380. 

Lutinisms  in  the  Greek  of  tlie  New  Testa- 
ment, 193,  313,  360. 

Law,  tiie  higher,  107. 

Laijing  on  of  hands,  its  significance,  116. 

Levites,  as  a  temple-guard,  85  ;  their 
right  of  property,  98. 

Leirin,  his  Life  and  Epistles  of  Paul,  369. 

Liberality  of  the  first  Christians,  72 ;  of 
the  believers  at  Antioch  for  those  in 
Judea,  194  ;  true  rule  of,  194. 

Libertines,  who  they  were,  117. 

Lie-to,  a  sea  phrase,  429. 

Lucian,  his  account  of  the  ship  driven 
into  the  Piraeus,  439. 

Luke,  the  writer  of  the  Acts,  11 ;  peculi- 
arities of  his  style,  13;  sketch  of  his 
life,  14  sq. ;  value  of  his  testimony  as 
a  physician,  15;  examples  of  his  ac- 
curacy as  an  historian,  174,  196,  209, 
263,  272,  277,  300,  379,  449  ;  has  not 
shown  himself  ignorant  of  Jewish  cus- 
toms, 181  ;  his  first  connection  with 
Paul,  256 ;  writes  as  an  eyewitness, 
264,-331,345;  abounds  in  the  use  of 
nautical  terms,  415  ;  traces  of  his  medi- 
cal profession,  450. 

Luthardt,  his  review  of  Meyer,  215. 

Lutro,  perliaps  Plioinix  in  Crete,  420. 

L^j/caonia,  its  extent,  228. 

Llycaonian  dialect,  what  is  known  of  it, 
230. 

Lydia,  her  name,  259 ;  members  of 
her  household,  259. 

Lysias,  why  he  fivvorcd  Paul,  375 ;  his 
letter,  376 ;  his  misrepresentation,  3 

Lystra,  its  bearing  from  Iconium,  228  ; 
exact  position  not  fixed,  228. 


M. 


Macedonia,  how  applied  by  the  Greeks, 

257  ;  its  Koman  signification,  298. 
31/(/c;o,  tlic  i)rcfect,  461. 
Madiam  or  Midian,  where  situated,  135. 


Malta,  445. 

Maltese  language,  446. 

Munatn,  in  what  sense  "  brought  up  with 
Herod,"  205. 

Marches,  how  rapidly  peiformed  by 
ancient  armies,  378  sq. 

Mark,  iiis  relationship  to  Baniabas,  204 ; 
in  what  capacity  he  attended  Paul, 
208 ;  his  abrupt  return  from  the  mis- 
sion, 212;  regained  the  apostles' con- 
fidence, 259. 

Markets,  the  resort  of  loungers,  273 ; 
courts  held  in  them,  273,  323. 

Martyr,  how  distinguished  in  sense  from 
witness,  364. 

Mutala,  cape  of,  422. 

Medina,  448. 

Meledu,  not  the  island  where  Paul  was 
wrecked,  444  sq. 

Melita,  why  not  recognized  by  the  marin- 
ers, 440;  the  island  where  Paul  was 
wrecked,  445  ;  its  extent,  445 ;  annexed 
to  the  prajtorship  of  Sicily,  448. 

Mestara  Valley,  441 . 

Middle  voice,  how  used,  364. 

Milctian  sj)eecli,  attested  as  genuine,  343. 

Miletus,  how  far  from  Ephesus,  333 ;  ad- 
dress of  Paul  there  to  the  Ephesian 
elders,  334  ;  how  far  from  the  sea,  344. 

Milton,  293,  345. 

Miracles,  how  designated,  and  import  of 
the  terms,  62  sq. ;  what  rendered  those 
at  Ephesus  remarkable,  313. 

Mitylene,  333. 

Mohammedan  monks,  322. 

Mole  at  Pozzuoli,  452. 

Moloch,  how  to  be  understood  in  Steph- 
en's speech,  139. 

Morier,  his  Travels,  371. 

31oses,  how  a  mediator  like  Christ,  83 ; 
his  age,  135;  his  eloquence,  137;  how 
regarded  by  Stephen,  137. 

Mosque  of  Omar,  358. 

Moveis,  his  explanation  of  Rcmphan, 
140. 

Myra,  its  situation,  the  ruins  found 
tliere,  414. 


Name  of  the  Lord,  meaning  of,  62,  68. 

Names  used  among  tiie  Jews,  210;  of 
places,  permanent,  375. 

Narir/ation,  in  what  part  of  the  year  com- 
menced and  dosed  by  the  ancients, 
418  ;  how  regulated  at  a  distance  from 
the  land,  432. 

Nazarene,  how  applied  to  Christ,  62,  lo, 
89. 

Nazarites,  rules  to  which  they  were  sub- 
ject, 304,  3.^)3  ;  their  expenses  defrayed 
often  by  others,  353. 

Nazoraans,  310. 


INDEX. 


473 


Neapolis,  whether  Paul  landed  there,  257, 

Neby  Dauid,  a  mosque,  65 ;  that  of  Is- 
mail, view  from,  412. 

Negatives,  not  confounded,  164. 

NicopoUs,  379. 

Numerals,  how  constracted,  74,  332 ;  in- 
definite use  of,  376. 


O. 


Obedience  to  God,  the  first  law,  107. 

Olivet,  orip;in  of  the  name,  40. 

Omissions  in  the  Acts  show  the  historj'  to 
be  independent  of  the  Epistles,  264. 

Oracles  abolished,  345. 

Ordination  of  Timothy,  253. 

Oriental  Customs,  laying  gifts  at  the  feet 
of  kings,  97  ;  imposition  of  hands,  116; 
uncovering  tlie  feet,  136;  siiaking  oft" 
the  dust  of  the  feet,  225 ;  rending  the 
gai-ments,  231 ;  throwing  dust  into  the 
air,  366 ;  silence  enjoined  by  striking 
on  the  mouth,  370  sq. 

Orontes  connected  Antioch  with  the  sea, 
206  sq. 

Orti/gia,  451. 

Overseer,  same  as  bishop,  334. 


Paplios,  what  place  of  this  name  intended. 


Paronomasia,  a  striking  case,  155. 

Participle  past  with  a  past  verb,  348. 

Parthia,  its  boundaries,  55. 

Pastoral  Epistles,  when  written,  462,  463. 

Paul,  year  of  his  conversion,  22  ;  how  old 
then,  144;  early  life  and  training,  145 
how  long  he  remained  in  Arabia,  167 
his  first  journey  to  Jerusalem,  169 
mode  of  his  journey  from  Ctesarea  to 
Tarsus,  170  ;  how  long  he  remained  in 
Syria  and  Cilicia,  170;  why  he  says 
nothing  of  his  alms-visit  to  Jerusa- 
lem, 195;  in  what  year  he  made  his 
second  journey  to  Jerusalem,  204  ;  why 
his  name  was  changed  from  Saul  to 
Paul,  210 ;  encountered  "  perils  of 
rivers  "  and  "  perils  of  robbers  "  in  the 
Pisidian  highlands,  213  ;  how  long  he 
was  absent  on  his  first  mission,  238  ; 
his  i-elation  to  Barnabas  after  their  se- 
paration, 251  ;  year  in  which  he  de- 
parted on  his  second  mission,  251  ;  on 
what  piinciple  he  circumcised  Timo- 
thy, 253 ;  why  he  neglected  to  plead  his 
Roman  citizenship  at  Philippi,  269  sq.; 
Avhether  he  was  tried  before  the  court 
of  the  Areiopagus,  280  sq.  ;  the  trade 
at  which  he  wrought,  297  ;  how  long 
he  was  absent  on  his  second  tour,  305 
sq. ;  his  mode  of  preaching  atEphesus, 

GO 


323  ;  his  unrecorded  visit  to  Corinth, 
325  ;  characteristic  of  him  that  he  re- 
fers so  often  to  his  own  example,  336 ; 
duration  of  his  third  missionary  tour, 
351  ;  his  attempt  to  conciliate  the  Jew- 
ish believers  justifiable,  352;  at  what 
age  he  entered  the  school  of  Gamaliel, 
362  ;  his  zeal  as  a  Pharisee,  362  ;  how 
he  acquired  his  Roman  citizenship, 
368;  noble-minded  confession  of  his 
error,  372 ;  how  he  viewed  his  perse- 
cution of  the  church,  399  ;  was  not  a 
member  of  the  Sanhedrim,  400  ;  when 
he  preached  in  Judea,  404  ;  manner  in 
which  he  replied  to  the  charge  of  in- 
sanity, 406  ;  his  accuraey  vindicated, 
420 ;  his  calmness  amid  the  tempest, 
433 ;  his  ascendency  over  others,  433, 
453  ;  how  he  felt  on  approaching 
Rome,  454  ;  how  he  became  known  to 
the  Prajtorians,  456  ;  his  last  words 
recorded  by  Luke,  460  ;  his  condition 
wliile  he  was  a  prisoner  at  Rome,  461 ; 
his  companions  at  that  time,  461  ; 
whether  he  was  released,  462  ;  his  sub- 
sequent labors,  462  sq. ;  his  joy  in  the 
prospect  of  death,  463. 

Pentecost,  of  what  commemorative,  50; 
how  long  it  continued,  356. 

Pen/a,  Paul's  course  thither,  212  ;  its  site 
described  by  Sir  C.  Fellows,  212. 

Periplus,  of  Arrian,  421,  422. 

Peter,  an  aflSnity  between  his  speeches 
and  his  Epistles,  17  ;  why  he  repre- 
sented the  pardon  of  Simon  as  doubt- 
ful, 151;  had  not  the  ordinary  Jewish 
prejudices,  174;  how  he  regarded  the 
homage  of  Cornelius,  180;  devolved 
baptism  on  his  assistants,  1 88 ;  manner 
in  which  he  was  chained,  197 ;  his 
journey  to  Rome,  200  ;  posture  in 
which  he  was  crucified,  201 ;  in  what 
sense  he  first  preached  to  the  heathen, 
241;  his  last  recorded  act,  243;  at 
what  time  he  arrived  at  Antioch,  306. 

Peutinger's  Table,  208. 

Pharaoh,  his  policy  towards  the  Hebrews, 
132  sq. 

Pharisees,  their  opinions,  373  ;  represented 
as  strict  by  Josephus,  398. 

Philip,  in  what  city  of  Samaria  he 
preached,  147;  his  "residence  at  Cassa- 
rea,  159  ;  why  he  was  called  an  Evan- 
gelist, 348. 

Philippi,  its  port,  257  ;  its  rank  as  a  city, 
257  ;  few  Jews  reside  there,  258  ;  why 
its  magistrates  were  called  praetors, 
263;  character  of  the  church  thero, 
271. 

Philippi,  Prof.,  his  mode  of  accounting 
for  tlie  silence  of  the  Jews  in  regard  to 
the  Roman  Christians,  458. 

PliUippians,  Epistle  to,  462. 


474 


INDEX. 


Phlneka,  422. 

Phoenicia,  how  extensive,  190. 

Phmiix,  its  situiition,  420 ;  direction  in 
wliirh  its  harbor  opened,  421  ;  ]\Lr. 
Sinitli's  view  untenable,  421. 

Phn/i/ia,  how  bounded,  56 ;  little  known, 
255. 

Pliii;/,  his  letters,  312,  401. 

Plou(//i,  used  in  the  East,  402. 

Potiidirhs,  accurately  used.  274. 

Pools,  around  Jerusalem,  70. 

Porta  Nomentana,  455 ;  San  Sebastiano, 
454. 

Portress,  among  the  Jews,  199. 

Possfssion,  demoniac,  distinguished  from 
ordinary  disease,  104,  147  sq. 

P^-tt(r's  Field,  its  situation,  46. 

Pozzuoli,  452. 

Pratorium,  at  Cicsarea,  380;  at  Rome, 
455. 

Prai/er,  at  what  hours  offered  by  tlie 
Jews,  58,  73  ;  was  addressed  to  Christ 
by  the  first  disciples,  48,  165;  a  part 
of  the  preacher's  work,  115;  wbetlicr 
uttered  in  concert,  94  ;  the  attitude  in 
which  it  was  offered,  343  ;  was  the 
means  of  saving  Paul's  companions  in 
the  ship,  433. 

Precipices,  south  of  Jerusalem,  45. 

Preshi/ters,  how  elected,  235  sq. ;  Nean- 
dcr's  view,  235  sq. ;  origin  of  the  term, 
236  sq  ;  same  as  bishops,  334. 

Priests,  divided  into  classes,  85  ;  distin- 
guished from  Levites,  98 ;  many  con- 
verted, 116. 

Prisoners,  in  what  manner  they  were 
chained,  197  ;  were  subject  to  different 
degrees  of  rigor,  387, 388. 460  sq.  some- 
times wore  their  chains  v/hen  on  trial, 
407  ;  were  often  sent  to  Kome  from  the 
provinces,  409 ;  were  committed  to  the 
pr.Ttorian  prefect,  461. 

Proconsuls,  how  distinguished  from  pro- 
pra'tors,  209. 

Prodi'iies,  how  precursors  of  calamity,  61. 

Pro/iJusi/inr;,  Scripture  sense  of,  59. 

Pro/)It(ts,  how  i-elatcd  to  teachers,  204. 

Pnisfiic/ia,  at  Thilipiii,  258. 

Protistinits,  their  view  of  tiie  gospel,  116. 

Provrrhs,  examples  of,  3(;2,  402,  438. 

Prorinces  divided  into  imi)erial  and  sena- 
torian,  209. 

Pa7(//h.9  explained  (69,  25,)46sq.;  (109, 
8).  47;  (16,  8—11),  64;  (118,  22), 
90;   (2,  1.  2),  94. 

Ptolcmais,  situation  and  modem  name, 
348. 

Puhlius,  his  title  confirmed  by  inscrip- 
tions lately  found,  449  ;  a  question  as 
to  his  rank,  449. 

Purpose,  of  God  in  saving  men,  244. 
.Puteoli,  its  situation,  452;  entry-port  of 
the  wheat  ships,  452. 


Q. 


Quaternion,  197. 

Quatuorviri,  where  found,  263. 

Queen,  Candace,  154  ;  of  Adiabene,  194. 

Qui  fucit,  &.(:.,  a  law  phrase,  44, 

Quirina,  a  Roman  ti'ibe,  449. 

Quotations  fVcm  the  Old  Testament,  how 
a]jplied  sometimes  in  the  Nfcw,  46 ; 
with  what  degree  of  verbal  accuracy 
made,  58,  79  sq.  140,  222,  244  ;  why 
confoi-med  to  the  Septuagint,  244. 

R. 

Ras-eJ-Abiad,  a  cape,  412. 

Readings,  various,  occur  in  the  Acts,  55, 
84,  158,  161,  249,  339,  348,  382,  424; 
many  of  them  unimportant,  395. 

Recorder,  at  Ephesus,  322;  his  Bpeech 
adroit,  324. 

Redemption,  effected  chiefly  by  the  death 
of  Christ,  339  sq. 

Refresliing,  times  of,  80. 

Remphan,  139. 

Repentance,  a  divine  gift,  108,  190,  259; 
required  of  those  who  received  baptism, 
216. 

Reservoirs,  how  used  in  the  East,  70. 

Restoration,  what  intended  by,  82. 

Resurrection,  that  of  Christ  ascertained 
confidently  by  his  disciples,  36  ;  proved 
the  Saviour's  mission,  47  ;  denied  by 
the  Sadducees,  86  ;  excited  the  ridi- 
cule of  the  Athenians,  294  ;  an  article 
of  the  Jewish  belief,  373  ;  efiect  of  the 
belief  of,  on  the  mind  of  Paul,  384. 

Rcuss,  his  Histoire  de  la  Theologie,  255. 

Revealer,  under  the  ancient  dispensation, 
identical  with  tiie  Logos,  136. 

Revelation,  imjjortant  law  of,  52. 

Rliei/ium,  now  Reggio,  452;  distance  to 
Puteoli,  452. 

Rheims  translation,  whence  made,  323. 

Rhodes,  345 ;  journey  thither  from  Beinit, 
346. 

Road  between  Bethlehem  and  Hebron, 
157. 

Roads  from  Jenisalem  to  Gaza,  153. 

Robinson,  his  description  of  j\Iars'  Hill, 
279  sq. ;  of  the  castle  of  Antonia,  357. 

Roofs,  how  built,  176. 

Romans,  Epistle  to,  327. 

Rudders,  in  ancient  vessels,  441. 


Sabbath,  Christian  traces  of  its  observ- 
ance in  the  New  Testament,  329  ;  rests 
on  ajjostolic  institution,  330. 

Surarii,  360. 

Sacrijices,  their  typical  import,  73. 


INDEX, 


475 


Sadducees,  their  principles,  86,  373. 

Salamis,  the  scenery  there,  207 . 

Salmone,  the  eastern  promontoiy  of  Crete, 
417. 

Salmonetta,  an  island  in  St.  Paul's  Bay, 
440. 

Salvation  gratuitous,  239. 

Samaritan.   Codrtx,  its  critical  value,  126. 

Samothrace,  256  sq. 

Sanhedrim,  its  organization,  87 ;  its  pro- 
ceedings public,  88,  91  ;  place  of  ses- 
sion, 119;  different  modes  of  designa- 
tion, 94, 160 ;  extent  of  its  power,  160; 
qualifications  of  its  members,  400. 

Schneider,  B,  Rev.,  extract  from  his  jour- 
nal, 347. 

Scorpion,  a  peculiar  scourge,  113. 

Scribes,  the  Jewish  scholars,  373. 

Sekucia,  the  great  seaport  of  northern  Sy- 
ria, 206  sq. ;  appearance  of  the  coun- 
tiy  from  the  bay,  207. 

Sepp,  his  Leben  Jesu,  168,  397. 

Sergius  Paulas,  his  office,  209 ;  his  title 
confirmed  as  correct,  209. 

Servant,  a.  title  of  the  Messiah,  77. 

Shekinah,  what  it  was,  123. 

Skips,  ancient,  their  size,  414  sq.,  438, 
sq. ;  how  they  were  undergirded,  426 
sq. ;  were  easily  shattered,  430 ;  could 
anchor  by  the  stern,  435  sq. ;  were 
steered  with  two  rudders,  441  ;  de- 
pended for  speed  chiefly  on  one  sail,, 
442  ;  had  figure-heads,  251 ;  how  rap- 
idly they  could  sail,  452. 

Shipwreck,  scene  of  Paul's,  443. 

Sidon,  its  harbor,  its  distance  fz'om  Csesa- 
rca,  412. 

Simon,  the  Magian,  character  of  his  pre- 
tensions, 148  ;  exposure  of  his  hypoc- 
risy, 1 50 ;  whether  indentical  with  a 
certain  other  Simon,  152. 

Sitnony,  how  the  word  arose,  150. 

Smith,  E.,  his  visit  to  Antipatris,  378. 

Smith, ./.,  his  work  on  "  The  Voyage  and 
Shipwreck  of  St.  Paul,"  411. 

Solomon's  Porch,  why  so  called,  76. 

Sonntag,  his  explanation  of  the  difficulty 
in  regard  to  Theudas,  110  sq. 

Spain,  Paul's  joui'ney  to,  462. 

Spirit,  see  Hoh/  Spirit. 

St.  Paul's  i3«j/," described,  440;  visit  to,  441 ; 
place  of  the  apostle's  shipwreck,  443. 

St.  Philip's  Fountain,  157. 

Stephanas,  his  family,  260. 

Stephen,  his  doctrines,  118  ;  nature  of  the 
accusation  against  him,  119;  analy- 
"sis  of  his  speech,  120  sq. ;  Neander's 
analysis,  121  ;  that  of  Luger  and  Baur, 
122;  was  probably  a  Hellenist,  123 
difficulties  in  his  discourse  examined 
125,  127,  129,  130  sq.,  139  sq. ;  his  dy 
ing  prayer,  145  ;  not  the  only  witness 
whose  blood  was  shed,  400. 


Stier,  on  the  discourses  of  the  Apostles,  87- 

Stoics,  the  tendency  of  their  philosophy, 
278. 

Straight,  the  street  so  called,  164. 

Striking,  as  said  of  winds,  424. 

Stuart,  Prof.,  his  Interpretation  of  the  six- 
teen tli  Psalm,  64  ;  his  view  of  Christ 
as  Mediator,  67. 

Sun,  darkening  of,  a  prophetic  symbol,  61. 

Synagogues,  how  numerous  at  Jerusalem, 
117  sq. ;  their  officers,  160;  punish- 
ment inflicted  in  them,  401. 

Syracuse,  how  far  from  Melita,  386. 


Tahor,  sea  visible  tUere,  412. 

Tarsus,  its  literary  eminence,  170;  its 
political  importance,  360  ;  did  not  pos- 
sess the  rights  of  Roman  citizenship,  368. 

TeUell-Hasey,  158. 

Temple,  how  its  services  were  performed, 
85  ;  its  destruction  foretold  by  Stephen, 
119;  constructed  so  as  to  shadow  forth 
spiritual  truths,  140 ;  regarded  with  ex- 
cessive veneration  by  the  Jews,  142 ; 
portion  of  it  interdicted  to  foreigners, 
356. 

Temple-sweeper,  322. 

Terracina,  454. 

Tertidlus,  his  gross  flattery,  381. 

Testament  Old,  as  divided  by  the  Jews, 
213. 

Theatres,  used  among  the  Greeks  for  pub- 
lic business,  202  sq  ,  319. 

Theophilus,  a  representative  of  those  for 
whom  Luke  wrote,  19;  his  rank  and 
country,  33. 

Thessalonians,  Epistles  to,  303. 

Thessalonica,  its  distance  from  Philippi, 
272  ;  result  of  Paul's  labors  there,  272 
sq. ;  how  long  lie  reinainoil,  274. 

Theudas,  why  not  mentioned  by  Joscphus, 
110;  may  have  been  referred  to  under 
a  diflferent  name,  111. 

Tholuck,  on  tlie  influence  of  heathenism, 
245 ;  on  Paul's  speeches  as  compared 
with  his  Epistles,  335  ;  his  mode  of  rec- 
onciling Luke's  account  of  the  Egyp- 
tian imposter  with  that  of  Josephus, 
359. 

Timothy,  was  a  native  of  Lystra,  252  ; 
why  required  to  be  circumcised,  253 ; 
whether  he  rejoined  Paul  at  Athens, 
276 ;  why  he  was  sent  from  Ephesus 
into  Macedonia,  316  ;  could  not  have 
written  any  part  of  the  Acts,  329 ; 
Epistles  to,  463 

Titus,  Epistle  to,  463 

Toleration,  granted  by  tlic  Eomans  to  the 
Jews,  369. 

Traditions,  among  the  Jews  sanctioned  as 


476 


INDEX, 


true: — in  regard  to  Abraham's  first 
call,  125  ;  in  regard  to  the  tomb  of  the 
patriarchs,  130  sq. ;  in  regard  to  tiie  age 
of  Moses,  135  ;  the  giving  of  the  law 
by  the  agency  of  angels,  142  sq. ;  the 
length  of  Saul's  reign,  216. 

Tres  Tahernte,  454. 

Troas,  correctly  distinguished  from  Mysia, 
255. 

Tro'iijllium,  name  of  a  town  or  an  island, 
333. 

Ti/iidale,  at  Wittenberg,  423. 

Ti/re,  the  emporium  of  Phoenicia,  346  ; 
its  ruins  beneath  the  Sea,  346  ;  the 
gospel  preached  there  at  an  early  pe- 
riod, 347  sq. 

Tyropaon,  369. 

U. 


Uiuhr/jirding  of  vessels,  how  performed, 

426. 
Unify   of  the  human  race,   asserted   by 

Paul,  289  sq. 
Unknown  God,  at  Athens,  285. 
Upper  Room,  its  use,  41,  331. 
f/r  of  the  Chaldees,  124. 
Urfa,  a  modern  city,  125. 
Usiter,  his  chronology,  125. 


Valrtla,  451. 

Valid  it  If  of  the  choice  of  Matthias  as  an 
apostle,  48. 

Valpy,  Notes  on  N.  T.,  444. 

\\)iiliin]rp,  not  imprecated  on  Simon  by 
tl'ie  apostles,  150. 

Virhais  in  His,  405. 

Via  A/ipia,  454. 

Vitir  from  the  Acropolis  at  Corinth,  296  ; 
of  ruins  at  Tyre,  346  ;  from  Nazareth, 
412. 

Vintage,  time  of  in  Palestine,  57. 

Viper,  why  extinct  in  Malta,  446 ;  its  bab- 
bits, 447. 

Virgil,  on  the  dangers  of  the  sea,  431. 

Vizin-,  Josepli's  ofhcc  in  Egypt,  129. 

Vo'.xnau  Hills,  4U. 

\'uiii(l.  Ills  translation  of  the  twenty-sev- 
enth chapter,  419. 

Vou;  whether  that  mentioned  in  18,  18 
was  Paul's  or  Aquila's,  303  ;  how  long 
that  of  a  Nazaritc  continued,  353. 

Voyages,  how  rapidly  made  iu  ancient 
times,  453. 


W. 


Wailing,  oriental  mode  of,  146. 

Wulcli,  his  Dissertationfcs,  etc.,  91. 

Way  Appian,  454. 

Way,  those  of  the,  161,  384. 

Wirlif,  source  of  his  translation,  323. 

Witsiler,  his  view  of  the  duration  of  Pen 
tecost,  356 ;  his  mode  of  reckoning  the 
twelve  days,  383. 

Windoivs,  how  made  in  Eastern  houses 
331. 

Winds,  which  prevail  in  the  Mediten-a- 
ncan  near  the  end  of  summer,  412; 
which  blow  oft"  the  land  on  the  coast 
of  Cicilia,  414;  as  denoting  points  of 
the  compass,  421  ;  change  suddenly 
from  the  south  to  the  north,  423  sq. ; 
those  from  the  east  apt  to  be  lasting, 
429 ;  at  what  rate  they  would  drive  a 
ship  situated  like  that  of  Paul  on  the 
voyage  to  Rome,  435. 

Winei-,  limits  assigned  by  him  to  Pro- 
consular Asia,  55 ;  his  opinion  of  the 
night-journey  to  Antipatris,  379. 

Witness  inward,  of  the  Spirit,  109. 

Women,  heathen,  converts  to  Judaism, 
225. 

Woolsey,  President,  suggestions  of,  274, 
449. 

Wordsworth,  his  Notes  on  tlie  Acts,  191. 

Worship,  began  at  dawn  in  the  temple, 
105;  nature  of  Sabaism,  139;  that 
of  the  temple  emblematical,  140;  per- 
formed at  the  river-side  by  the  Jews, 
258. 


Year  of  Paul's  conversion,  22. 

Yoke,  Jewish,  242. 

Young  man,  as  said  of  Saul,  144. 


Zahians  held  that  John  was  the  Messiah, 
310. 

Zealots  unknown  as  a  sect  till  after  the 
time  of  Christ.  42  ;  designated  those 
in  the  church  who  contended  for  Jew- 
ish rites,  352. 

Zeal  of  Paul  as  a  Pharisee,  362. 

Z'ller,  nature  of  his  objections,  87. 

Zion  Mount,  a  burial  place,  65. 


INDEX   II. 


The  following  are  the  Contents  of  the  History,  with  the  chapters  and  verses, 
and  the  pages  of  the  Commentary  on  which  the  sections  may  be  found. 


Chap. 

Veree. 

I. 

1-3 

" 

4,5 

'< 

6-11 

" 

12-14 

« 

1.5-22 

" 

23-26 

11. 

1-4 

" 

.-3-13 

" 

14-36 

" 

37-42 

'< 

43-47 

III. 

1-10 

" 

11-26 

IV. 

1-4 

" 

5-7 

" 

8-12 

" 

13-18 

'< 

19-22 

" 

23-31 

« 

32 --37 

V. 

1-11 

" 

12-16 

u 

17  2r, 

>' 

26-28 

" 

29-32 

" 

34-39 

" 

40-42 

VI. 

1-7 

8-15 

VII. 

1-16 

" 

17-46 

" 

47-53 

Page. 

Relation  of  the  Acts  to  the  Gospel  of  Luke,      -        -        -        -  33 

Promise  of  the  Saviour  to  send  the  Spirit,      .        -        -        -  36 

His  last  Interview  with  the  Disciples,  and  His  Ascension,        -  37 

Return  of  the  Disciples  to  Jerusalem, 40 

Address  of  Peter  on  the  Choice  of  a  new  Apostle,    -       -        -  42 

Appointment  of  Matthias  as  an  Apostle,        ...        -  48 

Descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit, 50 

Impression  of  the  Miracle  on  the  Multitude,  -        -        -  53 

The  Discourse  of  Peter, 57 

Effect  of  the  Discourse  in  the  Conversion  of  three  Thousand,  tiS 

Benevolence  of  the  First  Christians;  their  Joy,  their  Increase,  71 

Healing  of  the  lame  Man  by  Peter  and  John,        .        -        -  73 

Testimony  of  Peter  after  the  Miracle, 76 

The  Imprisonment  of  Peter  and  John,  ...        -  85 

Their  Arraignment  before  the  Sanhedrim,         -        -        -        -  87 

Testimony  of  Peter  before  the  Council,  -       -        -        -  89 

Decision  of  the  Sanhedrim, 91 

The  Answer  of  Peter  and  John, 92 

The  Apostles  return  to  the  Disciples,  and  unite  with  them  in 

Prayer  and  Praise, 93 

The  Believers  are  of  one  Mind,  and  have  all  Things  common,  m 

The  Falsehood  of  Ananias  and  Sapphira,  and  their  Death,  98 
The  Apostles  still  preach,  and  confirm  their  Testimony  by 

Miracles,         - 103 

Renewed  Imprisonment  of  the  Apostles,  and  their  Escape,  104 

They  are  arrested  again,  and  brought  before  the  Council,  106 

The  Answer  of  Peter,  and  its  effect, 107 

The  Advice  of  Gamaliel,  -        - 109 

The  Apostles  suffer  joyfully  for  Christ,  and  depart  to  preach 

Him  anew,  ..-.  113 

Appointment  of  Alms-Distributers  in  the  Church  at  Jerusa- 
lem,           11  i 

The  Zeal  of  Stephen,  and  his  Violent  Apprehension,       -       -  117 

Discourse  of  Stephen  before  the  Sanhedrim,  -        -        -  120 

History  of  the  Patriarchs,  or  the  Age  of  the  Promises,    -        -  123 

Age  of  Moses,  or  the  Jews  under  the  Law,     -        -        -        -  132 

Period  of  the  Temple  and  the  Prophets. 141 


478 


INDEX    II. 


Cl.ap. 

Verse.    | 

vrr. 

54-60 

VIII. 

1-3 

" 

4-8 

" 

9-13 

" 

14-17 

" 

18-24 

" 

G.S-o-S 

" 

3<J-40 

IX. 

1-9 

" 

10-18 

" 

19-22 

" 

23-25 

" 

2&-31 

" 

31-35 

" 

3G-43 

X. 

1-8 

" 

9-lfl 

" 

17-22 

" 

23-33 

" 

34-43 

" 

44-48 

XI. 

1-18 

" 

19-24 

« 

25,  26 

« 

27-30 

XII. 

1-2 

" 

3-5 

" 

C-U 

" 

12-17 

« 

18,19 

" 

20-24 

" 

25 

XIH. 

1-3 

" 

4-12 

" 

13-15 

" 

16-41 

" 

42-49 

" 

50-52 

XIV. 

1-7 

« 

8-13 

" 

14-18 

" 

19-28 

XV. 

1-5 

" 

6-12 

" 

13-21 

" 

22-29 

.< 

30-35 

" 

36-41 

Page. 

The  Death  of  Stephen, 143 

The  Burial  of  Stephen, 145 

The  Gospel  is  preached  in  Samaria,        -       -       -       -       -      147 

Simon  the  Sorcerer,  and  his  Professed  Belief,  -        -        -  1 18 

Peter  and  John  arc  sent  to  Samaria,       -        -       -       -        -      11;* 

The  Hypocrisy  of  Simon,  and  its  Exposure,     .       -       -        -  1.^)0 
Conversion  of  the  Ethiopian,  -        -       -       -        -        -      l')2 

Baptism  of  the  Eunuch,  .......  i.:7 

Christ  appears  to  Saul  on  the  way  to  Damascus,  -       -      159 

Ananias  is  sent  to  Saul,  and  baptizes  him,        .        -       .        .  164 
Labors  of  Paul  at  Damascus,  ....--      Ui7 

The  Flicrht  of  Paul  from  Damascus, 167 

Paul  returns  to  Jerusalem,  and  goes  thence  to  Tarsus,         -      169 
Peter  preaches  at  Lydda,  and  hjcals  a  Paralytic,         -        -        -  171 

Peter  visits  Joppa,  173 

Vision  of  Cornelius,  the  Centurion,  .....  174 

The  Vision  of  Peter, 176 

The  Messengers  anivc  at  Joppa, 178 

Peter  proceeds  to  Cajsarca, 179 

The  Address  of  Peter, 183 

Cornelius  and  others  i-eceivc  the  Spirit,  and  are  baptized,     -      187 
Peter  justifies  himself  at  Jerusalem  for  his  visit  to  Cornelius,    188 

The  Gospel  is  preached  at  Antioch, 190 

Paul  arrives  at  Antioch,  and  labors  there,  .        -       -        -  192 

Barnabas  and  Saul  are  sent  with  Alms  to  Jerusalem,       -        -  193 
Renewed  Persecution  at  Jcnisalcm,  and  Deatli.  of  James,    -      195 

The  Imprisonment  of  Peter, 196 

Miraculous  Liberation  of  Peter, 197 

Peter  repairs  to  the  house  of  Mary,  where  the  Disciples  are 

praying, 199 

Trial  and  Execution  of  the  Soldiers, 201 

Death  of  Ilerod  Agrippa  at  Caisarca, 202 

Barnabas  and  Saul  return  to  Antioch, 204 

Barnabas  and  Saul  are  sent  to  preach  to  the  Heathen,      -        -  204 
The  Journey  to  Cyprus,  and  its  Results,  .        .        .       '.      206 

They  proceed  to  Pcrga,  and  thence  to  Antioch  in  Pisidia,        -  212 

Discourse  of  Paul  at  Antioch, 213 

They  preach  a  second  time  at  Antioch, 223 

They  are  persecuted,  and  depart  to  Iconium,         ...      225 
They  preach  at  Inconium,  but  are  persecuted  and  flee  to  Lys- 

tra, 226 

Paul  heals  a  lame  Man  at  Lystra,    ------      229 

Speech  of  Paul  to  the  Lystrians, 231 

They  proceed  to  Derbc;  and  then  retrace  their  way  to  Anti- 
och in  Syria, 233 

Paul  and  Barnabas  are  sent  as  Delegates  to  Jerusalem,    -        -  238 

Speech  of  Peter  in  the  Assembly, 241 

Speech  of  the  Apostle  James,      - 243 

They  appoint  Messengers  to  the  Churches,  and  send  a  Letter 

by  them, 246 

Paul  and  Barnabas  return  to  Antioch, 249 

Paul  and  Barnabas  resume  their  AVork  in  difTcrcnt  Fields  of 
Labor, 250 


INDEX    II. 


479 


Chap. 

Terse. 

XVI. 

1-5 

" 

6-10 

" 

11-15 

,. 

16-18 

" 

19-24 

" 

25-29 

" 

30-34 

" 

33-40 

XVII. 

1-4 

" 

J^9 

" 

10-13 

14, 15 

" 

16-18 

" 

19-21 

" 

22-31 

" 

32-34 

XVIII. 

1-11 

" 

12-17 

" 

18-22 

" 

23 

" 

24-28 

XIX. 

1-7 

« 

8-12 

" 

13-17 

" 

18-20 

" 

21,22 

« 

23-27 

" 

28-34 

" 

3.5-40 

XX. 

1-G 

u 

7-12 

'< 

13-16 

" 

17-35 

" 

36-38 

XXI. 

1-6 

" 

7-16 

u 

17-26 

" 

27-30 

" 

31-40 

XXII. 

1-21 

" 

22-29 

" 

30 

XXIII. 

1-10 

" 

11-15 

Paul  and  Silas  revisit  the  Churches  and  Deliver  the  Decrees, 
They  prosecute  their  Journey  to  Troas,         -        .        .        . 
Paul  and  his  Associates  arrive  in  Europe,  and  preach  at  Phi- 

lippi> -        -        -        . 

Healing  of  a  Demoniac  Woman, 

Imprisonment  of  Paul  and  Silas, 

An  Earthquake  shakes  the  Prison, 

Conversion  of  the  Jailer  and  his  Family,  .       .        .        . 

They  are  set  at  Liberty,  and  depart  from  Philippi, 
They  proceed  to  Thcssalonica,  and  preach  there,    -       -       - 
The  Jews  accuse  Paul  and  Silas  before  the  Magistrates, 
Paul  and  Silas  proceed  to  Beroea,      ------ 

Paul  advances  to  Athens,        -.--..- 
How  he  is  affected  by  the  Idolatry  there,  -       .       -        . 

Paul  repaii's  to  Mars'  Hill  to  explain  his  Doctrine, 
Speech  of  Paul  on  Mars'  Hill,  ------ 

Paul  is  iiAerrupted,  and  leaves  the  Assembly,       -       -       - 
Arrival  of  the  Apostle  at  Corinth,  and  his  Labors  there, 
Paul  is  arraigned  before  Gallio,      ------ 

Paul  proceeds  by  the  way  of  Ephesus  and  CiEsarea  to  Jerusa- 
lem, and  thence  to  Antioch,  ------ 

Departure  of  Paul  on  his  Third  Missionary  Tour, 
Apollos  comes  to  Ephesus,  and  is  more  fully  instructed  in  the 
Gospel,  .-.-.----- 

Paul  comes  to  Ephesus,  and  re-baptizes  certain  Disciples  of 
John,     ----------- 

Paul  preaches  at  Ephesus,  and  confirms  the  Word  by  Miracles, 
The  Defeat  of  certain  Jewish  Exorcists,        .       .        -        . 
Many  are  converted,  and  confess  their  Sins,     -       -        .        - 
The  Apostle  proposes  to  leave  Ephesus,        -        -       .        - 
Demetrius  excites  a  Tumult  at  Ephesus,  -       -        .        . 

The  Mob  seize  two  of  Paul's  Companions  and  rush  to  the 

Theatre, 

Speech  of  the  City-Recorder,  who  quells  the  Uproar  and  dis- 
perses the  Multitude, 

Paul  proceeds  a  second  time  to  Greece,  and  returns  from  there 

to  Troas,        - 

Paul  preaches  at  Troas,  and  administers  the  Sacrament, 
He  and  his  companions  advance  to  Miletus,         ... 
Address  of  Paul  to  the  Ephesian  Elders  at  Miletus, 
He  prays  with  the  Elders,  and  embarks  again,     -        -        - 

They  continue  the  Voyage  to  Tyre, 

From  Tyre  they  proceed  to  Ptolemais,  and  thence  to  CiBsarca 

and  Jerusalem, 

Paul  assumes  a  Vow,  to  conciliate  the  Jewish  Believers, 
He  is  seized  by  the  Jews,  and  dragged  from  the  Temple,     - 
The  Roman  Commander  rescues  Paul  from  the  hands  of  the 

Jews, ---- 

Paul's  Speech  on  the  Stairs  of  the  Castle,        -        .        -        - 
He  pleads  his  Roman  Citizenship,  and  escapes  the  Torture, 
He  is  examined  before  the  Sanhedrim,  -        .       .        - 

Paul's  Speech  before  the  Jewish  Council,         .       -       -       - 
A  Conspiracy  of  the  Jews  to  slay  him,         -       .       .        - 


Page. 

252 
254 

256 
201 
203 
265 
266 
2G8 
271 
273 
274 
275 
270 
279 
284 
294 
295 
300 

302 
306 


309 
311 
313 
314 
315 
317 


322 


324 
329 
332 
334 
343 
344 

317 
350 
355 


3.57 
361 
366 
369 
370 
374 


480 


INDEX    II. 


Chop. 

Verse. 

XXIII. 

lG-'>2 

" 

•2.3-30 

" 

31-35 

XXIV. 

1-9 

" 

10-23 

" 

24-27 

XXV. 

1-5 

" 

6-12 

" 

13-22 

" 

23-27 

XXVI. 

1-23 

" 

24-2y 

" 

30-32 

XXVII. 

1-5 

"' 

6  121 

" 

13-10  1 

" 

17-20 

" 

21-20 

" 

27-32 

» 

33-38 

" 

39-44 

XXVIII 

1-10 

" 

11-lG 

" 

17-22 

" 

23-29 

" 

30,31 

Page. 

The  Plot  is  made  known  to  the  Roman  Commander,      -        -  375 

The  Letter  of  Lysias  to  Felix, 376 

Paul  is  sent  to  Felix  at  Ca;sarea,        -.-.-.  373 

TertuUus  accuses  Paul  before  Felix, 380 

The  Apostle's  Defence  before  Felix, 382 

Paul  testifies  before  Felix  and  Drusilla,         -        -        -       -  387 

Fcstus  refuses  to  bring  Paul  to  Jerusalem,       -        -        -        -  389 

Paul  appeals  from  Festus  to  Ctesar, 390 

Festus  confers  with  Agrippa  concerning  Paul,         -        -        -  392 

Paul  is  brought  before  Agrippa,     • 395 

His  Speech  before  Agrippa,       -..-...  396 

Answer  of  Paul  to  Festus, 405 

Agrippa  pronounces  him  innocent,            408 

Paul  embarks  at  CiEsarea  for  Rome,  and  proceeds  as  far  as 

Myra, 408 

Incidents  of  the  Voyage  from  Myra  to  Crete,  -  .  .  414 
A  Storm  rages  and  drives  the  vessel  to  Claude,  -  -  -  422 
They  undergird  and  lighten  the  ship,  but  despair  of  safety,  -  426 
The  Apostle  cheers  them  with  the  hope  of  Deliverance,  -  432 
The  Discovery  of  Land,  and  frustrated  Attempt  of  the  Mari- 
ners to  desert  the  Ship,  ---....  434 
Paul  renews  his  Assurance  that  their  Lives  would  be  saved,  437 
The  Shipwreck.  Those  on  board  escape  to  the  Shore,  -  -  440 
Their  Abode  during  tlie  Winter  at  Melita,    ...       -  444 

Prosecution  of  the  Journey  to  Rome, 450 

Paul  meets  with  the  Chief  Men  of  the  Jews  at  Rome,         -  4.56 

His  Second  Interview  with  the  Jew.s 4.39 

Condition  of  the  Apostle  during  his  Captivity,     -       -       -  460 


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Yahveh  Christ ;    or,  The  Jlemorial  Name.    By  Alex- 
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true,  it  is  of  unmeasured  importance  to  the  Church  and 

to  the  World." — Dr.  Taylor's  Introductory  Letter. 

The  Suffering  Saviour  ;  or.  Meditations  on  the  Last 
Days  of  Christ.  By  Frkd.  W.  Krumjucher,  D.D. ,  Au- 
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(1) 


GOULD    AND     LINCOLN   S    WOKKS. 


Thesaurus  of  English  Words  and  Phrases.   So 

classified  aud  anuu^od  as  to  lacilitate  the  expression 
of  ideas,  and  assist  in  literary  composition.  Xew  and 
improved  edition.  By  Peter  JI.^rk  Roiiur.  Revised 
and  Edited,  with  a  List  of  Foreign  words  defined  in 
English,  and  other  additions,  by  K.  Pk.\rs,  D.D.,  I'res. 
of  Brown  University.  12mo,  cloth,  SI. 50. 
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The  Plurality  of  Worlds.  A  Xew  EnraoN.    Trrrn  a 

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(2) 


IMPOHTA-NT    ^VOUKS. 


ANALYTICAL  CONCORDANCE  OF  THE  HOLY  SCMPTURES  ;  or,  The  Bible  presented 

»mder  ni,-;tinct  ami  Classitictl  Heads  m  Topics.  By  Johx  E.\dik,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  author  of  liUilical  Cyrlipanlia ; 
Dictionary  of  tlie  BiUe,  etc.,  etc.     One  Volume,  royal  octavo,  836  pp.    Cloth,  $3  ;  Sheep,  $3.50.     Just  I'lMUhed. 

The  publishers  -would  call  the  special  attention  of  Clergymen  and  others,  to  some  of  the  peculiar  features  of  thi.s 
great  work. 

1 .  It  is  a  concordance  of  svi^ects ,  not  of  vx>rds.  In  this  it  differs  from  the  commi  )n  concordance ,  which ,  of  course , 
it  does  not  supersede.     Both  are  necessary  to  the  Biblical  student. 

2.  It  embr.aces  all  the  topics,  both  secular  and  religious,  which  are  naturally  suggested  by  the  entire  contents  of 
the  Bible.  In  this  it  differs  from  the  Scripture  Manuals  and  Topical  Te.xt-books,  which  are  confined  to  religious  or 
doctrinal  topics. 

3.  It  contains  the  whole  of  thf.  BHAe  imtliout  abridgment,  differing  in  no  respect  from  the  Bible  in  common  use, 
except  in  the  classiScatiou  of  its  contents. 

4.  It  contains  a  synopsis,  separate  from  the  concordance,  presenting,  within  the  compass  of  a  few  pages,  a 
bird's-eye  view  of  the  whole  contents. 

5.  It  contains  a  table  of  contents,  embracing  nearly  two  thousand  lieads,  arranged  in  alphabetical  order. 

6.  It  is  much  superior  to  the  only  other  work  in  the  language,  prepared  on  the  same  general  plan,  and  is  offered 
to  the  public  at  much  less  cost. 

7.  The  purchaser  gets  not  only  a  Concordance,  but  also  a  Bible,  in  this  volume.  Tlie  superior  convenience  arising 
out  of  this  fact, — saving,  as  it  does,  the  necessity  of  having  two  books  at  hand,  and  of  making  two  references, 
instead  of  one, — will  be  readily  apparent. 

The  general  subjects  (under  each  of  which  there  are  a  vast  number  of  sub-divisions)  are  arranged  as  follows, 
viz.  :  —  Agriculture — Animals — Architecture — Army — Arms — Body — Canaan — Convent — Diet  and  Dress — Di-sease 
and  Death — Earth — Family — Genealogv — Uod — Hea\en — Idolatry — Idols — .lesus  Christ — .Tews — Laws — Magistrates 
— Man — Marriage — Metals  and  Minerals — Ministers  of  Religion — iliracles — Occupations — Ordinances — Parables  and 
Emblem.s — Persecution — Praise  and  Prayer — Prophecy — Proi-idence — Redemption — Sabbaths  and  Holy  Days — 
Sacrifice — Scriptures — Speech — Spirits — Tabernacle  and  Temple — Vineyard  and  Orchard — Visions  and  Dreams — 
War— Water. 

MENTAL   PHILOSOPHY ;  including:  the  Intellect,  Sensibilities,  and  Will.     Ey   Joseph 

Have.\,  Professor  of  Intellectual  and  Moral  Philosophy,  Amherst  College.     Royal  12mo. ,  cloth  S1.50. 

Prof.  Park,  of  Andover,  having  examined  a  large  portion  of  the  work  in  manuscript,  says,  "  It  is  DiSTi.vGUiSHiin 
for  its  clearness  of  style,  persjiicuity  of  method,  candor  of  si>irit,  acumen,  and  comprehensiveness  of  thought.  I 
liave  been  heartily  interested  in  it. " 

"  As  a  text  book,  it  is  possessed  of  rare  merit." — jV.  Y.  Ecangelid. 

;(J@-  ImmedLately  on  its  publication,  this  work  was  adopted  as  a  text  book  in  Brown  Vnii-ersiiy,  Mt.  Tlolynhe 
Seminary,  Amlu;rst  CMegii,  Spiiiyler  Institute,  N.  Y.  Worce-^ter  Female  dllege,  and  others. 

THE   GREYSON  LETTERS;   Correspondence   of  R.   E.  H.   Gkeysox,  Esq     Edited  by 

HE.N-RY  Rogers,  author  of  Eclipse  of  Failh,  etc.     12mo.,  cloth,  Sl.Co. 

Mr.  "  Gretso.v"  and  Mr.  Rogers  are  one  and  the  same  person. "  The  Letters  are  intellectu.al  gems,  radiant 

with  beauty  and  the  lights  of  genius." — Phila.  Chrit.  Obs.  •'  A  book,  not  for  one  hour  but  for  all  hours — to 
think  over,  to  dream  over,  to  laugh  over." — Bostrm  Jour.  "Containing  a  great  many  wise,  true,  and  original 
reflections,  and  written  in  an  attractive  style." — Boston  Courier.  "Full  of  entertainment,  and  full  of  food  for 
thought." — Phila.  Presbyterian. 

HISTORY  OF  CHURCH  ]\IUSIC  IN  AMERICA.    Treating  of  its  peculiarities  at  different 

periods  ;  its  legitimate  use  and  its  abuse  ;  ■with  Criticisms,  Cursory  Remarks,  and  Notices  relating  (o  Composers, 
Teachers,  Schools,  Choirs,  Societies,  Conventions,  Books,  etc  By  Nath.^xiel  D.  Gould,  Author  of  Social 
Ilarm/yiiy  ;  Church  Harmony  ;  Sacred  Minstrel,  etc.     l'2mo. ,  cloth,  75  cents. 

THE  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  JOHN  FOSTER.  Author  of  I>ecision  of 
Character,  Essays,  etc.  Edited  by  J.  E.  Ryl^vnt),  with  notices  of  Mr.  Foster,  as  a  Preacher  and  Companion. 
By  JoKX  Shefpard.     A  new  edition,  two  volumes  in  one,  700  pages.     12mo,  cloth,  $1.25. 

MALCOM'S  (NEW)  BIBLE  DICTIONARY  of  the  most  important  Names,  Objects,  and 

Terms,  found  in  the  Holy  Scriptures  ;  intended  principally  for  Sabbath  School  Teachers  and  Bible  Classes  By 
Rev.  Howard  Malcom,  D.D.,  President  of  Lewisburg  College,  Pa.     16mo,  cloth,  00  cts. 

A  COMMENTARY  ON  THE  ORIGINAL  TEXT  OF  THE  ACTS  OF  THE  APOSTLES. 

By  HoRvVTio  B.  Hackett,  D.D.,  Prof,  of  Biblical  Literature  ami  Interpretation,  in  the  Newton  Theo.  Institution. 

J8®-  This  mo.st  important  and  very  popular  work,  has  bn  n  tlniniiiL'-Uly  revised  (some  parts  being  entirely 
rewritten),  and  considerably  enlarged  by  the  introduction  of  iii)ii,at:iiil  ui'w  matter,  the  result  of  the  Author'.s 
continued  laborious  investigations,  since  the  publication  of  tlir  lii,  I  cviiii.,n,  aided  by  the  more  recent  published 
criticisms  by  other  distinguished  Biblical  Scholars,  in  this  country  un.l  in  Kurope. 

CRUDEN'S   CONDENSED  CONCORDANCE ;   a  New  and  Complete  Concordance  to  the 

Holy  Scriptures.     By  Alex^v.nder  Crdden      Recused  and  Re-edited  by  the  Rev.  Da\id  Ki.\'G,  LL.D.     Octavo,  cloth 

backs,  $1.25. 

The  prmcipal  variation  from  the  larger  book,  consists  in  the  exclusion  of  the  Bible  Dictionary  (which  has  always 
been  an  incumbrance),  the  condensation  of  the  quotitions  of  Scripture,  arranged  under  their  most  obvious  heads, 
which,  while  it  diminishes  the  bulk  of  the  work,  greatly  facilitates  the  finding  of  any  required  passage. 

We  have,  in  this  edition  of  Cruden,  the  best  made  better  ;  that  is,  the  present  is  better  adapted  to  the  purpose.i 
of  a  Concordance,  by  the  erasure  of  superfluous  references,  the  omission  of  unnecessary  explanations,  and  the 
contraction  of  quotations,  etc.  It  is  better  as  a  manual,  and  better  adapted  by  its  price,  to  the  means  of  many  who 
need  and  ought  to  possess  such  a  work,  than  the  former  large  and  expensive  edition. — Puritan  Becorder. 


GOULD  &  LINCOLN,  Publishers,  Boston. 

(3) 


IMPORTANT     ^VORKS 


KITTO'S  POPULAR  CYCLOPEDIA  OF  BIBLICAL  LITERATURE.    Condensed  from 

the  liirger  work.     By  the  Author,  John  Knro,  D.I).,  author  of  Pictorial  Bihk ;  History  of  Palestine  ;  Scrijilure 

Daily  JitxuHn{is,  etc.     Assisted  by  James  Taylor,  D.D.,  of  Glasgow.     With  over  Jive  hundred  Illustrations. 

One  volume,  octavo,  812  pp.,  cloth,  $3. 

This  CycloPvEdu  is  designed  to  furnish  a  Dictionary  op  the  Bible,  while  at  the  same  time  it  answers  the  place  of 
a  CoitMENTARY,  embodying  the  products  of  the  best  and  most  recent  researches  in  biblical  literature,  in  which  the 
scholars  of  Europe  and  America  have  been  engaged.  Tlie  work,  the  result  of  immense  labor  and  research,  is,  by- 
universal  consent,  pronounced  the  best  work  of  its  class  extant.  It  is  not  only  intended  for  ministers  and  theolotjical 
students,  but  is  also  particularly  adapted  to  parents,  SaUxdh-school  teachers,  and  the  great  body  of  the  reliffious  public. 

A  condensed  view  of  the  various  branches  of  Biblical  Science  comprehended  %i  the  work. 

1.  BiBUCAL  CKmasM. — Embracing  the  History  of  the  Bible  Languages  ;  Canon  of  Scripture ;  Literary  History 
and  Peculiarities  of  the  Siicred  Books  ;  Formation  and  History  of  Scripture  Texts. 

2.  Hl-touy. — Proper  Karnes  of  Persons  ;  Biographical  Sketches  of  prominent  Characters  ;  Detailed  Accounts  of 
important  events  recorded  in  Scripture  ;  Chronology  and  Genealogy  of  Scripture. 

3.  Geogra7«ht. — Names  of  Places  ;  Description  of  Scenery  ;  Btjundaries  and  Mutual  Relations  of  the  Countries 
mentioned  in  Scripture,  so  far  as  necessary  to  illustrate  the  Sacred  Text. 

4.  Arcil50i,(x;v. — ilanncrs  and  Customs  of  the  Jews  and  other  nations  mentioned  in  Scripture  ;  their  Sacred 
Institutions,  llilitary  AITairs,  Political  Arrangements,  Literary,  and  Scientific  Pursuits. 

5.  Physical  Scie-n'ce. — Scripture  Cosmogony  and  Astronomy,  Zoology,  Jlineralogy,  Botany,  Meteorology. 

In  addition  to  numerous  flattermg  notices  and  reviews,  personal  letters  from  Tiwre  than  fifty  of  the  most  distin- 
guished Ministers  and  Laymen  of  different  religious  demminations  in  the  country  have  "been  received,  '  '  '  ' 
commending  this  work  as  admirably  adapted  to  ministers,  Sabbath-school  teachers,  heads  of  families,  and 
Bible  students. 

The  following  extract  of  a  letter  is  a  fair  specimen  of  individual  letters  received  from  each  of  the  gentlemen 
whose  names  are  given  below  : — 

"  I  have  examined  it  with  special  and  unalloyed  satisfaction.  It  has  the  rare  merit  of  being  all  that  it  professes 
to  be  ;  and  very  few,  I  am  sure,  who  may  consult  it,  wall  deny  that,  in  richness  and  fulness  of  detail,  it  surpasses 
their  expectation.  Jlany  ministers  will  lind  it  a  valuable  auxiliarj' ;  but  its  chief  excellence  is,  that  it  fumi.shes 
just  the  facilities  which  are  needed  by  the  thousands  in  families  and  Sabbath-schools  who  are  engaged  in  the  im- 
portant business  of  biblical  education.     It  is,  in  itself,  a  library  of  reliable  information.',' 

W.  B.  Sprague,  D.D.,  Pa.stor  of  Second  Presbyterian  Church,  Albany,  N.  Y.— J.  J.  Carruthers,  D.D.,  Pastor  of 
Second  Parish  Congregational  Church,  Portland,  Me. — JoelHawes,  D.D.,  Pastor  of  First  Congiegational  Church, 
Hartford,  a.— Daniel  Sharp,  D.D.,  late  Pastor  of  Third  Baptist  Church,  Boston.— X.  L.  Frothingham,  D.D.,  lale 
Pastor  of  First  Congregational  Church  (Unitarian),  Boston. — Ephraim  Peabody,  D.D.,  Pastor  of  Stone  Chapel  Con- 
gregational Church  (Unitarian),  Boston. — A.  L.  Stone,  Pastor  of  Park  Street  Congregational  Church,  Boston. — 
John  S.  Stone,  D.D.,  Rector  of  Christ  Church  (Episcopal),  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.— J.  B.  Waterbury,  D.D.,  Pastor  of 
Bowdoin  Street  Church  (Congregational) ,  Boston. — Baron  Stow,  D.D.,  Pastor  of  Rowe  Street  Baptist  Church,  Boston. 
— Thomas  H.  Skinner,  D.D. ,  Pastor  of  Carmine  Street  Presbyterian  Church,  N.  Y. — Samuel  M.  Worcester,  D.D. ,  Pastor 
of  the  Tabernacle  Church  (Congregational) ,  Salem. — Horace  Bushnell ,  D.D. ,  Pastor  of  Third  Congregational  Church, 
Hartford,  a.— Right  Reverend  J.  M.  Wainwright,  D.D.,  Trmity  Church  (Episcopal) ,  N.  Y.— Gardner  Spring,  D.D., 
Pastor  of  the  Brick  Church  Chapel,  Presbyterian  Church,  N.  Y.— W.  T.  Dwight,  D.D. ,  Pastor  of  Third  Congregational 
Church,  Portland,  Me. — E.  X.  Kirk,  Pastor  of  Mount  Vernon  Congregational  Church,  Boston. — Prof.  George  Bush, 
author  of  iVotes  on  the  Scriptures,' K.  Y. — Howard  Malcom,  D.D.,  author  of  Bible  Dictionary,  and  President  of 
I>ewisburg  University. — Henry  J.  Ripley,  D.D.,  author  of  JVotes  on  the  Scriptures,  and  Prof,  in  Xe-ivton  Theo. 
Ins. — N.  Porter,  Prof,  in  Yale  College,  New  Haven,  Ct. — Jared  Sparks,  Edward  Everett,  Theodore  Frelinghuysen, 
Robert  C.  Winthrop,  John  McLean,  .Simon  Greenleaf,  Tlinmas  S.  Williams, — and  a  large  number  of  others  of  like 
character  and  standing  of  the  above,  whose  names  can  not  here  appear. 

HISTORY  .OF  PALESTINE,  from  the  Patriarchal  Ago  to  the  Present  Time ;  with  Intro- 
ductory Oiapters  on  the  Geography  and  Natural  History  of  the  Country,  and  on  the  Customs  and  Institutions  of 
the  Hebrews.     By  Jonx  Knro,  D.D.     With  uTp-wanl  of  two  hundred  numerations.     12mo.  cloth,  $1.25. 
A  very  full  compendium  of  the  geography  and  history  of  Palestine,  from  the  earliest  era  mentioned  in  Scripture, 
to  the  present  day  ;  not  merely  a  dry  record  of  boundaries,  and  the  succession  of  rulers,  but  an  intelligible  account 
of  the  agriculture,  habits  of  life,  literature,  science,  and  art,  with  the  religious,  poUtical,  and  judicial  institutions 
of  the  inhabitant.s  of  the  Holy  L-ind  in  all  ages.     The  dcscrii>tive  portions  of  the  work  are  increased  in  value  by 
numerous  wood-cuts.     A  more  "useful  and  instructive  book  has  rarely  been  jiubU.shed. — iV.  V.  Commercial. 

Wlioever  will  read  this  book  till  he  has  possessed  himself  thoroughly  of  its  contents,  will,  we  venture  to  say,  read 
the  Bible  with  far  more  intelligence  and  satisfaction  during  all  the  rest  of  his  life. — Puritan  Recorder. 

Beyond  all  dispute,  this  is  the  best  historical  comiiendium  of  the  Holy  Land,  from  the  daj-s  of  Abraham  to  thoso 
of  the  late  Pasha  of  Egypt,  Mehemet  Ali. — Edinliurgh  Jieriew. 

UuT  In  the  numerous  notices  and  reviews  the  work  has  been  strongly  recommended,  as  not  only  admirably 
ailapted  to  the  family,  but  also  as  a  text  book  for  Sabbath  and  weelc-day  scIumIs. 

A  TREATISE  ON  BIBLICAL  CRITICISM;  Exhibiting  a  Systematic  View  of  that  Science. 
By  Sami-el  Davidson,  D.D.,  of  the  University  of  Halle.  Revised  and  enlarged  edition,  two  elegant  octavo 
volumes,  cloth,  $5. 

These  volumes  contain  a  statement  of  the  sources  of  criticism,  such  as  the  MSB.  of  the  Hebrew  Bible  and  Greek 
Testament,  the  i)rincipal  versions  of  both,  quotations  from  them  in  early  writers,  parallels, — every  thing,  in  short, 
is  discussed,  which  properly  belongs  to  the  criticism  of  the  text,  comprehending  all  that  comes  under  the  title  of 
General  Introduction,  in  Introductions  to  the  Old  and  New  Testaments. 


GOULD  &  LINCOLN,  Publishers,  Boston. 

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